Luther: Praefatio

Multum diuque restiti illis, qui meos libros seu verius confusiones mearum lucubrationum voluerunt editas, tum quod nolui antiquorum labores meis novitatibus obrui et lectorem a legendis illis impediri, tam quod nunc Dei gratia exstent methodici libri quam plurimi, inter quos Loci communes Philippi excellunt, quibus theologus et episcopus pulchre et abunde formari potest, ut sit potens in sermone doctrinae pietatis, praesertim cum ipsa sacra biblia nunc in omni prope lingua haberi possint, mei autem libri, ut ferebat, imo cogebat rerum gerendarum nullus ordo, ita etiam ipsi sint quoddam rude et indigestum cahos, quod nunc nec mihi ipsi sit facile digerere.

I long and strongly resisted those who wished my books, or more truly the confusions of my lucubrations, to be published—for partly I did not want the labors of the ancients to be overwhelmed by my novelties, and the reader hindered from reading those works; and partly because, now by God's grace, very many methodical books exist, among which Philippi’s Loci Communes excel, by which a theologian and a bishop can be formed beautifully and abundantly, so as to be powerful in the utterance of the doctrine of piety—especially since the sacred Bible itself can now be had in almost every tongue. My books, however, as was to be expected, nay rather compelled by the lack of any order in the conduct of affairs, are themselves a certain rude and undigested chaos, which even I myself do not now find easy to digest.

His rationibus adductus cupiebam omnes libros meos perpetua oblivione sepultos, ut melioribus esset locus. Verum improbitas et importune pertinacia aliorum, qui mihi quotidie aures implebant, futurum esse, si ego vivus non permitterem edi, tamen post mortem meam essent certissime edituri ii, qui prorsus nescirent causas et tempora rerum gestarum, et ita ex una confusione fierent plurimae, vicit (inquam) eorum improbitas, ut edi permitterem. Accessit simul voluntas et imperium illustrissimi Principis nostri Johannis Friderici Electoris etc.

Moved by these reasons I wished that all my books, buried in perpetual oblivion, might find a better place. But the dishonesty and importune pertinacity of others, who daily filled my ears that if I, living, did not permit them to be published, yet after my death those very men would most certainly publish them, who utterly did not know the causes and times of the things done, and thus from one confusion many would arise, overcame (I say) their dishonesty, so that I permitted them to be published. At the same time was added the will and command of our most illustrious Prince John Frederick, Elector, etc.

qui iussit, imo coegit typographos non solum excudere, sed et maturare editionem.

who ordered, nay compelled, the typographers not only to print, but also to perfect the edition.

Sed ante omnia oro pium lectorem, et oro propter ipsum Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, ut ista legat cum iudicio, imo cum multa miseratione. Et sciat, me fuisse aliquando monachum, et papistam insanissimum, cum istam causam aggressus sum, ita ebrium, imo submersum in dogmatibus papae, ut paratissimus fuerim, omnes, si potuissem, occidere, aut occidentibus cooperari et consentire, qui papae vel una syllaba obedientiam detractarent. Tantus eram Saulus, ut sunt adhuc multi.

But above all I beseech the pious reader, and I beseech him for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he read these things with judgment, nay with much compassion. And let him know that I was once a monk, and a most insane papist, when I undertook this cause, so drunken, nay submerged in the pope’s dogmas, that I was most ready to kill all, if I could, or to cooperate with and consent to those who would deprive the pope of even one syllable of obedience. Such a Saul was I, as indeed many yet are.

Non eram ita glacies et frigus ipsum in defendendo papatu, sicut fuit Eccius et sui similes, qui mihi verius propter suum ventrem papam defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent, imo ridere mihi papam adhuc hodie videntur, velut Epicuraei. Ego serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter timui, et tamen salvus fieri ex intimis medullis cupiebam.

I was not so ice-cold in defending the papacy as Eccius and his fellows, who seemed to me to defend the pope more truly for their belly than because they dealt with the matter seriously; indeed they even now appear to me to laugh at the pope, like Epicureans. I pursued the matter seriously, as one who horribly feared the last day, and yet from the inmost marrow longed to be saved.

Ita invenies in istis meis scriptis prioribus, quam multa et magna humillime concesserim papae, quae posterioribus et istis temporibus pro summa blasphemia et abominatione habeo et execror. Dabis ergo hunc errorem, pie lector, vel (ut ipsi calumniantur) antilogiam tempori et imperitiae meae. Solus primo eram, et certe ad tantas res tractandas ineptissimus et indoctissimus, casu enim, non voluntate nec studio in has turbas incidi Deum ipsum testor.

Thus you will find in these my earlier writings how many and how great things I most humbly conceded to the pope, which in later and in these times I count as the utmost blasphemy and abomination and utterly detest. You will therefore ascribe this error, pious reader, or (as they themselves calumniate) an antilogy to the times and to my inexperience. At first I was alone, and certainly most inept and most unlearned to handle so great matters; for by chance, not by will nor by zeal, I fell into these turmoils — God himself I call to witness.

Igitur cum anno MDXVII. indulgentiae in his regionibus venderentur (promulgarentur volui dicere) turpissimo quaestu, ego tum eram concionator, iuvenis (ut dicitur) Doctor Theologiae, et coepi dissuadere populis, et eos dehortari, ne indulgentiariorum clamoribus aurem praeberent, habere eos meliora quae facerent, et in iis certus mihi videbar, me habiturum patronum papam, cuius fiducia tunc fortiter nitebar, qui in suis decretis clarissime damnat quaestorum (ita vocat indulgentiarios praedicatores) immodestiam.

Therefore, when in the year 1517 indulgences were being sold in these regions (I mean to say promulgated) for a most disgraceful quaestus, I was then a concionator, a young man (as they say) Doctor of Theology, and I began to dissuade the peoples, and to dehort them, that they should not lend an ear to the clamours of the indulgentiarii, to tell them to have better things to do, and in these matters I seemed certain to myself that I would have the pope as patron, on whose patronage I then relied strongly, who in his decrees most clearly condemns the immodesty of the quaestores (thus he calls the indulgence-preaching praedicatores).

Mox scripsi epistolas duas, alteram ad Moguntinensem archiepiscopum Albertum, qui dimidium pecuniae ex indulgentiis habebat, alterum dimidium papa, id quod tunc nesciebam, alteram ad ordinarium (ut vocant) loci episcopum Brandenburgensem Hieronymum, rogans, ut compescerent quaestorum impudentiam et blasphemiam, sed pauperculus frater contemnebatur. Ego contemptus edidi Disputationis scedulam simul et germanicam concionem de indulgentiis, paulo post etiam Resolutiones, in quibus pro honore papae hoc agebam, ut indulgentiae non damnarentur quidem, sed bona opera caritatis illlis praeferrentur.

Soon I wrote two letters, one to the archbishop of Moguntia, Albert, who had half the money from the indulgences, the other half to the pope, which I did not know then, and another to the ordinary (as they call him) of the place, the Bishop of Brandenburg, Hieronymus, asking that they curb the impudence and blasphemy of the quaestors, but the poor little brother was scorned. I, scorned, issued a little schedule of a Disputation and at the same time a German sermon on indulgences, and a little later also Resolutions, in which, for the honor of the pope, I argued that indulgences should not indeed be condemned, but that good works of charity be preferred to them.

Hoc erat coelum deturbasse et mundum incendio consumpsisse. Accusor apud papam, mittitur citatio mei ad Urbem, et consurgit totus papatus in me unicum. Haec aguntur anno MDXVIII.

This was as if heaven had been overthrown and the world consumed by fire. I am accused before the pope, a citation of me is sent to Rome, and the whole papacy rises up against me alone. These things occur in the year 1518.

sub comitiis Maximiliani Augustae celebratis, in quibus agebat legatum a latere pontificis Cardinalis Caietanus, quem Dux illustrissimus Saxoniae Fridericus, Elector Princeps, causa mea adiit, et impetravit, ne Romam cogerer ire, sed ipse me vocato rem cognosceret et componeret. Mox soluta sunt comitia.

under the assemblies held at Maximilian’s Augusta, in which the legate a latere of the pontiff, Cardinal Cajetan, was acting, whom the most illustrious Duke of Saxony, Frederick, Elector Prince, approached on my behalf and obtained that I should not be compelled to go to Rome, but that he himself, having summoned me, would examine and settle the matter. Soon the assemblies were dissolved.

Interim, quia fessi erant Germani omnes ferendis expilationibus, nundinationibus et infinitis imposturis Romanensium nebulonum, suspensis animis exspectabant eventum tantae rei, quam nullus antea neque episcopus neque theologus ausus esset attingere. Et fovebat me utcunque aura ista popularis, quod invisae iam essent omnibus artes et Romanationes illae, quibus totum orbem impleverant et fatigaverant.

Meanwhile, since all the Germans were weary of bearing the extortions, the market‑exactions and the endless impostures of the Roman nebulones, with suspended minds they awaited the event of so great a matter, which no one before—neither bishop nor theologian—had dared to touch. And that popular breeze favored me in some way, because those arts and Romanationes were already hateful to all, with which they had filled and fatigued the whole orb.

Veni igitur pedester et pauper Augustam, stipatus sumptibus et literis Principis Friderici ad senatum et quosdam bonos viros commendatitiis. Triduo eram ibi, antequam accederem Cardinalem, prohibebant enim viri illi optimi et dissuadebant summis viribus, ne citra salvum conductum Caesaris Cardinalem adirem, licet ille me singulis diebus per quendam oratorem vocaret. Erat hic mihi satis molestus, ut tantum revocarem, tum essent omnia salva.

I therefore came on foot and poor to Augusta, furnished with expenses and with letters of Prince Frederick recommending me to the senate and to certain good men. I was there for three days before I could approach the Cardinal; for those excellent men were forbidding and, with the greatest efforts, dissuading me from going to the Cardinal without the safe‑conduct of the Emperor, although he summoned me every day by a certain messenger. This was sufficiently troublesome to me that I only delayed, whereupon all would be safe.

Sed longa est iniuria, longae ambages.

But the injury is long, and the circumlocutions are long.

Tandem tertio die venit expostulans, cur non accederem Cardinalem, qui benignissime me expectaret? Respondi, mihi obtemperandum esse consiliis optimorum virorum, quibus essem a Principe Friderico commendatus, esse autem eorum consilium, ne ullo modo absque tutela Caesaris seu fide publica Cardinalem accederem, qua impetrata (agebant autem illi apud senatum caesareum, ut impetrarent) mox essem accesurus. Hic commotus ille: Quid?

At last on the third day he came demanding why I did not go to the Cardinal, who was awaiting me most kindly? I answered that I must obey the counsels of the best men, to whom I had been commended by Prince Frederick, and that their counsel was that in no way should I approach the Cardinal without the protection of the Caesar or a public safe‑conduct, which having been obtained (for they were urging the matter with the imperial senate that it be granted) I would soon go. Thereupon he, moved, said: What?

(inquit) putas Principem Fridericum propter te arma sumpturum? Dixi: Hoc nollem prorsus. Et ubi manebis?

(he said) do you think Prince Frederick will take up arms on your account? I answered: I would by no means wish this at all. And where will you remain?

Respondi: Sub coelo. Tum ille: Si tu papam et cardinales in potestate tua haberes, quid esses facturus? Omnem, inquam, reverentiam et honorem exhibiturus.

I answered: Under the sky. Then he said: If you were to have the pope and the cardinals in your power, what would you do? I replied: I would show every reverence and honor.

Tum ille, gestu Italico movens digitum, dixit: Hem. Et sic abiit, neque reversus est.

Then he, moving his finger with an Italian gesture, said: Hem. And thus he went away, nor did he return.

Eo die denunciavit senatus caesareus Cardinali, mihi esse datam Caesaris tutelam seu fidem publicam, admonens, ne quid asperius in me designaret. Hic fertur respondisse: Bene est, ego tamen faciam, quod mei officii fuerit. Haec fuere principia istius turbae, cetera ex actis infra cognosci poterunt.

On that day the Caesarean senate announced to the Cardinal that Caesar's tutelage or public faith had been given to me, admonishing him not to devise anything harsher against me. He is said to have answered: "Very well; nevertheless I will do what is my duty." These were the beginnings of that tumult; the rest can be learned from the acts below.

Eodem anno iam M. Philippus Melanthon a Principe Friderico vocatus huc fuerat ad docendas literas graecas, haud dubie, ut haberem socium laboris in theologia. Nam quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc organum non in literis tantum, sed in theologia, satis testantur eius opera, etiamsi irascatur satan et omnes squamae eius.

In the same year M. Philippus Melanchthon, having been summoned hither by Prince Frederick, was here to teach the Greek letters, doubtless that I might have a socius of labour in theology. For what the Lord has wrought through this organ not only in letters but in theology his works sufficiently testify, even if Satan and all his squamae be wrathful.

Anno sequente XIX. decessit in Februario Maximilianus, et factus est iure imperii vicarius Dux Fridericus. Tum desiit paululum saevire tempestas, et sensim obrepsit contemptus excommunicationis seu fulminis papistici.

In the following year 19, in February Maximilian died, and Duke Frederick was made vicar by right of the empire. Then the tempest ceased to rage a little, and contempt of excommunication or of the papistic thunderbolt gradually crept in.

Nam cum Eccius et Caracciolus ex Urbe attulissent Bullam damnatricem Lutheri eamque insinuassent ille hic, iste illic Duci Friderico, qui Coloniae tum erat Carolum recens electum cum aliis principibus suscepturus, indignissime tulit et magna fortitudine et constantia obiurgabat pontificium illum nebulonem, quod se absente perturbassent ipse et Eccius ditiones fratris Johannis et suam, et exagitabat eos magnifice, ita ut cum rubore et dedecore ab eo discederent. Intellexit Princeps ingenio incredibili praeditus artes Romanae curiae, et eos digne tractare novit, erat enim emunctissimae naris, et plus et longius olfaciebat, quam Romanenses aut sperare aut timere poterant.

For when Eccius and Caracciolus had brought from the City the condemnatory Bull of Luther and had insinuated it one here, the other there to Duke Frideric, who at Cologne was then about to receive Charles, newly elected, with other princes, he bore it most indignantly and, with great fortitude and constancy, rebuked that pontifical scoundrel — because, in his absence, he and Eccius had disturbed the dominions of his brother John and his own — and he drove them off splendidly, so that they departed from him with shame and dishonour. The Prince, endowed with incredible wit, perceived the arts of the Roman curia, and knew how to treat them worthily; for he had the keenest of noses, and scented more and farther than the Romans could either hope or fear.

Itaque deinceps ab eo tentando abstinebant. Nam et Rosam, quam vocant auream, eodem anno ei a Leone X. missam, nullo honore dignatus est, imo pro ridiculo habuit, ita desperare coacti sunt Romanistae a studiis fallendi tanti Principis. Et procedebat feliciter evangelium sub umbra istius Principis et late propagabatur, movebat eius autoritas plurimos, qui, cum esset sapientissimus et oculatissimus Princeps, non poterat nisi apud invidos suspicionem incurrere, quod haeresim aut haereticos vellet alere et tueri, quae res papatui magnum intulit detrimentum.

Thus thereafter they refrained from trying him. For even the Rose, which they call the Golden, sent to him that same year by Leo X., he deigned to honor with no distinction, nay regarded as a thing laughable; thus the Romanists were driven to despair of deceiving so great a Prince by their arts. And the Gospel advanced prosperously under the shadow of this Prince and was widely propagated; his authority moved very many, who, since he was most wise and most far‑sighted a Prince, could not but incur suspicion among the envious, because he would foster and defend heresy or heretics, a matter that brought great detriment to the papacy.

Eodem anno habita est Disputatio Lipsiae, ad quam Eccius nos duos, Carlstadium et me, provocavit, sed ego nullis literis potui impetrare fidem a Duce Georgio, ita ut non disputator, sed spectator futurus, sub fide Carlstadio data, Lipsiam ingrederer. Quis autem me impedierit, ignoro, nam adhuc erat Dux Georgius mihi non iniquus, quod sciebam certo.

In that same year the Disputation of Leipzig was held, to which Eccius challenged the two of us, Carlstadt and me, but by no letters could I obtain the assent of Duke George, so that, not as a disputant but as a spectator, under the pledge given to Carlstadt, I entered Leipzig. Who, however, hindered me I do not know, for Duke George was as yet not unfriendly to me, as I knew for certain.

Hic Eccius me accessit in hospitio dicens, sese audisse me detrectare disputationem. Respondi: Quomodo disputare potero, cum nequeam impetrare fidem a Duce Georgio? Ille: Si tecum, inquit, non licet disputare, neque cum Carlstadio volo, propter te enim huc veni.

Then Eccius came up to me in the lodging, saying that he had heard I was refusing the disputation. I answered: How shall I be able to dispute, when I cannot obtain the assurance from Duke Georgio? He said: If it is not permitted for you to dispute, then I do not wish to with Carlstadium either, for I came here on your account.

Quid si ego tibi fidem impetravero? Nunquid disputabis mecum? Impetra (inquam) et fiat.

What if I obtain faith for you? Will you then dispute with me? Obtain it (I say), and let it be done.

Abiit ille, et mox data est mihi quoque fides publica et facta copia disputandi.

He departed, and soon public trust was granted to me as well, and a copious opportunity for disputation was provided.

Faciebat hoc Eccius, quia certam sibi gloriam propositam cernebat, propter propositionem meam, in qua negabam papam esse iure divino caput ecclesiae. Hic patuit ei campus magnus, et occasio summa plausibiliter adulandi, et gratiam pontificis emerendi, tum odio et invidia me obruendi. Quod strenue fecit per totam disputationem, nec tamen sua firmavit, nec mea confutavit, ita ut ipse dux Georgius inter prandendum ad Eccium et me diceret: Sive sit iure humano sive divino papa, ipse est papa.

Eccius did this, because he discerned a certain glory set before him, on account of my proposition in which I denied that the pope is by divine law the head of the church. Here a great field lay open to him, and the highest occasion for plausible adulation, and to win the favor of the pontiff, and to overwhelm me with hatred and envy. Which he stoutly accomplished through the whole disputation, yet he established neither his own nor refuted mine, so that Duke Georgius himself, while dining between Eccius and me, said: Whether he be pope by human law or by divine law, he is pope.

Quod verbum, nisi argumentis fuisset motus, nequaquam dixisset, sed Eccium solum probasset.

That word he would by no means have spoken, had he not been moved by arguments, but he would have only proven Eccius.

Atque hic vide vel in meo casu, quam difficile sit eluctari et emergere ex erroribus, totius orbis exemplo firmatis, et longa consuetudine velut in naturam mutatis. Quam verum est proverbium: Difficile est consueta relinquere, et: Consuetudo est altera natura, et quam vere dicit Augustinus: Consuetudo, si ei non resistitur, fit necessitas. Ego, qui iam tunc sacras literas diligentissime privatim et publice legeram et docueram per septem annos, ita ut memoriter paene omnia tenerem, deinde primitias cognitionis et fidei Christi hauseram, scilicet non operibus, sed fide Christi nos iustos et salvos fieri, denique id, de quo loquor, papam non esse iure divino caput ecclesiae, iam defendebam publice, tamen id quod consequens erat non vidi, scilicet papam necessario esse ex diabolo.

And here see, even in my case, how difficult it is to wrest free and emerge from errors, when they are confirmed by the example of the whole world and by long custom changed as it were into nature. How true is the proverb: it is difficult to abandon what is customary; and: custom is a second nature; and how truly Augustine says: if custom is not resisted, it becomes necessity. I, who even then had read and taught the sacred letters most diligently, privately and publicly, for seven years, so that I held almost everything by memory, had then drunk in the first fruits of knowledge and of the faith of Christ — namely, that by the works we are not justified, but by the faith of Christ we are made righteous and saved — finally, the point of which I speak, that the pope is not by divine law the head of the Church, I already defended publicly; nevertheless I did not see the consequence that logically followed, namely that the pope must necessarily be from the devil.

Quod enim ex Deo non est, necesse est ex diabolo esse.

For what is not from God must necessarily be from the devil.

Sic absorptus eram (ut dixi) tum exemplo et titulo sanctae ecclesiae, tum consuetudine propria, ut papae concederem ius humanum, quod tamen, si non sit fultum autoritate divina, mendacium et diabolicum est. Nam parentibus et magistratibus paremus, non quia ipsi praecipiunt, sed quia sic est voluntas Dei, I. Pet. 3. Hinc est, quod minus iniquo animo ferre possum eos, qui pertinacius in papatu haerent, praesertim qui sacra vel etiam prophana non legerunt, cum ego tot annis sacra legens diligentissime tamen ita haesi tenaciter.

Thus I was absorbed (as I said) both by the example and title of the holy Church, and by my own habit, to concede to the pope a human ius, which nevertheless, if it is not supported by divine authority, is a mendacium and diabolic. For we obey parents and magistrates, not because they themselves command, but because thus is the will of God, I. Pet. 3. Hence it is that with less iniquitous spirit I can bear those who more pertinaciously adhere to the papacy, especially those who have not read the sacred or even profane [books], since I, after reading the sacred things most diligently for so many years, yet so stuck remained tenaciously.

Anno MDXIX. misit Rosam Leo X. (ut dixi) per Carolum Miltitium, qui multis egit mecum, ut papae reconciliarer. Is habuit 70 Brevia apostolica, ut, si Princeps Fridericus illi me traderet, sicuti papa per Rosam quaerebat, per singula oppida affigeret unum, et ita tutus me perduceret Romam.

In the year 1519 Leo X. sent Rosa (as I said) by Charles Miltitz, who did much with me, that I should be reconciled to the pope. He had 70 apostolic briefs, so that, if Prince Frederick would deliver me to him, just as the pope sought through Rosa, he would affix one in each town, and thus would safely conduct me to Rome.

Prodebat autem coram me consilium cordis sui, dicens: 0 Martine, ego credebam te esse senem aliquem theologum, qui post fornacem sedens ita disputasset, nunc video te esse adhuc integrum aetate et validum. Si haberem 25 milia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me Romam perduci, exploravi enim per totum iter animos hominum, quid de te sentirent, ecce, ubi unum pro papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra papam stabant. Illud vero ridiculum erat: exploraverat etiam mulierculas et virgines in hospitiis, quidnam de sede Romana sentirent?

Then the counsel of his heart came forth before me, saying: O Martin, I believed you to be some old theologian, who, sitting after the furnace, would dispute thus; now I see you still whole in years and strong. If I had 25,000 armed men, I would not trust that you could be conducted to Rome by me; for I have tested throughout the whole journey the minds of men, what they feel about you — look, where I found one standing for the pope, three stood for you against the pope. That indeed was laughable: he had even examined the little women and virgins in the hostels, what, pray, they felt about the Roman see?

Illae ut ignarae huius vocabuli et sellam domesticam cogitantes respondebant: Quid nos scire possumus, quales vos Romae habeatis sellas, ligneasne an lapideas?

They, ignorant of this term and thinking of a household sella (a domestic chair), answered: "What can we know about what sort of chairs you have in Rome — wooden ones or of stone?"

Rogabat itaque, ut consulerem ea, quae pacis essent, se omnem daturum operam, ut papa idem faceret. Ego prolixe quoque promisi omnia, quae ullo modo salva conscientia veritatis possem, promptissime essem facturus, me quoque esse pacis cupidum et studiosum, qui per vim tractus in has turbas necessitate adactus fecissem omnia, quae feci, culpam non esse meam.

He therefore begged that I counsel those things which were for peace, saying that he would put forth every effort that the pope do the same. I likewise at length promised that I would, as promptly as possible, do all things which I could in any way do with the conscience of truth kept intact; that I too was desirous and zealous of peace, and that I, who had been driven by force into these disturbances, compelled by necessity to do all that I did, was not to be blamed.

Vocaverat autem ad se Johannem Tetzel , praedicatorii ordinis, autorem primarium huius tragoediae, et verbis minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem hactenus terribilem cunctis, et imperterritum clamatorem, ut inde contabesceret et tandem aegritudine animi conficeretur. Quem ego, ubi hoc rescivi, ante obitum literis benigniter scriptis consolatus sum, ac iussi animo bono esse, nec mei memoriam metueret, sed conscientia et indignatione papae forte occubuit.

He had, moreover, summoned to him Johann Tetzel, of the order of preachers, the chief author of this tragedy, and with papal words and threats so broke the man, hitherto terrible to all and an undaunted declaimer, that he wasted away therefrom and at last was overcome by a sickness of spirit. Whom I, when I learned this, comforted before his death with kindly written letters, and bade him be of good courage and not to fear for my memory, but that he had perhaps succumbed to conscience and to the pope’s indignation.

Futilis habebatur Carolus, et futile eius consilium, sed, meo iudicio, si Moguntinus a principio, cum a me admoneretur, denique si papa, antequam me non auditum damnaret et bullis suis saeviret, hoc cepissent consilium, quod Carolus cepit, licet sero, et statim compescuissent Tetzelianum furorem, non evasisset res in tantum tumultum. Tota culpa est Moguntini, cuius sapientia et astutia eum fefellit, qua voluit meam doctrinam compescere, et suam pecuniam, per indulgentias quaesitam, esse salvam. Nunc frustra quaeruntur consilia, frustra coguntur studia.

Charles was held frivolous, and his counsel frivolous; but, in my judgment, if the Moguntine from the beginning, when he was warned by me, nay if the Pope, before he condemned me unheard and raged with his bulls, had taken that counsel which Charles took, albeit late, and had immediately checked the Tetzelian fury, the matter would not have burst forth into so great a tumult. The whole fault is the Moguntine’s, whose wisdom and craft deceived him, whereby he wished to repress my doctrine and to keep his money, sought by indulgences, safe. Now counsels are sought in vain, studies are driven in vain.

Dominus evigilavit et stat ad iudi- candum populos; etiamsi nos occidere possent, non tamen haberent quod volunt, imo minus haberent, quam nobis vivis et salvis habent. Id quod nonnulli inter eos, qui non omnino obesae naris sunt, satis olfaciunt.

The Lord has awakened and stands to judge the peoples; and even if they could kill us, yet they would not have what they desire, nay they would have less than they have with us living and safe. Which thing some among them, who are not wholly fat‑nosed, smell quite plainly.

Interim eo anno iam redieram ad Psalterium denuo inter- pretandum, fretus eo, quod exercitatior essem, postquam S. Pauli Epistolas ad Romanos, ad Galatas, et eam, quae est ad Ebraeos, tractassem in scholis. Miro certe ardore captus fueram cognoscendi Pauli in epistola ad Rom., sed obstiterat hactenus non frigidus circum praecordia sanguis, sed unicum vocabulum, quod est Cap. I: Iustitia Dei revelatur in illo.

Meanwhile that year I had returned to interpret the Psalter anew, relying on the fact that I was more practiced, after I had treated St. Paul’s Epistles to the Romans, to the Galatians, and that which is to the Hebrews in the schools. With a marvellous zeal I had certainly been seized to understand Paul in the Epistle to the Romans, but hitherto it had been obstructed not by cold blood about the heart, but by a single word, which is CHAPTER 1: The righteousness of God is revealed in it.

Oderam enim vocabulum istud 'Iustitia Dei', quod usu et consuetudine omnium doctorum doctus eram philosophice intelligere de iustitia (ut vocant) formali seu activa, qua Deus est iustus, et peccatores iniustosque punit.

For I hated that term 'Iustitia Dei', which by usage and the custom of all the doctors I had been taught to understand philosophically concerning justice (as they call it) — formal or active — whereby God is just and punishes sinners and the unjust.

Ego autem, qui me, utcunque irreprehensibilis monachus vivebam, sentirem coram Deo esse peccatorem inquietissimae conscientiae, nec mea satisfactione placatum confidere possem, non amabam, imo odiebam iustum et punientem peccatores Deum, tacitaque si non blasphemia, certe ingenti murmuratione indignabar Deo, dicens: quasi vero non satis sit, miseros peccatores et aeternaliter perditos peccato originali omni genere calamitatis oppressos esse per legem decalogi, nisi Deus per evangelium dolorem dolori adderet, et etiam per evangelium nobis iustitiam et iram suam intentaret. Furebam ita saeva et perturbata conscientia, pulsabam tamen importunus eo loco Paulum, ardentissime sitiens scire, quid S. Paulus vellet.

I, however, who, however irreproachable I lived as a monk, felt myself before God to be a sinner of the most restless conscience, nor could I trust myself to be appeased by my own satisfaction, did not love, indeed I hated, the just God who punishes sinners; and with a silence that was not blasphemy perhaps, but certainly with great murmuring I was indignant at God, saying: as if it were not enough that wretched sinners, eternally lost by original sin and oppressed by every kind of calamity under the law of the Decalogue, unless God by the gospel would add sorrow to sorrow, and even by the gospel would set his justice and his ire against us. I raged with so fierce and disturbed a conscience, yet I pressed Paul there incessantly, most ardently thirsting to know what S. Paulus meant.

Donec miserente Deo meditabundus dies et noctes connexionem verborum attenderem, nempe: Iustitia Dei revelatur in illo, sicut scriptum est: Iustus ex fide vivit, ibi iustitiam Dei coepi intelligere eam, qua iustus dono Dei vivit, nempe ex fide, et esse hanc sententiam, revelari per evangeliam iustitiam Dei, scilicet passivam, qua nos Deus misericors iustificat per fidem, sicut scriptum est: Iustus ex fide vivit.

While, God pitying, I pondered day and night and attended to the connexion of the words, namely: "Iustitia Dei revelatur in illo," as it is written: "Iustus ex fide vivit" (the righteous shall live by faith), there I began to understand the righteousness of God as that by which the righteous lives by the gift of God, namely by faith, and to hold this sentence — that the righteousness of God is revealed through the Gospel, namely a passive righteousness by which the merciful God justifies us through faith, as it is written: "Iustus ex fide vivit" (the righteous shall live by faith).

Hic me prorsus renatum esse sensi, et apertis portis in ipsam paradisam intrasse. lbi continuo alia mihi facies totius scripturae apparuit. Discurrebam deinde per scripturas, ut habebat memoria, et colligebam etiam in aliis vocabulis analogiam, ut opus Dei, id est, quod operatur in nobis Deus, virtus Dei, qua nos potentes facit, sapientia Dei, qua nos sapientes facit, fortitudo Dei, salus Dei, gloria Dei.

Here I felt myself wholly reborn, and with the gates opened I had entered into paradise itself. There immediately another face of the whole Scripture appeared to me. I then ran through the Scriptures, as my memory afforded, and I also gathered an analogy in other words, as opus Dei, that is, what God works in us; virtus Dei, by which he makes us powerful; sapientia Dei, by which he makes us wise; fortitudo Dei, salus Dei, gloria Dei.

Iam quanto odio vocabulum 'iustitia Dei' oderam ante, tanto amore dulcissimum mihi vocabulum extollebam, ita mihi iste locus Pauli fuit vere porta paradisi. Postea legebam Augustinum de spiritu et litera, ubi praeter spem offendi, quod et ipse iustitiam Dei similiter interpretatur: qua nos Deus induit, dum nos iustificat. Et quamquam imperfecte hoc adhuc sit dictum, ac de imputatione non clare omnia explicet, placuit tamen iustitiam Dei doceri, qua nos iustificemur.

Now, in proportion as I had once hated the term 'justice of God,' I raised the sweetest term to me with just as much love; so that that passage of Paul was truly to me the gate of paradise. Afterwards I read Augustine, On the Spirit and the Letter, where, beyond expectation, I was offended, because he too interprets the justice of God similarly: by which God clothes us while he justifies us. And although this is still imperfectly said, and does not explain everything clearly about imputation, it nevertheless pleased that the justice of God be taught, by which we are justified.

Istis cogitationibus armatior factus coepi Psalterium secundo interpretari, et processisset opus in magnum commentarium, nisi denuo per comitia Caroli V. Imperatoris Vuormatiam sequenti anno vocatus opus coeptum deserere fuissem coactus.

Strengthened by these reflections I began to interpret the Psalter a second time, and the work would have grown into a great commentary, had I not again been called by the diet of Emperor Charles 5 to Vuormatiam in the following year, and been compelled to abandon the work I had begun.

Haec ideo narro, optime lector, ut, si lecturus es opuscula mea, memor sis, me unum fuisse (ut supra dixi) ex illis, qui (ut Augustinus de se scribit) scribendo et docendo profecerint, non ex illis, qui de nihilo repente fiunt summi, cum nihil sint, neque operati, neque tentati, neque experti, sed ad unum intuitum scripturae totum spiritum eius exhauriunt.

I therefore tell this, most excellent reader, so that, if you are to read my little works, you may remember that I was one (as I said above) of those who, as Augustine writes of himself, profited by writing and teaching, not one of those who suddenly become the highest from nothing, when they are nothing—neither having labored, nor been tried, nor experienced—but from a single insight of Scripture exhaust its whole spirit.

Hactenus ad annum MDXX et XXI processit res indulgentiaria, post sequuntur res sacramentariae et anabaptisticae, de quibus in aliis tomis, si vixero, praefandum est.

Thus far the indulgence matter advanced to the years 1520 and 1521; following are the sacramental and Anabaptist matters, about which, in other volumes if I live, a preface will have to be written.

Vale, lector, in Domino et ora pro incremento verbi adversus satanam, quia potens et malus est, nunc etiam furentissimus et saevissimus, sciens, quoniam breve tempus habet et regnum sui papae periclitatur. Confirmet autem Deus hoc in nobis, quod operatus est, et perficiat opus suum, quod incepit in nobis, ad gloriam suam, Amen. V. Martii, Anno MDXLV.

Farewell, reader, in the Lord, and pray for the increase of the Word against Satan, for he is powerful and evil, now even most furious and most savage, knowing that he has a brief time and that the kingdom of his pope is endangered. May God confirm in us that which he has wrought, and may he perfect his work which he has begun in us, to his glory, Amen. 5 March, Year 1545.