Justinian•DIGESTA
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HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI46 sections
Justinian3 works
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CODEX12 sections
DIGESTA50 sections
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CARMINA9 sections
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LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM24 sections
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HISTORIARUM ADVERSUM PAGANOS LIBRI VII7 sections
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GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS5 sections
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DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI Mommsen 1st edition (1864)4 sections
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HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM24 sections
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Dig. 1.3.0. De legibus senatusque consultis et longa consuetudine.
1.2.0. On the origin of law and of all magistrates and the succession of the jurists.
Digest 1.3.0. On laws, senatorial decrees, and long-standing custom.
Dig. 1.6.0. De his qui sui vel alieni iuris sunt.
1.5.0. On the status of persons.
Dig. 1.6.0. On those who are of their own right or of another's right.
Dig. 1.9.0. De senatoribus.
1.8.0. On the division of things and their quality.
Dig. 1.9.0. On senators.
Dig. 1.12.0. De officio praefecti urbi.
1.11.0. On the office of the praetorian prefect.
Dig. 1.12.0. On the office of the prefect of the city.
Dig. 1.15.0. De officio praefecti vigilum.
1.14.0. On the office of the praetors.
Dig. 1.15.0. On the office of the Prefect of the Watch.
Dig. 1.18.0. De officio praesidis.
1.17.0. On the office of the Augustal prefect.
Dig. 1.18.0. On the office of the governor.
Dig. 1.21.0. De officio eius, cui mandata est iurisdictio.
1.20.0. On the office of the iuridicus.
Dig. 1.21.0. On the office of the one to whom jurisdiction has been entrusted.
Cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellet: iustitiam namque colimus et boni et aequi notitiam profitemur, aequum ab iniquo separantes, licitum ab illicito discernentes, bonos non solum metu poenarum, verum etiam praemiorum quoque exhortatione efficere cupientes, veram nisi fallor philosophiam, non simulatam affectantes.
For which reason one may with merit call us priests: for we cultivate justice and profess the knowledge of the good and the equitable, separating the equitable from the inequitable, discerning the licit from the illicit, wishing to make people good not only by fear of penalties, but also by the exhortation of rewards as well, pursuing, unless I am mistaken, true philosophy, not a simulated one.
Huius studii duae sunt positiones, publicum et privatum. publicum ius est quod ad statum rei romanae spectat, privatum quod ad singulorum utilitatem: sunt enim quaedam publice utilia, quaedam privatim. publicum ius in sacris, in sacerdotibus, in magistratibus constitit.
Of this study there are two positions, public and private. Public law is that which looks to the status of the Roman state, private that which looks to the utility of individuals: for certain things are useful publicly, certain privately. Public law consists in sacred matters, in priests, in magistrates.
Ius naturale est, quod natura omnia animalia docuit: nam ius istud non humani generis proprium, sed omnium animalium, quae in terra, quae in mari nascuntur, avium quoque commune est. hinc descendit maris atque feminae coniunctio, quam nos matrimonium appellamus, hinc liberorum procreatio, hinc educatio: videmus etenim cetera quoque animalia, feras etiam istius iuris peritia censeri.
Natural law is that which nature has taught all animals: for this law is not proper to the human race, but is common to all animals, those which are born on land, those which are born in the sea, and to birds as well. hence descends the conjunction of male and female, which we call matrimony, hence the procreation of children, hence their education: for we see that the other animals too, even wild beasts, are reckoned to have expertise in this law.
Manumissiones quoque iuris gentium sunt. est autem manumissio de manu missio, id est datio libertatis: nam quamdiu quis in servitute est, manui et potestati suppositus est, manumissus liberatur potestate. quae res a iure gentium originem sumpsit, utpote cum iure naturali omnes liberi nascerentur nec esset nota manumissio, cum servitus esset incognita: sed posteaquam iure gentium servitus invasit, secutum est beneficium manumissionis.
Manumissions too are of the law of nations. Now manumission is a sending-from-the-hand, that is, a giving of liberty: for so long as someone is in servitude, he is subjected to hand and power; once manumitted, he is freed from power. This matter took its origin from the law of nations, since by natural law all were born free and manumission was not known, since servitude was unknown; but after servitude, under the law of nations, made inroads, the benefit of manumission followed.
Ex hoc iure gentium introducta bella, discretae gentes, regna condita, dominia distincta, agris termini positi, aedificia collocata, commercium, emptiones venditiones, locationes conductiones, obligationes institutae: exceptis quibusdam quae iure civili introductae sunt.
From this law of nations there were introduced wars, peoples distinguished, kingdoms founded, ownerships (dominia) differentiated, boundaries set upon fields, buildings set in place, commerce, purchases and sales, lettings and hirings, obligations instituted: excepting certain things which were introduced by civil law.
Omnes populi, qui legibus et moribus reguntur, partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium hominum iure utuntur. nam quod quisque populus ipse sibi ius constituit, id ipsius proprium civitatis est vocaturque ius civile, quasi ius proprium ipsius civitatis: quod vero naturalis ratio inter omnes homines constituit, id apud omnes peraeque custoditur vocaturque ius gentium, quasi quo iure omnes gentes utuntur.
All peoples, who are governed by laws and customs, use partly their own proper law, partly the law common to all human beings. For that which each people establishes for itself as law is peculiar to that commonwealth and is called the civil law, as it were the proper law of that very commonwealth; but that which natural reason establishes among all human beings is equally observed among all and is called the law of nations, as the law which all nations use.
the praetor is also said to render justice even when he decides unjustly, the reference, namely, being made not to that which the praetor has thus done, but to that which it is fitting for the praetor to do.
in another signification, “ius” is said of the place in which justice is rendered, the appellation being transferred from that which is done to the place where it is done. which
place we can determine in this way: wherever the praetor, with the majesty of his imperium safe and with the custom of the ancestors preserved, has established to pronounce law, that
place is rightly called the “ius.”
Facturus legum vetustarum interpretationem necessario prius ab urbis initiis repetendum existimavi, non quia velim verbosos commentarios facere, sed quod in omnibus rebus animadverto id perfectum esse, quod ex omnibus suis partibus constaret: et certe cuiusque rei potissima pars principium est. deinde si in foro causas dicentibus nefas ut ita dixerim videtur esse nulla praefatione facta iudici rem exponere: quanto magis interpretationem promittentibus inconveniens erit omissis initiis atque origine non repetita atque illotis ut ita dixerim manibus protinus materiam interpretationis tractare ? namque nisi fallor istae praefationes et libentius nos ad lectionem propositae materiae producunt et cum ibi venerimus, evidentiorem praestant intellectum.
About to make an interpretation of the ancient laws, I judged it necessary first to go back to the beginnings of the city, not because I wish to make verbose commentaries, but because I observe in all matters that to be perfect which consists of all its parts: and assuredly the most potent part of anything is its beginning. Then, if for those pleading causes in the forum it seems a sacrilege, so to speak, to set forth the matter to the judge with no preface made, how much more will it be unsuitable for those promising an interpretation, with the beginnings omitted and the origin not resumed and with, so to speak, unwashed hands, immediately to handle the material of interpretation? For unless I am mistaken, these prefaces both lead us more willingly to the reading of the proposed material and, when we have come there, they furnish a more evident understanding.
Postea aucta ad aliquem modum civitate ipsum romulum traditur populum in triginta partes divisisse, quas partes curias appellavit propterea quod tunc reipublicae curam per sententias partium earum expediebat. et ita leges quasdam et ipse curiatas ad populum tulit: tulerunt et sequentes reges. quae omnes conscriptae exstant in libro sexti papirii, qui fuit illis temporibus, quibus superbus demarati corinthii filius, ex principalibus viris.
Afterwards, when the commonwealth had been increased to some degree, Romulus himself is handed down to have divided the people into thirty parts, which parts he called curiae, for the reason that at that time he managed the care of the republic through the votes of those parts. And thus he himself brought certain curiate laws before the people: the following kings also brought them. All of these exist written in the book of Sextus Papirius, who lived in those times, when Superbus, the son of Demaratus the Corinthian, was among the principal men.
Postea ne diutius hoc fieret, placuit publica auctoritate decem constitui viros, per quos peterentur leges a graecis civitatibus et civitas fundaretur legibus: quas in tabulas eboreas perscriptas pro rostris composuerunt, ut possint leges apertius percipi: datumque est eis ius eo anno in civitate summum, uti leges et corrigerent, si opus esset, et interpretarentur neque provocatio ab eis sicut a reliquis magistratibus fieret. qui ipsi animadverterunt aliquid deesse istis primis legibus ideoque sequenti anno alias duas ad easdem tabulas adiecerunt: et ita ex accedenti appellatae sunt leges duodecim tabularum. quarum ferendarum auctorem fuisse decemviris hermodorum quendam ephesium exulantem in italia quidam rettulerunt.
Afterwards, so that this might not be done any longer, it pleased by public authority that ten men be appointed, through whom laws might be sought from the Greek cities and the commonwealth
be founded by laws: which, written out on ivory tablets, they set up before the rostra, so that the laws might be more openly perceived; and the highest right was given to them
in that year in the state, to both correct the laws, if there were need, and to interpret them, and that there should be no appeal (provocatio) from them as from the other
magistrates. They themselves observed that something was lacking in those first laws and therefore in the following year they added two others to the same tablets:
and thus from the addition they were called the Laws of the Twelve Tables. Some have reported that the author of proposing these laws to the decemvirs was a certain Hermodorus, an Ephesian, exiled in Italy.
His legibus latis coepit ( ut naturaliter evenire solet, ut interpretatio desideraret prudentium auctoritatem) necessariam ^ necessarium^ esse disputatione ^ disputationem^ fori. haec disputatio et hoc ius, quod sine scripto venit compositum a prudentibus, propria parte aliqua non appellatur, ut ceterae partes iuris suis nominibus designantur, datis propriis nominibus ceteris partibus, sed communi nomine appellatur ius civile.
With these laws having been enacted, it began (as it naturally is wont to happen, that interpretation would desire the authority of the prudent) to be necessary ^ necessarium^ that the disputation ^ disputationem^ of the forum be held. This disputation and this law, which without writing came, composed by the prudent, is not called by any particular part, as the other parts of law are designated by their own names—proper names having been given to the other parts—but by a common name is called civil law.
Deinde ex his legibus eodem tempore fere actiones compositae sunt, quibus inter se homines disceptarent: quas actiones ne populus prout vellet institueret certas solemnesque esse voluerunt: et appellatur haec pars iuris legis actiones, id est legitimae actiones. et ita eodem paene tempore tria haec iura nata sunt: lege duodecim tabularum ex his fluere coepit ius civile, ex isdem legis actiones compositae sunt. omnium tamen harum et interpretandi scientia et actiones apud collegium pontificum erant, ex quibus constituebatur, quis quoquo anno praeesset privatis.
Then from these laws at nearly the same time actions were composed, by which people might dispute among themselves: and they wished these actions to be fixed and solemn, lest the people establish them just as he pleased: and this part of the law is called the legis actiones, that is, legitimate actions. And thus at almost the same time these three bodies of law arose: from the Law of the Twelve Tables the civil law began to flow from these, and from the same the legis actiones were composed. Yet both the science of interpreting all these and the actions themselves were in the hands of the college of pontiffs, from whom it was determined who, each year, would preside over private matters.
Postea cum appius claudius proposuisset et ad formam redegisset has actiones, gnaeus flavius scriba eius libertini filius subreptum librum populo tradidit, et adeo gratum fuit id munus populo, ut tribunus plebis fieret et senator et aedilis curulis. hic liber, qui actiones continet, appellatur ius civile flavianum, sicut ille ius civile papirianum: nam nec gnaeus flavius de suo quicquam adiecit libro. augescente civitate quia deerant quaedam genera agendi, non post multum temporis spatium sextus aelius alias actiones composuit et librum populo dedit, qui appellatur ius aelianum.
Afterwards, when Appius Claudius had set forth and reduced to a form these actions, Gnaeus Flavius, his scribe, the son of a freedman, handed over to the people a surreptitiously obtained book; and that gift was so pleasing to the people that he became tribune of the plebs and senator and curule aedile. This book, which contains the actions, is called the Flavian Civil Law, just as that one the Papirian Civil Law: for Gnaeus Flavius added nothing of his own to the book. As the commonwealth was growing, because certain kinds of proceeding were lacking, not after much lapse of time Sextus Aelius composed other actions and gave a book to the people, which is called the Aelian Law.
Deinde cum esset in civitate lex duodecim tabularum et ius civile, essent et legis actiones, evenit, ut plebs in discordiam cum patribus perveniret et secederet sibique iura constitueret, quae iura plebi scita vocantur. mox cum revocata est plebs, quia multae discordiae nascebantur de his plebis scitis, pro legibus placuit et ea observari lege hortensia: et ita factum est, ut inter plebis scita et legem species constituendi interesset, potestas autem eadem esset.
Then, when in the state there was the Law of the Twelve Tables and the civil law, and there were also actions of the law, it happened that the plebs came into discord with the patricians and seceded and established laws for themselves, which laws are called plebiscites. soon, when the plebs was called back, because many discords were arising from these plebiscites, it was resolved by the Lex Hortensia that these too be observed as laws: and thus it came about that between plebiscites and a law there was a difference in the form of enacting, but the authority was the same.
Deinde quia difficile plebs convenire coepit, populus certe multo difficilius in tanta turba hominum, necessitas ipsa curam rei publicae ad senatum deduxit: ita coepit senatus se interponere et quidquid constituisset observabatur, idque ius appellabatur senatus consultum.
Then, because it began to be difficult for the plebs to convene—indeed for the people, amid so great a throng of men, much more difficult—necessity itself led the care of the republic to the senate: thus the senate began to interpose itself, and whatever it had established was observed, and that law was called a senatus consultum.
Eodem tempore et magistratus iura reddebant et ut scirent cives, quod ius de quaque re quisque dicturus esset seque praemuniret ^ praemunirent^, edicta proponebant. quae edicta praetorum ius honorarium constituerunt: honorarium dicitur, quod ab honore praetoris venerat.
At the same time the magistrates too were rendering justice, and, so that the citizens might know what law each was going to declare concerning each matter and might forearm himself ^ themselves^, they posted edicts. Those edicts of the praetors established the honorary law: it is called honorary because it had come from the honor (office) of the praetor had come.
Novissime sicut ad pauciores iuris constituendi vias transisse ipsis rebus dictantibus videbatur per partes, evenit, ut necesse esset rei publicae per unum consuli ( nam senatus non perinde omnes provincias probe gerere poterant): igitur constituto principe datum est ei ius, ut quod constituisset, ratum esset.
Most recently, just as—circumstances themselves dictating—it seemed to have passed to fewer ways of establishing law by stages, it came about that it was necessary for the republic to be administered by one man ( for the senate could not manage all the provinces equally well): therefore, with the Princeps established, the right was given to him, that whatever he should establish would be ratified.
Ita in civitate nostra aut iure, id est lege, constituitur, aut est proprium ius civile, quod sine scripto in sola prudentium interpretatione consistit, aut sunt legis actiones, quae formam agendi continent, aut plebi scitum, quod sine auctoritate patrum est constitutum, aut est magistratuum edictum, unde ius honorarium nascitur, aut senatus consultum, quod solum senatu constituente inducitur sine lege, aut est principalis constitutio, id est ut quod ipse princeps constituit pro lege servetur.
Thus in our commonwealth either it is established by law, that is, by statute, or there is the proper civil law, which, without writing, consists solely in the interpretation of the prudent (jurists), or there are the actions of the law, which contain the form of proceeding, or there is a plebiscite, which is established without the authority of the fathers, or there is the edict of the magistrates, whence the honorary law arises, or there is a senatorial decree, which, with the senate alone establishing it, is introduced without a statute, or there is a princely constitution, that is, that what the prince himself establishes is observed as law.
Post originem iuris et processum cognitum consequens est, ut de magistratuum nominibus et origine cognoscamus, quia, ut exposuimus, per eos qui iuri dicundo praesunt effectus rei accipitur: quantum est enim ius in civitate esse, nisi sint, qui iura regere possint? post hoc dein de auctorum successione dicemus, quod constare non potest ius, nisi sit aliquis iuris peritus, per quem possit cottidie in melius produci.
After the origin of law and the process being known, it is consequent that we learn about the names and origin of the magistrates, because, as we have expounded, through those who preside over pronouncing the law the effect of the matter is obtained: for what is it for law to exist in the state, unless there are those who can govern the laws? After this then we shall speak about the succession of the authors, because law cannot be established, unless there is some expert in law, through whom it can day by day be advanced for the better.
Exactis deinde regibus consules constituti sunt duo: penes quos summum ius uti esset, lege rogatum est: dicti sunt ab eo, quod plurimum rei publicae consulerent. qui tamen ne per omnia regiam potestatem sibi vindicarent, lege lata factum est, ut ab eis provocatio esset neve possent in caput civis romani animadvertere iniussu populi: solum relictum est illis, ut coercere possent et in vincula publica duci iuberent.
Then, the kings having been driven out, two consuls were established: by law it was enacted that the highest authority should be with them; they were called by this name, from the fact that they consulted the republic most. Yet, lest they should claim royal power in all respects for themselves, by a law passed it was arranged that there should be appeal from them, and that they could not inflict punishment upon the head of a Roman citizen without the order of the people: the only thing left to them was that they could coerce and order [a person] to be led into the public prison.
Populo deinde aucto cum crebra orerentur bella et quaedam acriora a finitimis inferrentur, interdum re exigente placuit maioris potestatis magistratum constitui: itaque dictatores proditi sunt, a quibus nec provocandi ius fuit et quibus etiam capitis animadversio data est. hunc magistratum, quoniam summam potestatem habebat, non erat fas ultra sextum mensem retineri.
Then, with the people augmented, as frequent wars were arising and certain fiercer ones were being brought by the neighbors, sometimes, the matter requiring it, it was resolved that a magistracy of greater power be established: and so dictators were brought forward, from whom there was no right of appeal, and to whom even capital punishment was granted. This magistracy, since it possessed the highest power, it was not lawful to be retained beyond the sixth month.
Isdem temporibus cum plebs a patribus secessisset anno fere septimo decimo post reges exactos, tribunos sibi in monte sacro creavit, qui essent plebeii magistratus. dicti tribuni, quod olim in tres partes populus divisus erat et ex singulis singuli creabantur: vel quia tribuum suffragio creabantur.
In those same times, when the plebs had seceded from the patricians, about the seventeenth year after the kings had been driven out, the plebs created for itself tribunes on the Sacred Mount, who were plebeian magistrates. they were called tribunes, because formerly the people had been divided into three parts and from each a single one used to be created: or because they were created by the suffrage of the tribes.
Et quia, ut diximus, de capite civis romani iniussu populi non erat lege permissum consulibus ius dicere, propterea quaestores constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus praeessent: hi appellabantur quaestores parricidii, quorum etiam meminit lex duodecim tabularum.
And because, as we said, it was not permitted by law for the consuls to pronounce judgment concerning the life (the capital case) of a Roman citizen without the order of the people, therefore quaestors
were established by the people to preside over capital matters: these were called quaestors of parricide, of whom the Law of the Twelve
Tables also makes mention.
Et cum placuisset leges quoque ferri, latum est ad populum, uti omnes magistratu se abdicarent, quo decemviri constituti anno uno cum magistratum prorogarent sibi et cum iniuriose tractarent neque vellent deinceps sufficere magistratibus, ut ipsi et factio sua perpetuo rem publicam occupatam retineret: nimia atque aspera dominatione eo rem perduxerant, ut exercitus a re publica secederet. initium fuisse secessionis dicitur verginius quidam, qui cum animadvertisset appium claudium contra ius, quod ipse ex vetere iure in duodecim tabulas transtulerat, vindicias filiae suae a se abdixisse et secundum eum, qui in servitutem ab eo suppositus petierat, dixisse captumque amore virginis omne fas ac nefas miscuisse: indignatus, quod vetustissima iuris observantia in persona filiae suae defecisset ( utpote cum brutus, qui primus romae consul fuit, vindicias secundum libertatem dixisset in persona vindicis vitelliorum servi, qui proditionis coniurationem indicio suo detexerat) et castitatem filiae vitae quoque eius praeferendam putaret, arrepto cultro de taberna lanionis filiam interfecit in hoc scilicet, ut morte virginis contumeliam stupri arceret, ac protinus recens a caede madenteque adhuc filiae cruore ad commilitones confugit. qui universi de algido, ubi tunc belli gerendi causa legiones erant, relictis ducibus pristinis signa in aventinum transtulerunt, omnisque plebs urbana mox eodem se contulit, populique consensu partim in carcere necati.
And when it had been resolved that laws also should be carried, it was brought before the people that all should abdicate from magistracy, whereupon the decemvirs, appointed for one year, when
they prorogued the magistracy for themselves and dealt injuriously and were unwilling thereafter to provide for magistrates, so that they and their faction might retain the commonwealth occupied in perpetuity: by excessive and harsh domination they had brought the matter to this point, that the army seceded from the commonwealth. The beginning of the
secession is said to have been a certain Verginius, who, when he had observed that Appius Claudius, contrary to the right which he himself had transferred from the old law into the Twelve Tables, had refused to him the vindiciae of his daughter and had pronounced them in favor of the man who, having been foisted in by him, had sought to claim her into slavery, and, seized by love of the
maiden, had mingled every lawful and unlawful thing: indignant that the most ancient observance of right had failed in the person of his daughter (inasmuch as
Brutus, who was the first consul at Rome, had declared the vindiciae in favor of liberty in the case of Vindicius, the slave of the Vitellii, who by his information had uncovered a conspiracy
of treason), and thinking that his daughter’s chastity ought even to be preferred to her life, he snatched a knife from a butcher’s stall and his daughter
he killed—namely, in order that by the maiden’s death he might ward off the insult of rape—and forthwith, fresh from the slaughter and with his daughter’s blood still wet, he fled to his
fellow-soldiers. They all, from Algidus, where at that time the legions were for the purpose of conducting war, abandoning their former commanders, transferred their standards to the Aventine,
and all the urban plebs soon betook themselves thither likewise, and by the people’s consent some were put to death in prison.
Deinde cum post aliquot annos duodecim tabulae latae sunt et plebs contenderet cum patribus et vellet ex suo quoque corpore consules creare et patres recusarent: factum est, ut tribuni militum crearentur partim ex plebe, partim ex patribus consulari potestate. hique constituti sunt vario numero: interdum enim viginti fuerunt, interdum plures, nonnumquam pauciores.
Then, after several years the Twelve Tables were enacted and the plebs contended with the patricians and wished to create consuls from its own body as well, and the patricians refused: it came about that military tribunes were created, partly from the plebs, partly from the patricians, with consular power. and these
were appointed in varying number: for sometimes there were twenty, sometimes more, sometimes fewer.
Constituti sunt eodem tempore et quattuorviri qui curam viarum agerent, et triumviri monetales aeris argenti auri flatores, et triumviri capitales qui carceris custodiam haberent, ut cum animadverti oporteret interventu eorum fieret.
At the same time there were established also the four-men who should manage the care of the roads, and the three-men moneyers, smelters of bronze, silver, and gold, and the three-men capital magistrates who should have the custody of the prison, so that, when animadversion (punishment) was required, it might be done by their intervention.
Capta deinde sardinia mox sicilia, item hispania, deinde narbonensi provincia totidem praetores, quot provinciae in dicionem venerant, creati sunt, partim qui urbanis rebus, partim qui provincialibus praeessent. deinde cornelius sulla quaestiones publicas constituit, veluti de falso, de parricidio, de sicariis, et praetores quattuor adiecit. deinde gaius iulius caesar duos praetores et duos aediles qui frumento praeessent et a cerere cereales constituit.
Then, after Sardinia was captured, soon Sicily, likewise Spain, then the Narbonensian province, just as many praetors as the provinces that had come under dominion
were appointed, some to preside over urban affairs, some over provincial. Then Cornelius Sulla instituted public quaestiones (standing courts), for instance
concerning falsum (forgery), parricide, and assassins, and he added four praetors. Then Gaius Julius Caesar appointed two praetors and two aediles to be in charge of the grain,
and he established Cereales, so named from Ceres.
thus twelve praetors and six aediles were created. Then the deified Augustus established sixteen praetors,
afterwards the deified Claudius added two praetors to pronounce judgment concerning the fideicommissum, of which the deified Titus removed one; and
the deified Nerva added one to pronounce judgment between the fiscus and private persons.
Et haec omnia, quotiens in re publica sunt magistratus, observantur: quotiens autem proficiscuntur, unus relinquitur, qui ius dicat: is vocatur praefectus urbi. qui praefectus olim constituebatur: postea fere latinarum feriarum causa introductus est et quotannis observatur. nam praefectus annonae et vigilum non sunt magistratus, sed extra ordinem utilitatis causa constituti sunt.
And all these things, whenever there are magistrates in the commonwealth, are observed: whenever, however, they set out, one is left behind to declare the law: he is called the Prefect of the City. This prefect used formerly to be appointed; afterwards he was introduced chiefly for the sake of the Latin holidays and is observed every year. For the Prefect of the Grain-Supply and of the Watch are not magistrates, but were constituted outside the ordinary order for reasons of utility.
Iuris civilis scientiam plurimi et maximi viri professi sunt: sed qui eorum maximae dignationis apud populum romanum fuerunt, eorum in praesentia mentio habenda est, ut appareat, a quibus et qualibus haec iura orta et tradita sunt. et quidem ex omnibus, qui scientiam nancti sunt, ante tiberium coruncanium publice professum neminem traditur: ceteri autem ad hunc vel in latenti ius civile retinere cogitabant solumque consultatoribus vacare potius quam discere volentibus se praestabant.
Very many and very great men have professed the knowledge of the civil law: but of those who were of the greatest distinction among the Roman people, of them, for the present, mention must be made, so that it may appear by whom and of what sort these laws arose and were handed down. And indeed, of all who attained the knowledge, before tiberius coruncanius it is handed down that no one publicly professed: but the others, before him, either thought to keep the civil law in hiding,
and they made themselves available only to those consulting rather than to those wishing to learn.
Fuit autem in primis peritus publius papirius, qui leges regias in unum contulit. ab hoc appius claudius unus ex decemviris, cuius maximum consilium in duodecim tabulis scribendis fuit. post hunc appius claudius eiusdem generis maximam scientiam habuit: hic centemmanus appellatus est, appiam viam stravit et aquam claudiam induxit et de pyrrho in urbe non recipiendo sententiam tulit: hunc etiam actiones scripsisse traditum est primum de usurpationibus, qui liber non exstat: idem appius claudius, qui videtur ab hoc processisse, r litteram invenit, ut pro valesiis valerii essent et pro fusiis furii.
There was, moreover, among the first, the expert publius papirius, who collated the royal laws into one. from him appius claudius, one of the decemvirs, whose
counsel was of the greatest weight in the writing of the twelve tables. after him appius claudius of the same stock had the greatest knowledge: this man
was called “hundred-hand,” he paved the appian way and led in the aqua claudia, and he gave the opinion about pyrrhus not being received in the city: this man
too is handed down to have written the actions, first concerning usurpations, which book does not exist: the same appius claudius, who seems to have proceeded from this man,
invented the letter r, so that instead of valesii there would be valerii and instead of fusius furii.
Fuit post eos maximae scientiae sempronius, quem populus romanus sofon appellavit, nec quisquam ante hunc aut post hunc hoc nomine cognominatus est. gaius scipio nasica, qui optimus a senatu appellatus est: cui etiam publice domus in sacra via data est, quo facilius consuli posset. deinde quintus mucius, qui ad carthaginienses missus legatus, cum essent duae tesserae positae una pacis altera belli, arbitrio sibi dato, utram vellet referret romam, utramque sustulit et ait carthaginienses petere debere, utram mallent accipere.
After them there was Sempronius, a man of the greatest scientia, whom the Roman people called Sophon; nor was anyone before him or after him surnamed by this name. gaius scipio nasica, who was called Optimus by the senate: to whom also a domus was given at public expense on the Sacred Way, so that he might be more easily consulted. Then quintus mucius, who, sent as legate to the Carthaginians, when two tesserae had been set down—one of peace, the other of war—his judgment having been given to him that he might report to Rome whichever he wished, lifted up both and said that the Carthaginians ought to ask which they preferred to receive.
Post hos fuit tiberius coruncanius, ut dixi, qui primus profiteri coepit: cuius tamen scriptum nullum exstat, sed responsa complura et memorabilia eius fuerunt. deinde sextus aelius et frater eius publius aelius et publius atilius maximam scientiam in profitendo habuerunt, ut duo aelii etiam consules fuerint, atilius autem primus a populo sapiens appellatus est. sextum aelium etiam ennius laudavit et exstat illius liber qui inscribitur " tripertita", qui liber veluti cunabula iuris continet: tripertita autem dicitur, quoniam lege duodecim tabularum praeposita iungitur interpretatio, deinde subtexitur legis actio.
After these there was Tiberius Coruncanius, as I said, who first began to profess; yet no writing of his survives, but he had many and memorable responses. Then Sextus Aelius and his brother Publius Aelius, and Publius Atilius, had the greatest knowledge in professing, such that the two Aelii were even consuls, while Atilius was the first to be called “wise” by the people. Sextus Aelius also was praised by Ennius, and there survives his book which is entitled “Tripartita,” which book contains, as it were, the cradle of law; moreover it is called Tripartita because, with the Law of the Twelve Tables set first, an interpretation is joined, then the action of the law is subjoined.
Post hos fuerunt publius mucius et brutus et manilius, qui fundaverunt ius civile. ex his publius mucius etiam decem libellos reliquit, brutus septem, manilius tres: et extant volumina scripta manilii monumenta. illi duo consulares fuerunt, brutus praetorius, publius autem mucius etiam pontifex maximus.
After these there were Publius Mucius and Brutus and Manilius, who founded the civil law. Of these Publius Mucius also left behind ten little books,
Brutus seven, Manilius three: and the written volumes, the monuments of Manilius, are extant. Those two were consulars, Brutus praetorian, but Publius
Mucius also (was) pontifex maximus.
Ab his profecti sunt publius rutilius rufus, qui romae consul et asiae proconsul fuit, paulus verginius et quintus tubero ille stoicus pansae auditor, qui et ipse consul. etiam sextus pompeius gnaei pompeii patruus fuit eodem tempore: et coelius antipater, qui historias conscripsit, sed plus eloquentiae quam scientiae iuris operam dedit: etiam lucius crassus frater publii mucii, qui munianus dictus est: hunc cicero ait iurisconsultorum disertissimum.
From these came Publius Rutilius Rufus, who was consul at Rome and proconsul of Asia, Paulus Verginius, and Quintus Tubero, that Stoic,
a pupil of Pansa, who was himself consul. Also Sextus Pompeius, the uncle of Gnaeus Pompeius, was at the same time; and Coelius Antipater, who composed histories,
but he devoted more effort to eloquence than to the science of law; also Lucius Crassus, brother of Publius Mucius, who was called Munianus:
Cicero says that this man was the most eloquent of the jurisconsults.
Mucii auditores fuerunt complures, sed praecipuae auctoritatis aquilius gallus, balbus lucilius, sextus papirius, gaius iuventius: ex quibus gallum maximae auctoritatis apud populum fuisse servius dicit. omnes tamen hi a servio sulpicio nominantur: alioquin per se eorum scripta non talia exstant, ut ea omnes appetant: denique nec versantur omnino scripta eorum inter manus hominum, sed servius libros suos complevit, pro cuius scriptura ipsorum quoque memoria habetur.
Mucius had many auditors, but of principal authority were aquilius gallus, balbus lucilius, sextus papirius, gaius iuventius: of whom servius says that gallus was of the greatest authority with the people. all these, however, are named by servius sulpicius: otherwise, their writings are not extant of such a sort that everyone desires them: finally, their writings are not at all in circulation in the hands of men, but servius completed his own books, thanks to whose writing the memory of them too is preserved.
Servius autem sulpicius cum in causis orandis primum locum aut pro certo post marcum tullium optineret, traditur ad consulendum quintum mucium de re amici sui pervenisse cumque eum sibi respondisse de iure servius parum intellexisset, iterum quintum interrogasset et a quinto mucio responsum esse nec tamen percepisse, et ita obiurgatum esse a quinto mucio: namque eum dixisse turpe esse patricio et nobili et causas oranti ius in quo versaretur ignorare. ea velut contumelia servius tactus operam dedit iuri civili et plurimum eos, de quibus locuti sumus, audiit, institutis a balbo lucilio, instructus autem maxime a gallo aquilio, qui fuit cercinae: itaque libri complures eius extant cercinae confecti. hic cum in legatione perisset, statuam ei populus romanus pro rostris posuit, et hodieque exstat pro rostris augusti.
Servius Sulpicius, moreover, when in pleading causes he either held first place, or for certain the place next after Marcus Tullius, is handed down to have come to consult Quintus Mucius about the matter of his friend; and when Quintus had answered him on the law, Servius had understood too little; he asked Quintus again, and Quintus Mucius gave an answer, yet he did not grasp it; and thus he was rebuked by Quintus Mucius: for he said it was disgraceful for a patrician and a noble and one pleading causes to be ignorant of the law in which he was engaged. Touched by that, as by an affront, Servius devoted himself to civil law, and he listened very much to those of whom we have spoken, having been initiated by Balbus Lucilius, but most especially instructed by Gallo Aquilius, who was of Cercina: accordingly several of his books exist, composed at Cercina. When this man perished on an embassy, the Roman People set up a statue for him before the rostra, and even today it stands before the rostra of Augustus.
Ab hoc plurimi profecerunt, fere tamen hi libros conscripserunt: alfenus varus gaius, aulus ofilius, titus caesius, aufidius tucca, aufidius namusa, flavius priscus, gaius ateius, pacuvius labeo antistius labeonis antisti pater, cinna, publicius gellius. ex his decem libros octo conscripserunt, quorum omnes qui fuerunt libri digesti sunt ab aufidio namusa in centum quadraginta libros. ex his auditoribus plurimum auctoritatis habuit alfenus varus et aulus ofilius, ex quibus varus et consul fuit, ofilius in equestri ordine perseveravit.
From this man very many profited; generally, however, these men composed books: Alfenus Varus, Gaius, Aulus Ofilius, Titus Caesius, Aufidius Tucca, Aufidius
Namusa, Flavius Priscus, Gaius Ateius, Pacuvius Labeo, the father of Antistius Labeo, Cinna, Publicius Gellius. Of these, eight
wrote ten books, all of which books that there were were digested by Aufidius Namusa into 140 books. Of these auditors Alfenus Varus and Aulus Ofilius had the greatest authority, of whom Varus even was consul, while Ofilius persevered in the equestrian order.
He was very intimate with Caesar and left very many books on civil law, and such as would lay the foundation for every part of the work. For on the laws of the twentieth he was the first to write; on jurisdiction likewise he was the first to compose diligently the praetor’s edict, for before him Servius had left two exceedingly brief books to Brutus, written under the edict.
Fuit eodem tempore et trebatius, qui idem cornelii maximi auditor fuit: aulus cascellius, quintus mucius volusii auditor, denique in illius honorem testamento publium mucium nepotem eius reliquit heredem. fuit autem quaestorius nec ultra proficere voluit, cum illi etiam augustus consulatum offerret. ex his trebatius peritior cascellio, cascellius trebatio eloquentior fuisse dicitur, ofilius utroque doctior.
There was at the same time also Trebatius, who likewise was a pupil of Cornelius Maximus: Aulus Cascellius, Quintus Mucius, a pupil of Volusius; finally, in that man’s
honor, by his testament he left Publius Mucius, his grandson, as heir. He was of quaestorian rank and did not wish to advance further, although Augustus even
offered him the consulship. Of these, Trebatius is said to have been more expert than Cascellius, Cascellius more eloquent than Trebatius, Ofilius more learned than either.
Post hos quoque tubero fuit, qui ofilio operam dedit: fuit autem patricius et transiit a causis agendis ad ius civile, maxime postquam quintum ligarium accusavit nec optinuit apud gaium caesarem. is est quintus ligarius, qui cum africae oram teneret, infirmum tuberonem applicare non permisit nec aquam haurire, quo nomine eum accusavit et cicero defendit: exstat eius oratio satis pulcherrima, quae inscribitur pro quinto ligario. tubero doctissimus quidem habitus est iuris publici et privati et complures utriusque operis libros reliquit: sermone etiam antiquo usus affectavit scribere et ideo parum libri eius grati habentur.
After these there was also Tubero, who studied under Ofilius; he was moreover a patrician, and he passed from pleading causes to the civil law, especially after he accused Quintus Ligarius and did not prevail before Gaius Caesar.
This is that Quintus Ligarius who, when he held the coast of Africa, did not permit the ailing Tubero to make landfall nor to draw water, on which account he accused him, and Cicero defended him; there exists his oration, quite beautiful, which is entitled For Quintus Ligarius.
Tubero was indeed held most learned in public and private law, and he left behind many books of both kinds of work: he also, employing archaic speech, affected to write, and for that reason his books are held in little favor.
Post hunc maximae auctoritatis fuerunt ateius capito, qui ofilium secutus est, et antistius labeo, qui omnes hos audivit, institutus est autem a trebatio. ex his ateius consul fuit: labeo noluit, cum offerretur ei ab augusto consulatus, quo suffectus fieret, honorem suscipere, sed plurimum studiis operam dedit: et totum annum ita diviserat, ut romae sex mensibus cum studiosis esset, sex mensibus secederet et conscribendis libris operam daret. itaque reliquit quadringenta volumina, ex quibus plurima inter manus versantur.
After him, of the greatest authority were Ateius Capito, who followed Ofilius, and Antistius Labeo, who heard all of them; moreover, he was instructed by Trebatius. Of these, Ateius was consul; Labeo did not wish, when a consulship was being offered to him by Augustus, in order that he be made suffect, to accept the honor, but he devoted very great effort to studies: and he had divided the whole year in such a way, that in Rome for six months he was with the studious, for six months he withdrew and gave effort to the writing of books. And so he left four hundred volumes, many of which circulate from hand to hand.
Et ita ateio capitoni massurius sabinus successit, labeoni nerva, qui adhuc eas dissensiones auxerunt. hic etiam nerva caesari familiarissimus fuit. massurius sabinus in equestri ordine fuit et publice primus respondit: posteaque hoc coepit beneficium dari, a tiberio caesare hoc tamen illi concessum erat.
And thus Massurius Sabinus succeeded to Ateius Capito, and Nerva to Labeo, who further increased those dissensions. This Nerva also was most intimate with Caesar. Massurius Sabinus was in the equestrian order and was the first to give public responsa; and afterward this beneficium began to be granted—yet this had been conceded to him by Tiberius Caesar.
Et, ut obiter sciamus, ante tempora augusti publice respondendi ius non a principibus dabatur, sed qui fiduciam studiorum suorum habebant, consulentibus respondebant: neque responsa utique signata dabant, sed plerumque iudicibus ipsi scribebant, aut testabantur qui illos consulebant. primus divus augustus, ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur, constituit, ut ex auctoritate eius responderent: et ex illo tempore peti hoc pro beneficio coepit. et ideo optimus princeps hadrianus, cum ab eo viri praetorii peterent, ut sibi liceret respondere, rescripsit eis hoc non peti, sed praestari solere et ideo, si quis fiduciam sui haberet, delectari se populo ad respondendum se praepararet.
And, so that we may know in passing, before the times of Augustus the right of giving public responses was not granted by the princes, but those who had confidence in their studies
would answer those consulting them: nor did they in every case give sealed responses, but for the most part they themselves wrote to the judges, or those who consulted them would attest.
The deified Augustus was the first, in order that a greater authority of law might be had, to establish that they should give responses by his authority; and from that
time this began to be sought as a favor. And therefore the best princeps Hadrian, when men of praetorian rank asked of him that it be permitted to them to respond,
wrote back to them that this is not sought, but is wont to be bestowed; and therefore, if anyone had confidence in himself, he was pleased that he should prepare himself to respond to the people.
Huic successit gaius cassius longinus natus ex filia tuberonis, quae fuit neptis servii sulpicii: et ideo proavum suum servium sulpicium appellat. hic consul fuit cum quartino temporibus tiberii, sed plurimum in civitate auctoritatis habuit eo usque, donec eum caesar civitate pelleret.
to him succeeded gaius cassius longinus, born from the daughter of tubero, who was the granddaughter of servius sulpicius: and for that reason he calls servius sulpicius his great‑grandfather. this man was consul with quartinus in the times of tiberius, but he had very great authority in the state up to the point that caesar expelled him from the state.
Cassio caelius sabinus successit, qui plurimum temporibus vespasiani potuit: proculo pegasus, qui temporibus vespasiani praefectus urbi fuit: caelio sabino priscus iavolenus: pegaso celsus: patri celso celsus filius et priscus neratius, qui utique consules fuerunt, celsus quidem et iterum: iavoleno prisco aburnius valens et tuscianus, item salvius iulianus.
to cassius, caelius sabinus succeeded, who had the most influence in the times of vespasian: proculus, pegasus, who in the times of vespasian was prefect of the city: to caelius sabinus, priscus iavolenus: to pegasus, celsus: to celsus the father, celsus the son and priscus neratius, who in any case were consuls, celsus
indeed even a second time: to iavolenus priscus, aburnius valens and tuscianus, likewise salvius iulianus.
Nam et demosthenes orator sic definit: touto estin nomos, hw pantas anvrwpous prosykei peivesvai dia polla, kai malista hoti pas estin nomos ehurema men kai dwron veou, dogma de anvrwpwn fronimwn, epanorvwma de twn hekousiwn kai akousiwn hamartymatwn, polews de sunvyky koiny, kav' hyn hapasi prosykei zyn tois en ty polei . sed et philosophus summae stoicae sapientiae chrysippus sic incipit libro, quem fecit peri nomou: ho nomos pantwn esti basileus veiwn te kai anvrwpinwn pragmatwn: dei de auton prostatyn te einai twn kalwn kai twn aisxrwn kai arxonta kai hygemona, kai kata touto kanona te einai dikaiwn kai adikwn kai twn fusei politikwn zwwn prostaktikon men hwn poiyteon, apagoreutikon de hwn ou poiyteon .
For Demosthenes the orator also defines thus: this is law, that it befits all men to obey for many reasons, and especially because every law is an invention and gift of God, a dogma of prudent men, a correction of voluntary and involuntary errors, and a common compact of the city, under which it befits all who are in the city to live. But the philosopher of highest Stoic wisdom, Chrysippus, thus begins the book which he wrote On Law: law is king of all things, both divine and human; and it must be the commander of the honorable and the shameful, and the ruler and leader, and in accordance with this a canon of the just and the unjust and of animals political by nature, prescriptive of what ought to be done and prohibitive of what ought not to be done.
De quibus causis scriptis legibus non utimur, id custodiri oportet, quod moribus et consuetudine inductum est: et si qua in re hoc deficeret, tunc quod proximum et consequens ei est: si nec id quidem appareat, tunc ius, quo urbs roma utitur, servari oportet.
Concerning those cases in which we do not employ written laws, that must be kept which has been introduced by mores and consuetude; and if in any matter this should fail, then that which is proximate and consequent to it; if not even that should appear, then the law which the city of Rome uses ought to be observed.
Inveterata consuetudo pro lege non immerito custoditur, et hoc est ius quod dicitur moribus constitutum. nam cum ipsae leges nulla alia ex causa nos teneant, quam quod iudicio populi receptae sunt, merito et ea, quae sine ullo scripto populus probavit, tenebunt omnes: nam quid interest suffragio populus voluntatem suam declaret an rebus ipsis et factis? quare rectissime etiam illud receptum est, ut leges non solum suffragio legis latoris, sed etiam tacito consensu omnium per desuetudinem abrogentur.
Long-established consuetude is not undeservedly maintained in place of law, and this is the ius which is said to be constituted by mores. For since the laws themselves hold us for no other cause than that they have been received by the judgment of the people, deservedly also those things which the people has approved without any writing will hold all: for what difference is there whether the people declares its will by suffrage or by the very things and deeds? wherefore it has been most correctly received also, that laws are abrogated not only by the suffrage of the lawmaker, but also by the tacit consent of all through desuetude.
Servi autem in dominium nostrum rediguntur aut iure civili aut gentium: iure civili, si quis se maior viginti annis ad pretium participandum venire passus est. iure gentium servi nostri sunt, qui ab hostibus capiuntur aut qui ex ancillis nostris nascuntur.
Slaves, moreover, are brought into our dominion either by civil law or by the law of nations: by civil law, if someone over twenty years of age has allowed himself to be sold in order to share in the price. by the law of nations our slaves are those who are captured by enemies, or who are born from our maidservants.
Ingenui sunt, qui ex matre libera nati sunt: sufficit enim liberam fuisse eo tempore quo nascitur, licet ancilla concepit. et e contrario si libera conceperit, deinde ancilla pariat, placuit eum qui nascitur liberum nasci. ( nec interest iustis nuptiis concepit an volgo), quia non debet calamitas matris nocere ei qui in ventre est.
Freeborn are those who are born from a free mother: for it suffices that she was free at the time when he is born, although she conceived as a slave-woman. and conversely, if
she conceived while free, then gave birth as a slave-woman, it has been decided that he who is born is born free. ( nor does it matter whether she conceived in lawful nuptials or out of wedlock), because the calamity of the mother ought not to harm him who is in the womb.
Ex hoc quaesitum est, si ancilla praegnas manumissa sit, deinde ancilla postea facta aut expulsa civitate pepererit, liberum an servum pariat. et tamen rectius probatum est liberum nasci et sufficere ei qui in ventre est liberam matrem vel medio tempore habuisse.
From this the question has been raised, if a pregnant slave-woman has been manumitted, then, after having later become a slave again or having been expelled from citizenship, she gives birth, whether she bears a free person or a slave.
And yet the sounder view has been approved: that a free person is born, and that it suffices for him who is in the womb to have had a free mother even for an intermediate time.
Non sunt liberi, qui contra formam humani generis converso more procreantur: veluti si mulier monstrosum aliquid aut prodigiosum enixa sit. partus autem, qui membrorum humanorum officia ampliavit, aliquatenus videtur effectus et ideo inter liberos connumerabitur.
They are not children who are procreated contrary to the form of the human race, with the manner inverted: for example, if a woman has brought forth something monstrous or prodigious. but a birth which has achieved the functions of human limbs is seen as to some extent effected and therefore will be counted among the children.
Arescusa, si tres peperit libera esse testamento iussa, primo partu unum, secundo tres peperit: quaesitum est, an et quis eorum liber esset. haec condicio libertati adposita iam implenda mulieri est. sed non dubitari debet, quin ultimus liber nascatur: nec enim natura permisit simul uno impetu duos infantes de utero matris excedere, ut ordine incerto nascentium non appareat, uter in servitute libertateve nascatur.
Arescusa, if, having been ordered by testament to be free if she bore three, at the first birth bore one, at the second bore three: it was asked whether, and which of them, would be free.
this condition appended to liberty is now to be fulfilled by the woman. But there ought not to be any doubt that the last of them is born free: for nature has not permitted two infants to depart from the womb of the mother at the same time in a single impulse,
so that, with the order of those being born uncertain, it should not be apparent which is born in servitude or in liberty.
Therefore, with the birth begun, a condition that exists brings it about that what is afterward born is delivered from a free woman, just as if any other condition attached to the woman’s liberty should come to pass while she is in labor. Or, if she has been manumitted under this condition, “if she shall have given ten thousand to the heir or to Titius,” then at the very moment when she gives birth she has fulfilled the condition through another: she is to be believed already to have borne as a free woman.
Imperator hadrianus publicio Marcello rescripsit liberam, quae praegnas ultimo supplicio damnata est, liberum parere et solitum esse servari eam, dum partum ederet. sed si ei, quae ex iustis nuptiis concepit, aqua et igni interdictum est, civem romanum parit et in potestate patris.
The Emperor Hadrian, in a rescript to Publicius Marcellus, wrote that a free woman, who while pregnant has been condemned to the ultimate punishment, bears a free child, and that it was customary for her to be kept until she should bring forth the birth.
But if upon her who conceived from lawful nuptials an interdict from fire and water has been imposed, she gives birth to a Roman citizen, and he is in the power of the father.
Qui in utero sunt, in toto paene iure civili intelleguntur in rerum natura esse. nam et legitimae hereditates his restituuntur: et si praegnas mulier ab hostibus capta sit, id quod natum erit postliminium habet, item patris vel matris condicionem sequitur: praeterea si ancilla praegnas subrepta fuerit, quamvis apud bonae fidei emptorem pepererit, id quod natum erit tamquam furtivum usu non capitur: his consequens est, ut libertus quoque, quamdiu patroni filius nasci possit, eo iure sit, quo sunt qui patronos habent.
Those who are in the womb are understood in almost the whole civil law to be in the nature of things (to exist). For even legitimate inheritances are restored to them: and if a pregnant
woman be captured by enemies, that which will be born has postliminium, likewise it follows the condition of the father or mother: moreover, if a pregnant
female slave has been stolen, although she has given birth with a good‑faith purchaser, that which is born, as stolen, is not acquired by usucapion: in consequence of these things,
it follows that a freedman also, so long as a son of the patron can be born, is under the same law as those who have patrons.
De iure personarum alia divisio sequitur, quod quaedam personae sui iuris sunt, quaedam alieno iuri subiectae sunt. videamus itaque de his, quae alieno iuri subiectae sunt: nam si cognoverimus quae istae personae sunt, simul intellegemus quae sui iuris sunt. dispiciamus itaque de his, quae in aliena potestate sunt.
concerning the law of persons another division follows, that certain persons are of their own right, certain are subject to another’s right. let us see therefore about
those who are subject to another’s right: for if we recognize who those persons are, at the same time we shall understand who are of their own right. let us examine
therefore those who are in another’s power.
Sed hoc tempore nullis hominibus, qui sub imperio romano sunt, licet supra modum et sine causa legibus cognita in servos suos saevire. nam ex constitutione divi antonini qui sine causa servum suum occiderit, non minus puniri iubetur, quam qui alienum servum occiderit. sed et maior asperitas dominorum eiusdem principis constitutione coercetur.
But at this time no persons who are under the Roman empire are permitted to rage against their slaves beyond measure and without a cause recognized by the laws.
for by the constitution of the deified Antoninus, he who without cause has killed his own slave is ordered to be punished no less than he who has killed another’s slave.
but also the greater harshness of masters is restrained by a constitution of the same princeps.
Si dominus in servos saevierit vel ad impudicitiam turpemque violationem compellat, quae sint partes praesidis, ex rescripto divi pii ad aelium marcianum proconsulem baeticae manifestabitur. cuius rescripti verba haec sunt: " dominorum quidem potestatem in suos servos illibatam esse oportet nec cuiquam hominum ius suum detrahi: sed dominorum interest, ne auxilium contra saevitiam vel famem vel intolerabilem iniuriam denegetur his qui iuste deprecantur. ideoque cognosce de querellis eorum, qui ex familia iulii sabini ad statuam confugerunt, et si vel durius habitos quam aequum est vel infami iniuria affectos cognoveris, veniri iube ita, ut in potestate domini non revertantur.
If a master has been cruel toward his slaves or compels them to unchastity and disgraceful violation, what the governor’s duties are will be made manifest from the rescript of the deified Pius to Aelius Marcianus, proconsul of Baetica. The words of which rescript are these: " the power of masters over their own slaves ought to be unimpaired, nor should anyone’s right be taken away: but it is in the interest of masters that help against cruelty or hunger or intolerable injury not be denied to those who petition justly. And so, inquire into the complaints of those who from the household of Julius Sabinus have fled for refuge to the statue, and if you learn that they have been kept more harshly than is equitable or afflicted by infamous injury, order them to be sold in such a way that they do not return into the power of their master."
Nam civium romanorum quidam sunt patres familiarum, alii filii familiarum, quaedam matres familiarum, quaedam filiae familiarum. patres familiarum sunt, qui sunt suae potestatis sive puberes sive impuberes: simili modo matres familiarum; filii familiarum et filiae, quae sunt in aliena potestate. nam qui ex me et uxore mea nascitur, in mea potestate est: item qui ex filio meo et uxore eius nascitur, id est nepos meus et neptis, aeque in mea sunt potestate, et pronepos et proneptis et deinceps ceteri.
For among Roman citizens some are fathers of families, others sons of families, some mothers of families, some daughters of families. fathers of families are those who are in their own power, whether of age or under age: in a similar way mothers of families; sons of families and daughters, who are in another’s power. for he who is born from me and my wife is in my power: likewise he who is born from my son and his wife, that is, my grandson and granddaughter, are equally in my power, and a great-grandson and great-granddaughter and thereafter the rest.
Nepotes ex filio mortuo avo reccidere solent in filii potestatem, hoc est patris sui: simili modo et pronepotes et deinceps vel in filii potestate, si vivit et in familia mansit, vel in eius parentis, qui ante eos in potestate est. et hoc non tantum in naturalibus, verum in adoptivis quoque iuris est.
Grandchildren from a deceased son are wont to revert to the grandfather into the son’s power—that is, that of their own father; in a similar way, so too great‑grandchildren and thereafter either into the son’s power, if he lives and has remained in the family, or into that of the parent who is before them in power. And this is the law not only in natural cases, but also in adoptive ones.
Filium eum definimus, qui ex viro et uxore eius nascitur. sed si fingamus afuisse maritum verbi gratia per decennium, reversum anniculum invenisse in domo sua, placet nobis iuliani sententia hunc non esse mariti filium. non tamen ferendum iulianus ait eum, qui cum uxore sua adsidue moratus nolit filium adcognoscere quasi non suum.
We define as a son him who is born from a man and his wife. But if we suppose the husband to have been absent, for example, for 10 years, and on returning to have found a one‑year‑old in his house, we approve Julian’s opinion that this is not the husband’s son. Nevertheless, Julian says it is not to be borne that a man who has continually lived with his wife should refuse to acknowledge a son as if not his own.
but it seems to me—and Scaevola also approves this—that if it is established that the husband for some time did not have intercourse with his wife, an intervening infirmity or some other cause preventing it,
or if the paterfamilias was in such a state of health that he could not beget, this one, who was born in the house, even with the neighbors cognizant,
is not the son.
Patre furioso liberi nihilominus in patris sui potestate sunt: idem et in omnibus est parentibus, qui habent liberos in potestate. nam cum ius potestatis moribus sit receptum nec possit desinere quis habere in potestate, nisi exierint liberi quibus casibus solent, nequaquam dubitandum est remanere eos in potestate. quare non solum eos liberos in potestate habebit, quos ante furorem genuit, verum et si qui ante furorem concepti in furore editi sunt.
With the father insane, the children are nonetheless in their father’s power: the same is true for all parents who have children in power. For since the right of power has been received by custom, and one cannot cease to have [children] in power unless the children have gone out in the cases in which they are wont, by no means is it to be doubted that they remain in power. Wherefore he will have in his power not only those children whom he begot before the madness, but also, if any were conceived before the madness, those who were brought forth during the madness.
but also, if, while he is acting in madness, the wife conceives, it must be seen whether a son is born in his power: for although a madman cannot take a wife, nevertheless he can retain matrimony: since the matter stands thus, he will have the son in his power. accordingly, even if the wife is mad, one conceived from her before will be born in power: likewise, one conceived during her madness by him who was not mad will without doubt be born in power, because matrimony is retained. but also, if both wife and husband are acting in madness and then she conceives, the issue will be born in the father’s power, as though remnants of will remain in the mad: for since matrimony stands with one party mad, it will stand with both.
Generalis enim adoptio duobus modis fit, aut principis auctoritate aut magistratus imperio. principis auctoritate adoptamus eos qui sui iuris sunt: quae species adoptionis dicitur adrogatio, quia et is qui adoptat rogatur, id est interrogatur, an velit eum quem adoptaturus sit iustum sibi filium esse, et is qui adoptatur rogatur, an id fieri patiatur. imperio magistratus adoptamus eos qui in potestate parentis sunt, sive primum gradum liberorum optineant, qualis est filius filia, sive inferiorem, qualis est nepos neptis, pronepos proneptis.
For general adoption is done in two ways, either by the authority of the emperor or by the imperium of the magistrate. by the authority of the emperor we adopt those who are sui iuris (of their own right): this species of adoption is called adrogation, because both he who adopts is asked— that is, interrogated— whether he wishes that the one whom he is about to adopt be a lawful son to him, and he who is adopted is asked whether he allows that to be done. by the imperium of the magistrate we adopt those who are in the power of a parent, whether they hold the first degree of descendants, such as a son, a daughter, or a lower degree, such as a grandson, a granddaughter, a great-grandson, a great-granddaughter.
Hoc vero proprium est eius adoptionis, quae per principem fit, quod is qui liberos in potestate habet si se adrogandum dederit, non solum ipse potestati adrogatoris subicitur, sed et liberi eius in eiusdem fiunt potestate tamquam nepotes.
This, indeed, is the distinctive feature of that adoption which is effected through the Emperor: that he who has children in his power, if he has given himself to be adrogated, not only is he himself subjected to the power of the adrogator, but his children also come into the power of the same person as though grandchildren.
Si pater familias adoptatus sit, omnia quae eius fuerunt et adquiri possunt tacito iure ad eum transeunt qui adoptavit: hoc amplius liberi eius qui in potestate sunt eum sequuntur: sed et hi, qui postliminio redeunt, vel qui in utero fuerunt cum adrogaretur, simili modo in potestatem adrogatoris rediguntur.
If a paterfamilias has been adopted, all things which were his and which can be acquired pass, by tacit right, to him who adopted him: this further, his children who are in his power follow him: but also those who return by postliminy, or who were in the womb when he was adrogated, in a similar way are brought into the power of the adrogator.
Qui duos filios et ex altero eorum nepotem habet, si vult nepotem quasi ex altero natum sic adoptare, potest hoc efficere, si eum emancipaverit et sic adoptaverit quasi ex altero natum. facit enim hoc quasi quilibet, non quasi avus, et qua ratione quasi ex quolibet natum potest adoptare, ita potest et quasi ex altero filio.
He who has two sons and a grandson from one of them, if he wishes thus to adopt the grandson as if born from the other, can effect this, if he emancipates him and thus adopts him as if born from the other. for he does this as though he were any person, not as a grandfather, and by the reasoning by which he can adopt as if born from anyone whatsoever, born he can adopt, so too he can as if from the other son.
In adrogationibus cognitio vertitur, num forte minor sexaginta annis sit qui adrogat, quia magis liberorum creationi studere debeat: nisi forte morbus aut valetudo in causa sit aut alia iusta causa adrogandi, veluti si coniunctam sibi personam velit adoptare.
In adrogations the inquiry turns on whether perhaps the one who adrogates is under sixty years of age, since he ought rather to devote himself to the procreation of children: unless perhaps sickness or a state of health is the cause, or some other just cause for adrogating, for example if he wishes to adopt a person conjoined to himself.
Nec ei permittitur adrogare, qui tutelam vel curam alicuius administravit, si minor viginti quinque annis sit qui adrogatur, ne forte eum ideo adroget, ne rationes reddat. item inquirendum est, ne forte turpis causa adrogandi subsit.
Nor is it permitted to adrogate for one who has administered the tutelage or the cura of someone, if the person to be adrogated is a minor under twenty-five years, lest perchance he adrogate him for this reason, in order not to render accounts. Likewise, it must be inquired whether perchance a base cause for adrogating lies beneath.
Et primum quidem excutiendum erit, quae facultates pupilli sint et quae eius, qui adoptare eum velit, ut aestimetur ex comparatione earum, an salubris adoptio possit pupillo intellegi: deinde cuius vitae sit is, qui velit pupillum redigere in familiam suam: tertio cuius idem aetatis sit, ut aestimetur, an melius sit de liberis procreandis cogitare eum quam ex aliena familia quemquam redigere in potestatem suam.
And first indeed it will have to be examined what the ward’s means are and what those of the one who wishes to adopt him are, so that it may be assessed from a comparison
of these whether the adoption can be understood to be salutary for the ward; next, of what manner of life is he who wishes to bring the ward into his family; third, of what
age that same man is, so that it may be assessed whether it is better for him to think of procreating children than to bring anyone from another family into his power,
his own.
Praeterea videndum est, an non debeat permitti ei, qui vel unum habebit vel plures liberos, adoptare alium, ne aut illorum, quos iustis nuptiis procreaverit, deminuatur spes quam unusquisque liberorum obsequio paret sibi, aut qui adoptatus fuit minus percipiat quam dignum erit eum consequi.
Furthermore, it must be considered whether he who will have either one or several children ought not to be permitted to adopt another, lest either the hope of those whom he has procreated in just
nuptials be diminished—the hope which each of the children, by obedience, secures for himself—or lest the one who was adopted receive less than
it will be fitting for him to attain.
Non aliter enim voluntati eius, qui adrogare pupillum volet, si causam eius ob alia probabit, subscribendum erit, quam si caverit servo publico se restituturum ea, quae ex bonis eius consecutus fuerit, illis, ad quos res perventura esset, si adrogatus permansisset in suo statu.
For there will be no subscribing to the will of him who shall wish to adrogate a ward, if he proves his case on other grounds, otherwise than if he shall have cautioned a public slave that he will restore, to those to whom the property would have come if the adrogated had remained in his own status, the things which he shall have obtained from his estate.
Sed an impuberi adrogator substituere possit, quaeritur: et puto non admitti substitutionem, nisi forte ad quartam solam quam ex bonis eius consequitur, et hactenus ut ei usque ad pubertatem substituat. ceterum si fidei eius committat, ut quandoque restituat, non oportet admitti fideicommissum, quia hoc non iudicio eius ad eum pervenit, sed principali providentia.
But whether an adrogator can appoint a substitution for a minor is asked: and I think the substitution is not to be admitted, unless perhaps for the fourth only which he obtains from his goods, and only to this extent, that he should substitute for him up to puberty. moreover, if he commits it to his good faith, that he restore it at some time, the fideicommiss ought not to be admitted, because this comes to him not by his own judgment, but by imperial providence.
Qui in adoptionem datur, his quibus adgnascitur et cognatus fit, quibus vero non adgnascitur nec cognatus fit: adoptio enim non ius sanguinis, sed ius adgnationis adfert. et ideo si filium adoptavero, uxor mea illi matris loco non est, neque enim adgnascitur ei, propter quod nec cognata eius fit: item nec mater mea aviae loco illi est, quoniam his, qui extra familiam meam sunt, non adgnascitur: sed filiae meae is quem adoptavi frater fit, quoniam in familia mea est filia: nuptiis tamen etiam eorum prohibitis.
He who is given into adoption, to those to whom he becomes agnate he also becomes a cognate, but to those to whom he does not become agnate he does not become a cognate: for adoption brings not the right of blood, but the right of agnation. and therefore if I adopt a son, my wife is not to him in the place of a mother, for he does not become agnate to her, on account of which she does not become his cognate: likewise my mother is not to him in the place of a grandmother, since to those who are outside my familia he does not become agnate: but to my daughter the one whom I have adopted becomes a brother, since the daughter is in my familia: nevertheless even marriages of them are prohibited.
Liberum arbitrium est ei, qui filium et ex eo nepotem in potestate habebit, filium quidem potestate demittere, nepotem vero in potestate retinere: vel ex diverso filium quidem in potestate retinere, nepotem vero manumittere: vel omnes sui iuris efficere. eadem et de pronepote dicta esse intellegemus.
Free discretion belongs to him who has a son and from him a grandson under his power, to release the son from power, but keep the grandson under power: to retain the son under power, on the other hand, but manumit the grandson: or to make them all of their own right, sui iuris. the same we shall understand to have been said also of a great-grandson.
Adrogato patre familias liberi, qui in eius erant potestate, nepotes apud adrogatorem efficiuntur simulque cum suo patre in eius reccidunt potestatem. quod non similiter in adoptionem contingit: nam nepotes ex eo in avi naturalis retinentur potestate.
When a paterfamilias is adrogated, the children who were in his power become grandchildren with respect to the adrogator, and together with their own father revert into his power. quod does not occur similarly in adoption: for the grandchildren through him are retained in the power of the natural grandfather.
Si pater filium, ex quo nepos illi est in potestate, emancipaverit et postea eum adoptaverit: mortuo eo nepos in patris non revertitur potestatem. nec is nepos in patris revertitur potestatem, quem avus retinuerit filio dato in adoptionem, quem denuo redadoptavit.
If a father has emancipated a son, from whom a grandson to him is in his power, and afterward has adopted him: upon his death the grandson does not return into the father's
power. Nor does that grandson return into the father's power, whom the grandfather retained when the son was given in adoption, whom he then re-adopted anew.
Si is, qui nepotem ex filio habet, in nepotis loco aliquem adoptavit, non puto mortuo avo iura consanguinitatis inter nepotes futura esse. sed si sic adoptavit, ut etiam iure legis nepos suus esset, quasi ex lucio puta filio suo et ex matre familias eius natus esset, contra puto.
If a man who has a grandson from a son has adopted someone in the place of a grandson, I do not think, once the grandfather is dead, that the rights of consanguinity will exist between the grandsons. but if he adopted in such a way that he would also be his grandson by right of the law, as if, say, he had been born from Lucius, his son, and from that man’s materfamilias, I think the contrary.
But what is of divine law is in no one’s goods; but that which is of human law is for the most part in someone’s goods, yet it can also be in no one’s goods: for hereditary things, before any heir exists, are in no one’s goods. Now these things which are of human law are either public or private. Those which are public are thought to be in no one’s goods, for they are believed to belong to the universitas itself; but private are those which belong to individuals.
Quaedam praeterea res corporales sunt, quaedam incorporales. corporales hae sunt, quae tangi possunt, veluti fundus homo vestis aurum argentum et denique aliae res innumerabiles: incorporales sunt, quae tangi non possunt, qualia sunt ea, quae in iure consistunt, sicut hereditas, usus fructus, obligationes quoquo modo contractae. nec ad rem pertinet, quod in hereditate res corporales continentur: nam et fructus, qui ex fundo percipiuntur, corporales sunt, et id quod ex aliqua obligatione nobis debetur plerumque corporale est, veluti fundus homo pecunia: nam ipsum ius successionis et ipsum ius utendi fruendi et ipsum ius obligationis incorporale est.
Certain things moreover are corporeal, certain incorporeal. corporeal are those which can be touched, for example a landed estate, a man, a garment, gold silver, and finally other innumerable things: incorporeal are those which cannot be touched, such as those which consist in law, like an inheritance, a usufruct, obligations contracted in whatever way. nor does it pertain to the point that corporeal things are contained in an inheritance: for also the fruits which are taken from a landed estate are corporeal, and that which is owed to us from some obligation is for the most part corporeal, for example a landed estate, a man, money: for the right of succession itself, and the right of using and enjoying, and the right of obligation itself, is incorporeal.
Nemo igitur ad litus maris accedere prohibetur piscandi causa, dum tamen ullius et aedificiis et monumentis abstineatur, quia non sunt iuris gentium sicut et mare: idque et divus pius piscatoribus formianis et capenatis rescripsit.
Therefore no one is prohibited from approaching the sea-shore for the purpose of fishing, provided, however, that one abstain from anyone’s edifices and monuments, because these are not of the law of nations, as the sea is: and this too the deified Pius wrote back in a rescript to the Formian and Capenate fishermen.
Riparum usus publicus est iure gentium sicut ipsius fluminis. itaque navem ad eas appellere, funes ex arboribus ibi natis religare, retia siccare et ex mare reducere, onus aliquid in his reponere cuilibet liberum est, sicuti per ipsum flumen navigare. sed proprietas illorum est, quorum praediis haerent: qua de causa arbores quoque in his natae eorundem sunt.
The use of banks is public by the law of nations, just as that of the river itself. And so to bring a ship up to them, to tie ropes to trees grown there, to dry nets and to bring them back from the sea, to set down some burden on them, is free to anyone, just as to sail upon the river itself. But the ownership of those banks belongs to those to whose estates they are appurtenant; for which reason the trees also that are grown on them belong to the same persons.
In tantum, ut et soli domini constituantur qui ibi aedificant, sed quamdiu aedificium manet: alioquin aedificio dilapso quasi iure postliminii revertitur locus in pristinam causam, et si alius in eodem loco aedificaverit, eius fiet.
To such an extent, that those who build there are even constituted owners of the soil, but so long as the building remains: otherwise, the building having fallen into ruin, the place reverts, as if by the right of postliminy, to its former condition, and if another builds in the same place, it will become his.
Universitatis sunt non singulorum veluti quae in civitatibus sunt theatra et stadia et similia et si qua alia sunt communia civitatium. ideoque nec servus communis civitatis singulorum pro parte intellegitur, sed universitatis et ideo tam contra civem quam pro eo posse servum civitatis torqueri divi fratres rescripserunt. ideo et libertus civitatis non habet necesse veniam edicti petere, si vocet in ius aliquem ex civibus.
Things belong to the universitas, not to individuals, such as in the cities are the theaters and the stadia and the like, and whatever other things are common to the cities. And therefore a slave common to the city is not understood as belonging to the individual citizens in shares, but to the universitas; and for that reason the Deified Brothers, by rescript, declared that a slave of the city can be put to torture as much against a citizen as on his behalf. Therefore also a freedman of the city has no need to seek leave under the edict, if he summons someone of the citizens into court.
Sacrae autem res sunt hae, quae publice consecratae sunt, non private: si quis ergo privatim sibi constituerit sacrum ^ sacrum constituerit^, sacrum non est, sed profanum. semel autem aede sacra facta etiam diruto aedificio locus sacer manet.
Sacred things, moreover, are those which have been consecrated publicly, not privately: if therefore someone has privately established for himself a sacred thing ^ a sacred thing has established^, it is not sacred, but profane. once, however, a sacred temple has been made, even with the edifice demolished, the place remains sacred.
Religiosum autem locum unusquisque sua voluntate facit, dum mortuum infert in locum suum. in commune autem sepulchrum etiam invitis ceteris licet inferre. sed et in alienum locum concedente domino licet inferre: et licet postea ratum habuerit quam illatus est mortuus, religiosus locus fit.
A religious place, moreover, each person makes by his own will, when he inters a dead person in his own place. in a common sepulchre also
even if the others are unwilling, it is permitted to inter. but also into another’s place, with the owner conceding, it is permitted to inter: and even if he has afterwards ratified it after the dead has been brought in,
the place becomes religious.
Illud notandum est aliud esse sacrum locum, aliud sacrarium. sacer locus est locus consecratus, sacrarium est locus, in quo sacra reponuntur, quod etiam in aedificio privato esse potest, et solent, qui liberare eum locum religione volunt, sacra inde evocare.
It should be noted that a sacred place is one thing, a sacrarium another. A sacred place is a place that has been consecrated, a sacrarium is a place in which sacred things (sacra) are stored, which can also be in a private building; and those who wish to free that place from religion are accustomed to evoke the sacra from there.
Proprie dicimus sancta, quae neque sacra neque profana sunt, sed sanctione quadam confirmata: ut leges sanctae sunt, sanctione enim quadam sunt subnixae. quod enim sanctione quadam subnixum est, id sanctum est, etsi deo non sit consecratum: et interdum in sanctionibus adicitur, ut qui ibi aliquid commisit, capite puniatur.
Properly we call sanct those things which are neither sacred nor profane, but confirmed by a certain sanction: as laws are sanct, for by a certain sanction they are supported. For whatever is supported by a certain sanction is sanct, even if it has not been consecrated to a god; and sometimes in the sanctions it is added that whoever has committed something there be punished capitally.
Si quis violaverit muros, capite punitur, sicuti si quis transcendet scalis admotis vel alia qualibet ratione. nam cives romanos alia quam per portas egredi non licet, cum illud hostile et abominandum sit: nam et romuli frater remus occisus traditur ob id, quod murum transcendere voluerit.
If anyone shall violate the walls, he is punished with capital punishment, just as if someone should transcend them with ladders set in place or by any other method. for Roman citizens it is not permitted to go out by any way other than
through the gates, since that is hostile and abominable: for even Remus, the brother of Romulus, is reported to have been slain on account of this, because he wished to transcend the wall.
Senatoris filium accipere debemus non tantum eum qui naturalis est, verum adoptivum quoque: neque intererit, a quo vel qualiter adoptatus fuerit nec interest, iam in senatoria dignitate constitutus eum susceperit an ante dignitatem senatoriam.
We ought to understand “a senator’s son” to include not only one who is natural, but also an adoptive [son]; nor will it matter by whom or in what manner he was adopted, nor does it matter whether he was taken in when the man was already established in senatorial dignity, or before senatorial dignity.
Item labeo scribit etiam eum, qui post mortem patris senatoris natus sit, quasi senatoris filium esse. sed eum, qui posteaquam pater eius de senatu motus est, concipitur et nascitur, proculus et pegasus opinantur non esse quasi senatoris filium, quorum sententia vera est: nec enim proprie senatoris filius dicetur is, cuius pater senatu motus est antequam iste nasceretur. si quis conceptus quidem sit, antequam pater eius senatu moveatur, natus autem post patris amissam dignitatem, magis est ut quasi senatoris filius intellegatur: tempus enim conceptionis spectandum plerisque placuit.
Likewise labeo writes that even one who is born after the death of his father, a senator, is as if a senator’s son. But one who, after his father has been removed from the senate, is conceived and is born, proculus and pegasus think is not as if a senator’s son, whose opinion is true: for indeed he will not properly be called a senator’s son, he whose father was removed from the senate before he was born. If someone was indeed conceived before his father is removed from the senate, but born after his father’s dignity has been lost, it is rather to be understood as if he is a senator’s son: for the time of conception is to be considered, as it has pleased most.
Si quis et patrem et avum habuerit senatorem, et quasi filius et quasi nepos senatoris intellegitur. sed si pater amiserit dignitatem ante conceptionem huius, quaeri poterit an, quamvis quasi senatoris filius non intellegatur, quasi nepos tamen intellegi debeat: et magis est ut debeat, ut avi potius ei dignitas prosit, quam obsit casus patris.
If someone has had both his father and his grandfather as senators, he is understood as if both the son and the grandson of a senator. But if the father has lost the dignity before his conception, it can be asked whether, although he is not understood as if the son of a senator, nevertheless he ought to be understood as if the grandson: and the stronger view is that he ought, so that the dignity of the grandfather may benefit him rather than the mischance of the father harm him.
Feminae nuptae clarissimis personis clarissimarum personarum appellatione continentur. clarissimarum feminarum nomine senatorum filiae, nisi quae viros clarissimos sortitae sunt, non habentur: feminis enim dignitatem clarissimam mariti tribuunt, parentes vero, donec plebeii nuptiis fuerint copulatae: tamdiu igitur clarissima femina erit, quamdiu senatori nupta est vel clarissimo aut separata ab eo alii inferioris dignitatis non nupsit.
Women married to most distinguished persons are contained under the appellation of “most distinguished women.” under the name of most distinguished women the daughters of senators,
unless they have obtained husbands who are most distinguished, are not held: for to women the most distinguished dignity is bestowed by husbands, but by parents, until they have been joined in marriage to a plebeian: therefore a woman will be most distinguished for as long as she is married to a senator or to a most distinguished man, or, being separated from him, has not married another
of inferior rank.
Liberos senatorum accipere debemus non tantum senatorum filios, verum omnes, qui geniti ex ipsis exve liberis eorum dicantur, sive naturales sive adoptivi sint liberi senatorum, ex quibus nati dicuntur. sed si ex filia senatoris natus sit, spectare debemus patris eius condicionem.
We ought to take “children of senators” to include not only the sons of senators, but indeed all who are said to have been begotten from them or from their children, whether natural or adoptive children of senators, from whom they are said to have been born. But if one be born from a daughter of a senator, we must look to the condition of his father.
Consules et seorsum singuli manumittunt: sed non potest is, qui apud alterum nomina ediderit, apud alterum manumittere: separatae enim sunt manumissiones. sane si qua ex causa collega manumittere non poterit infirmitate vel aliqua iusta causa impeditus, collegam posse manumissionem expedire senatus censuit.
The consuls too manumit, each separately: but he who has filed the names before the one cannot manumit before the other; for the manumissions are separate.
Indeed, if for some cause a colleague is unable to manumit, being hindered by infirmity or some just cause, the Senate decreed that the colleague can carry through the manumission.
Consules apud se servos suos manumittere posse nulla dubitatio est. sed si evenerit, ut minor viginti annis consul sit, apud se manumittere non poterit, cum ipse sit, qui ex senatus consulto consilii causam examinat: apud collegam vero causa probata potest.
There is no doubt that consuls can manumit their own slaves before themselves. but if it happens that a consul is under twenty years of age, he cannot manumit before himself, since he himself is the one who, by senatorial decree, examines the cause for the council: before his colleague, however, once the cause has been approved, he can.
Breviter commemorare necesse est, unde constituendi praefectorum praetorio officii origo manaverit. ad vicem magistri equitum ppaefectus praetorio antiquitus institutos esse a quibusdam scriptoribus traditum est. nam cum apud veteres dictatoribus ad tempus summa potestas crederetur et magistros equitum sibi eligerent, qui adsociati participales curae ad militiae gratia secundam post eos potestatem gererent: regimentis rei publicae ad imperatores perpetuos translatis ad similitudinem magistrorum equitum praefecti praetorio a principibus electi sunt.
It is necessary briefly to recount whence the origin of establishing the office of the praetorian prefect has flowed. in the stead of the master of horse
the praetorian prefect is reported by certain writers to have been instituted of old. for when among the ancients the highest power was entrusted for a time to dictators
and they chose for themselves masters of horse, who, associated as partners in the charge, for the sake of the soldiery bore authority second after them:
with the regimens of the commonwealth transferred to perpetual emperors, in the likeness of the masters of horse the praetorian prefects
were chosen by the princes.
His cunabulis praefectorum auctoritas initiata in tantum meruit augeri, ut appellari a praefectis praetorio non possit. nam cum ante quaesitum fuisset, an liceret a praefectis praetorio appellare et iure liceret et extarent exempla eorum qui provocaverint: postea publice sententia principali lecta appellandi facultas interdicta est. credidit enim princeps eos, qui ob singularem industriam explorata eorum fide et gravitate ad huius officii magnitudinem adhibentur, non aliter iudicaturos esse pro sapientia ac luce dignitatis suae, quam ipse foret iudicaturos.
From these cradle-beginnings the authority of the prefects, once initiated, deserved to be augmented to such an extent that one cannot appeal from the Praetorian Prefects. For whereas previously it had been asked whether it was permitted to appeal from the Praetorian Prefects—and both it was permitted by law and there existed examples of those who had appealed—afterwards, once the imperial sentence had been publicly read, the faculty of appealing was interdicted. For the princeps believed that those who, on account of singular industry, with their faith and gravity tested, are admitted to the magnitude of this office would judge, in accordance with the wisdom and the light of their dignity, no otherwise than he himself would judge.
Initio eiusdem epistulae ita scriptum est: " cum urbem nostram fidei tuae commiserimus": quidquid igitur intra urbem admittitur, ad praefectum urbi videtur pertinere. sed et si quid intra centensimum miliarium admissum sit, ad praefectum urbi pertinet: si ultra ipsum lapidem, egressum est praefecti urbi notionem.
At the beginning of that same letter it is written thus: " when we have entrusted our city to your fidelity": therefore whatever is committed within the city seems to pertain to the prefect of the city. But also, if anything has been committed within the hundredth milestone, it pertains to the prefect of the city: if beyond that stone, it has gone out of the prefect of the city's cognizance.
Solent ad praefecturam urbis remitti etiam tutores sive curatores, qui male in tutela sive cura versati graviore animadversione indigent, quam ut sufficiat eis suspectorum infamia: quos probari poterit vel nummis datis tutelam occupasse, vel praemio accepto operam dedisse ut non idoneus tutor alicui daretur, vel consulto circa edendum patrimonium quantitatem minuisse, vel evidenti fraude pupilli bona alienasse.
It is customary that even tutors or curators be remitted to the prefecture of the city, who, having conducted themselves badly in guardianship or curatorship, require a more severe animadversion, than that the disrepute of being under suspicion should suffice for them: namely, those who can be proved either to have seized a tutelage with money given, or, upon a reward received, to have given their services so that an unfit tutor be assigned to someone, or deliberately to have diminished the amount in the publishing of the patrimony, or by manifest fraud to have alienated the pupil’s goods.
Quod autem dictum est, ut servos de dominis querentes praefectus audiat, sic accipiemus non accusantes dominos ( hoc enim nequaquam servo permittendum est nisi ex causis receptis) sed si verecunde expostulent, si saevitiam, si duritiam, si famem, qua eos premant, si obscenitatem, in qua eos compulerint vel compellant, apud praefectum urbi exponant. hoc quoque officium praefecto urbi a divo severo datum est, ut mancipia tueatur ne prostituantur.
But as to what has been said, that the prefect should hear slaves complaining against their masters, we will take it thus: not as accusing their masters (for this by no means ought to be permitted to a slave, except on recognized grounds), but if they modestly remonstrate, if they set forth savagery, hardness, famine, by which they oppress them, if obscenity, into which they have compelled or are compelling them, let them present it before the prefect of the city. This duty also was given to the prefect of the city by the deified Severus, that he protect slaves lest they be prostituted.
Cum patronus contemni se a liberto dixerit vel contumeliosum sibi libertum queratur vel convicium se ab eo passum liberosque suos vel uxorem vel quid huic simile obicit: praefectus urbi adiri solet et pro modo querellae corrigere eum. aut comminari aut fustibus castigare aut ulterius procedere in poena eius solet: nam et puniendi plerumque sunt liberti. certe si se delatum a liberto vel conspirasse eum contra se cum inimicis doceat, etiam metalli poena in eum statui debet.
When a patron says that he is being contemned by his freedman, or complains that the freedman is contumelious toward him, or alleges that he has suffered contumely from him and charges that his children or his wife, or something similar to this, have been assailed: the Prefect of the City is wont to be approached, and to correct him in proportion to the measure of the complaint. He is wont either to threaten, or to chastise with cudgels, or to proceed further in his punishment: for freedmen are for the most part to be punished. Certainly, if he shows that he has been denounced by his freedman, or that the latter has conspired against him with his enemies, even the penalty of the mines ought to be imposed upon him.
Et urbe interdicere praefectus urbi et qua alia solitarum regionum potest, et negotiatione et professione et advocationibus et foro, et ad tempus et in perpetuum: interdicere poterit et spectaculis: et si quem releget ab italia, summovere eum etiam a provincia sua.
And the prefect of the city can interdict from the city, and, as those of the ordinary regions can, from commerce and from profession and from advocations and from the forum, and for a time and in perpetuity: he will also be able to interdict from spectacles: and if he relegates anyone from Italy, to remove him also from his province.
Origo quaestoribus creandis antiquissima est et paene ante omnes magistratus. gracchanus denique iunius libro septimo de potestatibus etiam ipsum romulum et numam pompilium binos quaestores habuisse, quos ipsi non sua voce, sed populi suffragio crearent, refert. sed sicuti dubium est, an romulo et numa regnantibus quaestor fuerit, ita tullo hostilio rege quaestores fuisse certum est: et sane crebrior apud veteres opinio est tullum hostilium primum in rem publicam induxisse quaestores.
The origin of creating quaestors is most ancient and almost prior to all magistracies. Gracchanus Junius, in the seventh book On Powers,
relates that even Romulus and Numa Pompilius had two quaestors apiece, whom they themselves appointed not by their own voice, but by the people’s suffrage. But
just as it is doubtful whether there was a quaestor while Romulus and Numa were reigning, so it is certain that under King Tullus Hostilius there were quaestors; and indeed the more prevalent opinion among the ancients is that Tullus Hostilius was the first to introduce quaestors into the commonwealth.
Ex quaestoribus quidam solebant provincias sortiri ex senatus consulto, quod factum est decimo druso et porcina consulibus, sane non omnes quaestores provincias sortiebantur, verum excepti erant candidati principis: hi etenim solis libris principalibus in senatu legendis vacant.
Of the quaestors, some were accustomed to obtain provinces by lot by a decree of the senate, which was done when Decimus Drusus and Porcina were consuls; to be sure, not all the quaestors drew provinces by lot, but the emperor’s candidates were excepted: for these are free only for reading the imperial books in the senate.
Barbarius philippus cum servus fugitivus esset, romae praeturam petiit et praetor designatus est. sed nihil ei servitutem obstetisse ait pomponius, quasi praetor non fuerit: atquin verum est praetura eum functum. et tamen videamus: si servus quamdiu latuit, dignitate praetoria functus sit, quid dicemus?
barbarius philippus, since he was a fugitive slave, sought the praetorship at rome and was designated praetor. but pomponius says that his servitude was an obstacle to nothing for him,
as if he had not been praetor; and yet it is true that he discharged the praetorship. and still let us consider: if, being a slave, for as long as he lay hidden, he exercised the praetorian
dignity, what shall we say?
The edicts he issued, the decrees he rendered—are they to be of no moment? Or are they to stand on account of the utility of those who litigated before him, whether under statute or under some other law? And I think it true that none of these should be annulled: for this is more humane: since the Roman People could even decree this power to a slave; and even if they had known him to be a slave, they would have made him free.
Apud vetustiores incendiis arcendis triumviri praeerant, qui ab eo, quod excubias agebant nocturni dicti sunt: interveniebant nonnumquam et aediles et tribuni plebis. erant autem familia publica circa portam et muros disposita, unde si opus esset evocabatur: fuerant et privatae familiae, quae incendia vel mercede vel gratia extinguerent, deinde divus augustus maluit per se huic rei consuli.
Among the more ancient times, triumvirs presided over warding off fires, who, from the fact that they kept watches, were called nocturni: they were sometimes joined by the aediles and the tribunes of the plebs. there was moreover a public slave-crew positioned around the gate and the walls, whence, if there were need, it was called out: there had also been private crews who would extinguish fires either for pay or for favor; thereafter the deified Augustus preferred that this matter be attended to by himself.
Nam salutem rei publicae tueri nulli magis credidit convenire nec alium sufficere ei rei, quam caesarem. itaque septem cohortes oportunis locis constituit, ut binas regiones urbis unaquaeque cohors tueatur, praepositis eis tribunis et super omnes spectabili viro qui praefectus vigilum appellatur.
For he believed that the safety of the commonwealth befitted no one more, nor that anyone else sufficed for that matter, than the Caesar. And so he stationed seven cohorts in opportune places, so that each cohort might guard two regions of the city, tribunes being set over them, and over all a notable man who is called the Prefect of the Watch.
Cognoscit praefectus vigilum de incendiariis effractoribus furibus raptoribus receptatoribus, nisi si qua tam atrox tamque famosa persona sit, ut praefecto urbi remittatur. et quia plerumque incendia culpa fiunt inhabitantium, aut fustibus castigat eos qui neglegentius ignem habuerunt, aut severa interlocutione comminatus fustium castigationem remittit.
The prefect of the watch takes cognizance concerning arsonists, house-breakers, thieves, robbers, and receivers/harborers, unless there should be some person so atrocious and so notorious that he is remitted to the prefect of the city. and because fires very often happen through the fault of the inhabitants, either he chastises with rods those who have kept the fire too negligently, or by a severe interlocutory decree, having threatened chastisement with rods, he remits it.
Effracturae fiunt plerumque in insulis in horreisque, ubi homines pretiosissimam partem fortunarum suarum reponunt, cum vel cella effringitur vel armarium vel arca: et custodes plerumque puniuntur, et ita divus antoninus erucio claro rescripsit. ait enim posse eum horreis effractis quaestionem habere de servis custodibus, licet in illis ipsius imperatoris portio esset.
Effractions generally happen in apartment blocks and in storehouses, where people put away the most precious part of their fortunes, when either the storeroom is broken open or the cupboard or the chest: and the guards are generally punished, and thus the deified Antoninus wrote back to Erucius Clarus. For he says that, the storehouses having been broken open, he can hold an inquiry (quaestio) about the slave guards, although in them a share belonged to the emperor himself.
Imperatores severus et antoninus iunio rufino praefecto vigilum ita rescripserunt: " insularios et eos, qui neglegenter ignes apud se habuerint, potes fustibus vel flagellis caedi iubere: eos autem, qui dolo fecisse incendium convincentur, ad fabium cilonem praefectum urbi amicum nostrum remittes: fugitivos conquirere eosque dominis reddere debes. "
The emperors severus and antoninus to iunius rufinus, prefect of the watch, wrote back thus: " the tenement-keepers and those who shall have had fires with them negligently you can order to be beaten with clubs or with whips: but those who shall be convicted of having caused a fire by guile you will send back to fabius cilo, prefect of the city, our friend: you must search out fugitives and return them to their masters. "
Proficisci autem proconsulem melius quidem est sine uxore: sed et cum uxore potest, dummodo sciat senatum cotta et messala consulibus censuisse futurum, ut si quid uxores eorum qui ad officia proficiscuntur deliquerint, ab ipsis ratio et vindicta exigatur.
It is better, moreover, for the proconsul to set out without a wife; but he can also with a wife, provided that he knows that the senate, with Cotta and Messala
consuls, resolved that it would be so: that if the wives of those who set out to their official duties should commit any delinquency, account and punishment be exacted from the men themselves.
Antequam vero fines provinciae decretae sibi proconsul ingressus sit, edictum debet de adventu suo mittere continens commendationem aliquam sui, si qua ei familiaritas sit cum provincialibus vel coniunctio, et maxime excusantis, ne publice vel privatim occurrant ei: esse enim congruens, ut unusquisque in sua patria eum exciperet.
Before, however, the proconsul enters the borders of the province decreed to him, he ought to send out an edict about his arrival, containing some commendation of himself, if he has any familiarity with or connection to the provincials, and most especially excusing them, lest they come out to meet him publicly or privately: for it is congruent that each person should receive him in his own home city.
Ingressum etiam hoc eum observare oportet, ut per eam partem provinciam ingrediatur, per quam ingredi moris est, et quas graeci epidymias appellant sive kataploun observare, in quam primum civitatem veniat vel applicet: magni enim facient provinciales servari sibi consuetudinem istam et huiusmodi praerogativas. quaedam provinciae etiam hoc habent, ut per mare in eam provinciam proconsul veniat, ut asia, scilicet usque adeo, ut imperator noster antoninus augustus ad desideria asianorum rescripsit proconsuli necessitatem impositam per mare asiam applicare kai twn mytropolewn efeson primam attingere.
He ought also to observe this in his entry, that he enter the province by that part by which it is the custom to enter, and to observe what the Greeks call epidēmiai or kataplous, namely the city into which he first comes or makes landfall: for the provincials will value greatly having that custom and prerogatives of this sort preserved for themselves.
Some provinces have this as well, that the proconsul come into that province by sea, as Asia—indeed to such a degree that our emperor Antoninus Augustus, in answer to the desires of the Asians, wrote back that a necessity was laid upon the proconsul to make landfall in Asia by sea and, of the metropolises, to touch Ephesus first.
Post haec ingressus provinciam mandare iurisdictionem legato suo debet nec hoc ante facere, quam fuerit provinciam ingressus; est enim perquam absurdum, antequam ipse iurisdictionem nanciscatur ( nec enim prius ei competit, quam in eam provinciam venerit) alii eam mandare, quam non habet. sed si et ante fecerit et ingressus provinciam in eadem voluntate fuerit, credendum est videri legatum habere iurisdictionem, non exinde ex quo mandata est, sed ex quo provinciam proconsul ingressus est.
After these things, once he has entered the province, he ought to delegate jurisdiction to his legate, nor ought he to do this before he has entered the province; for it is very absurd, before he himself acquires jurisdiction ( nec enim it does not belong to him before he has come into that province) to delegate to another that which he does not have. But if he both has done it beforehand and, having entered the province, has remained in the same intention, it is to be believed that the legate is considered to have jurisdiction, not from the time from which it was mandated, but from the time from which the proconsul entered the province.
Solent etiam custodiarum cognitionem mandare legatis, scilicet ut praeauditas custodias ad se remittant, ut innocentem ipse liberet. sed hoc genus mandati extraordinarium est: nec enim potest quis gladii potestatem sibi datam vel cuius alterius coercitionis ad alium transferre, nec liberandi igitur reos ius, cum accusari apud eum non possint.
They are also accustomed to entrust the cognition of those in custody to legates, namely that they remit to him the custodies after a preliminary hearing, so that he himself may free the innocent person. But this kind of mandate is extraordinary: for no one can transfer to another the power of the sword given to himself, or any other power of coercition, and therefore not the right of freeing defendants, since they cannot be accused before him.
Non vero in totum xeniis abstinere debebit proconsul, sed modum adicere, ut neque morose in totum abstineat neque avare modum xeniorum excedat. quam rem divus severus et imperator antoninus elegantissime epistula sunt moderati, cuius epistulae verba haec sunt: " quantum ad xenia pertinet, audi quid sentimus: vetus proverbium est: oute panta oute pantote oute para pantwn . nam valde inhumanum est a nemine accipere, sed passim vilissimum est et omnia avarissimum. " et quod mandatis continetur, ne donum vel munus ipse proconsul vel qui in alio officio erit accipiat ematve quid nisi victus cottidiani causa, ad xeniola non pertinet, sed ad ea quae edulium excedant usum.
not, indeed, ought the proconsul to abstain from guest-gifts entirely, but to add a measure, so that he neither peevishly abstains altogether nor greedily exceeds the measure of guest-gifts. this matter the deified Severus and the emperor Antoninus most elegantly regulated in a letter, whose letter has these words: “as to guest-gifts, hear what we think: there is an old proverb: neither everything nor always nor from everyone. for it is very inhuman to accept from no one, but to do so indiscriminately is most base, and to take everything is most avaricious.” and what is contained in the mandates, that neither the proconsul himself nor one who will be in another office should accept or buy a gift or present, except for the sake of daily sustenance, does not pertain to little guest-gifts, but to those things which exceed the use of edible provisions.
Si in aliam quam celebrem civitatem vel provinciae caput advenerit, pati debet commendari sibi civitatem laudesque suas non gravate audire, cum honori suo provinciales id vindicent: et ferias secundum mores et consuetudinem quae retro optinuit dare.
If he has arrived in a city other than a celebrated one or the capital of the province, he ought to allow the city to be commended to him and to hear its praises without reluctance, since the provincials claim this to his honor; and to grant holidays according to the mores and the consuetude which has hitherto obtained.
Aedes sacras et opera publica circumire inspiciendi gratia, an sarta tectaque sint vel an aliqua refectione indigeant, et si qua coepta sunt ut consummentur, prout vires eius rei publicae permittunt, curare debet curatoresque operum diligentes sollemniter praeponere, ministeria quoque militaria, si opus fuerit, ad curatores adiuvandos dare.
He ought to go around sacred buildings and public works for the sake of inspection, whether they are in proper repair or whether they require any refection, and, if any have been begun, to see that they are completed, as the resources of that commonwealth permit; and he should solemnly set over them diligent curators of the works, and also, if need be, grant military services to aid the curators.
Circa advocatos patientem esse proconsulem oportet, sed cum ingenio, ne contemptibilis videatur, nec adeo dissimulare, si quos causarum concinnatores vel redemptores deprehendat, eosque solos pati postulare, quibus per edictum eius postulare permittitur.
Concerning advocates, it is fitting for the proconsul to be patient, but with discernment, lest he seem contemptible, nor to dissemble to such a degree that, if he should detect any
contrivers of cases or buyers-up of them, and to allow to petition only those to whom by his edict it is permitted to petition.
De plano autem proconsul potest expedire haec: ut obsequium parentibus et patronis liberisque patronum exhiberi iubeat: comminari etiam et terrere filium a patre oblatum, qui non ut oportet conversari dicatur, poterit de plano: similiter et libertum non obsequentem emendare aut verbis aut fustium castigatione.
Summarily, moreover, the proconsul can dispose of the following: that obedience (obsequium) be shown to parents and patrons and to the children of the patron; to threaten
also and to terrify a son presented by his father, who is said not to conduct himself as is fitting, he can do summarily; likewise to correct a non‑obedient freedman
either by words or by chastisement with cudgels.
Observare itaque eum oportet, ut sit ordo aliquis postulationum, scilicet ut omnium desideria audiantur, ne forte dum honori postulantium datur vel improbitati ceditur, mediocres desideria sua non proferant, qui aut omnino non adhibuerunt, aut minus frequentes neque in aliqua dignitate positos advocatos sibi prospexerunt.
Therefore he ought to observe that there be some order of petitions, namely that the desires of all be heard, lest perhaps, while honor is given to the petitioners or concession is made to shamelessness, the middle sort fail to put forward their desires, who either have not employed advocates at all, or have provided for themselves advocates less numerous and not placed in any dignity.
Advocatos quoque petentibus debebit indulgere plerumque: feminis vel pupillis vel alias debilibus vel his, qui suae mentis non sunt, si quis eis petat: vel si nemo sit qui petat, ultro eis dare debebit. sed si qui per potentiam adversarii non invenire se advocatum dicat, aeque oportebit ei advocatum dare. ceterum oprimi aliquem per adversarii sui potentiam non oportet: hoc enim etiam ad invidiam eius qui provinciae praeest spectat, si quis tam impotenter se gerat, ut omnes metuant adversus eum advocationem suscipere.
He ought for the most part to indulge those requesting advocates: for women or wards, or otherwise the feeble, or those who are not of their own mind, if anyone should petition for them; and if there be no one to petition, he ought to give them one of his own accord. But if anyone says that, through the opponent’s power, he cannot find himself an advocate, it will likewise be proper to give him an advocate. Moreover, it is not proper that anyone be oppressed by his opponent’s power: for this also reflects to the ill-will of the one who presides over the province, if someone conducts himself so unrestrainedly that all fear to undertake advocacy against him.
Meminisse oportebit usque ad adventum successoris omnia debere proconsulem agere, cum sit unus proconsulatus et utilitas provinciae exigat esse aliquem, per quem negotia sua provinciales explicent: ergo in adventum successoris debebit ius dicere.
It ought to be remembered that, until the advent of his successor, the proconsul must perform everything, since the proconsulship is single and the utility of the province requires that there be someone through whom the provincials may settle their business; therefore, until the advent of the successor he ought to administer justice.
Praeses provinciae in suae provinciae homines tantum imperium habet, et hoc dum in provincia est: nam si excesserit, privatus est. habet interdum imperium et adversus extraneos homines, si quid manu commiserint: nam et in mandatis principum est, ut curet is, qui provinciae praeest, malis hominibus provinciam purgare, nec distinguuntur unde sint.
The governor of a province has imperium only over the people of his own province, and this only while he is in the province; for if he has departed, he is a private person. He has sometimes imperium also against foreign persons, if they have committed anything by violence; for it is also in the mandates of the emperors that he who presides over the province take care to purge the province of evil men, nor is there any distinction as to whence they are.
Praeses provinciae si multam quam irrogavit ex praesentibus facultatibus eorum, quibus eam dixit, redigi non posse deprehenderit: necessitate solutionis moderetur reprehensa exactorum illicita avaritia. remissa propter inopiam multa a provincias regentibus exigi non debet.
If the governor of the province discovers that the fine which he has imposed cannot be recovered out of the present resources of those upon whom he pronounced it:
let him moderate the necessity of payment, after rebuking the unlawful avarice of the collectors. A fine remitted on account of poverty ought not to be exacted by those governing the provinces.
Saepe audivi caesarem nostrum dicentem hac rescriptione: " eum qui provinciae praeest adire potes" non imponi necessitatem proconsuli vel legato eius vel praesidi provinciae suscipiendae cognitionis, sed eum aestimare debere, ipse cognoscere an iudicem dare debeat.
I have often heard our Caesar saying by this rescript: " you can approach him who presides over the province" that no necessity is imposed upon the proconsul or his legate or the governor of the province for undertaking the cognition, but that he ought to evaluate whether he should himself conduct the cognition or appoint a judge.
Generaliter quotiens princeps ad praesides provinciarum remittit negotia per rescriptiones, veluti " eum qui provinciae praeest adire poteris" vel cum hac adiectione " is aestimabit, quid sit partium suarum", non imponitur necessitas proconsuli vel legato suscipiendae cognitionis, quamvis non sit adiectum " is aestimabit quid sit partium suarum": sed is aestimare debet, utrum ipse cognoscat an iudicem dare debeat.
Generally, whenever the prince sends back business to the governors of the provinces by rescripts, as in “ you may approach
the one who presides over the province” or with this addition “ he will assess what pertains to his own part,” no necessity is imposed upon the proconsul or the legate to undertake the
cognizance, even if “ he will assess what pertains to his own part” is not appended: but he ought to assess whether he himself should take cognizance or ought to appoint a judge.
Congruit bono et gravi praesidi curare, ut pacata atque quieta provincia sit quam regit. quod non difficile optinebit, si sollicite agat, ut malis hominibus provincia careat eosque conquirat: nam et sacrilegos latrones plagiarios fures conquirere debet et prout quisque deliquerit, in eum animadvertere, receptoresque eorum coercere, sine quibus latro diutius latere non potest.
It befits a good and weighty governor to take care that the province he rules be pacified and quiet. This he will not find difficult to obtain, if he acts diligently, so that the province be free from wicked men and that he seek them out: for he ought to track down sacrilegists, robbers, kidnappers, and thieves, and, as each has offended, to take punitive notice of him, and to restrain their receivers/harborers, without whom a robber cannot lie hidden for long.
Furiosis, si non possint per necessarios contineri, eo remedio per praesidem obviam eundum est: scilicet ut carcere contineantur. et ita divus pius rescripsit. sane excutiendum divi fratres putaverunt in persona eius, qui parricidium admiserat, utrum simulato furore facinus admisisset an vero re vera compos mentis non esset, ut si simulasset, plecteretur, si fureret, in carcere contineretur.
To the insane, if they cannot be restrained by their close relations, this remedy must be employed through the governor: namely, that they be confined in prison. and so the deified Pius wrote in a rescript. Indeed, the deified brothers thought it should be examined, in the person of him who had committed parricide, whether he had committed the deed with simulated madness or truly was not of sound mind, so that, if he had simulated, he should be punished; if he were mad, he should be confined in prison.
Divus marcus et commodus scapulae tertullo rescripserunt in haec verba: " si tibi liquido compertum est aelium priscum in eo furore esse, ut continua mentis alienatione omni intellectu careat, nec subest ulla suspicio matrem ab eo simulatione dementiae occisam: potes de modo poenae eius dissimulare, cum satis furore ipso puniatur. et tamen diligentius custodiendus erit ac, si putabis, etiam vinculo coercendus, quoniam tam ad poenam quam ad tutelam eius et securitatem proximorum pertinebit. si vero, ut plerumque adsolet, intervallis quibusdam sensu saniore, non forte eo momento scelus admiserit nec morbo eius danda est venia, diligenter explorabis et si quid tale compereris, consules nos, ut aestimemus, an per immanitatem facinoris, si, cum posset videri sentire, commiserit, supplicio adficiendus sit.
The deified Marcus and Commodus wrote back to Scapula Tertullus in these words: " if it is clearly ascertained by you that Aelius Priscus is in such a fury as to lack all understanding through a continual alienation of mind, and there is no suspicion that his mother was killed by him under a simulation of dementia: you can dissimulate as to the measure of his penalty, since he is sufficiently punished by the very frenzy. And yet he must be guarded more diligently and, if you think, even restrained by a bond, since this will pertain as much to punishment as to his tutelage and the security of his neighbors. But if, as generally is wont, at certain intervals he is of sounder sense, and he did not by chance commit the crime at that moment, nor should pardon be given on account of his disease, you will investigate carefully; and if you discover anything of such a kind, you will consult us, that we may assess whether, by reason of the enormity of the deed—if he committed it when he could seem to be in his senses—he ought to be subjected to punishment.
but when from your letters we have learned that he is in such a place and condition that he is guarded by his own people, or even in his own villa: you will appear to us to be doing the right thing, if you summon those by whom he was being kept under watch at that time, inquire into the cause of so great negligence, and determine, for each one of them, according as each one’s fault seems to you to be lightened or aggravated. for custodians are employed for the insane not for this alone, that they may not contrive anything more pernicious against themselves, but also that they may not be for the ruin of others: which, if it be committed, is with good reason to be ascribed to the fault of those who shall have been more negligent in their duty."
Senatus consulto cavetur, ut de his, quae provincias regentes, comites aut libertini eorum, antequam in provinciam venerint, contraxerunt, parcissime ius dicatur, ita ut actiones, quae ob eam causam institutae non essent, posteaquam quis eorum ea provincia excesserit, restituerentur. si quid tamen invito accidit, veluti si iniuriam aut furtum passus est, hactenus ei ius dicendum est, ut litem contestetur resque ablata exhibeatur et deponatur aut sisti exhiberive satisdato promittatur.
By senatorial decree it is provided that, concerning those things which persons governing provinces, their companions or their freedmen, contracted before they have come into the province,
justice be administered very sparingly, in such a way that actions which for that cause would not have been instituted be restored after any one of them has departed from that province.
If, however, anything has happened to him against his will, as for instance if he has suffered an injury or a theft, law is to be declared to him thus far: that he may join issue,
and that the thing taken be produced and deposited, or that it be promised by surety that it will be made to appear or be produced.
Observandum est ius reddenti, ut in adeundo quidem facilem se praebeat, sed contemni non patiatur. unde mandatis adicitur, ne praesides provinciarum in ulteriorem familiaritatem provinciales admittant: nam ex conversatione aequali contemptio dignitatis nascitur.
It must be observed by the one rendering justice, that when approached he should indeed present himself easy to access, but should not allow himself to be contemned. Whence it is added in the mandates, that the governors of provinces are not to admit provincials into further familiarity: for from equal conversation the contempt of dignity is begotten.
Sed et in cognoscendo neque excandescere adversus eos, quos malos putat, neque precibus calamitosorum inlacrimari oportet: id enim non est constantis et recti iudicis, cuius animi motum vultus detegit. et summatim ita ius reddi debet, ut auctoritatem dignitatis ingenio suo augeat.
But also, in conducting the inquiry one ought neither to flare up against those whom he thinks wicked, nor to be moved to tears by the prayers of the unfortunate: for that is not of a constant and upright judge, whose face discloses the movement of his mind. And summarily the law ought thus to be rendered, that he may by his own ingenuity augment the authority of his dignity.
Praeses cum cognoscat de servo corrupto vel ancilla devirginata vel servo stuprato, si actor rerum agentis corruptus esse dicetur vel eiusmodi homo, ut non ad solam iacturam adversus substantiam, sed ad totius domus eversionem pertineat: severissime debet animadvertere.
When the governor takes cognizance concerning a corrupted slave, or a maidservant deflowered, or a slave violated, if it is said that the manager of affairs or agent has been corrupted, or a man of such a sort, so that it pertains not only to a mere loss against the substance (estate), but to the overthrow of the whole household: he ought to punish most severely.
Si rem caesaris procurator eius quasi rem propriam tradat, non puto eum dominium transferre: tunc enim transfert, cum negotium caesaris gerens consensu ipsius tradit. denique si venditionis vel donationis vel transactionis causa quid agat, nihil agit: non enim alienare ei rem caesaris, sed diligenter gerere commissum est.
If the emperor’s procurator delivers property as though it were his own, I do not think he transfers ownership: for he transfers it when, conducting the emperor’s business, he delivers with his consent.
Finally, if he acts for the purpose of a sale or a gift or a settlement, he does nothing: for it has not been entrusted to him to alienate the emperor’s property, but to manage the entrusted matter diligently.
Quaecumque specialiter lege vel senatus consulto vel constitutione principum tribuuntur, mandata iurisdictione non transferuntur: quae vero iure magistratus competunt, mandari possunt. et ideo videntur errare magistratus, qui cum publici iudicii habeant exercitionem lege vel senatus consulto delegatam, veluti legis iuliae de adulteriis et si quae sunt aliae similes, iurisdictionem suam mandant. huius rei fortissimum argumentum, quod lege iulia de vi nominatim cavetur, ut is, cui optigerit exercitio, possit eam si proficiscatur mandare: non aliter itaque mandare poterit, quam si abesse coeperit, cum alias iurisdictio etiam a praesente mandetur.
Whatever things are specially granted by law or by a decree of the senate or by constitutions of the emperors are not transferred by delegated jurisdiction; but those which pertain by the right of a magistrate can be delegated. And therefore magistrates seem to err who, although they have the exercise of a public iudicium delegated to them by law or by a decree of the senate—such as by the Julian law on adulteries and any others similar—delegate their jurisdiction. The strongest argument of this matter is that by the Julian law on violence it is expressly provided that he to whom the exercise has fallen may delegate it if he sets out on a journey: therefore he will not be able to delegate otherwise than if he has begun to be absent, whereas otherwise jurisdiction is delegated even by one who is present.
Qui mandatam iurisdictionem suscepit, proprium nihil habet, sed eius, qui mandavit, iurisdictione utitur. verius est enim more maiorum iurisdictionem quidem transferri, sed merum imperium quod lege datur non posse transire: quare nemo dicit animadversionem legatum proconsulis habere mandata iurisdictione. paulus notat: et imperium, quod iurisdictioni cohaeret, mandata iurisdictione transire verius est.
He who has undertaken delegated jurisdiction has nothing of his own, but uses the jurisdiction of him who delegated it. For it is truer, according to the custom of the ancestors, that jurisdiction indeed is transferred, but the mere imperium that is given by law cannot pass: wherefore no one says that a proconsul’s legate has the power of punishment by delegated jurisdiction. Paulus notes: and it is truer that the imperium, which coheres with jurisdiction, passes with delegated jurisdiction.
Cognitio de suspectis tutoribus mandari potest. immo etiam ex mandata generali iurisdictione propter utilitatem pupillorum eam contingere constitutum est in haec verba: " imperatores severus et antoninus braduae proconsuli africae. cum propriam iurisdictionem legatis tuis dederis, consequens est, ut etiam de suspectis tutoribus possint cognoscere. "
Cognizance concerning suspected guardians can be mandated. Indeed, it has even been established that, under a general mandate of jurisdiction, for the utility of wards, it fall within it, in these words: " Emperors Severus and Antoninus to Bradua, Proconsul of Africa. Since you have given your own jurisdiction to your legates, it is consequent that they also can take cognizance concerning suspected guardians. "
Ut possessio bonorum detur, vel si cui damni infecti non caveatur ut is possidere iubeatur, aut ventris nomine in possessionem mulier, vel is cui legatum est legatorum servandorum causa in possessionem mittatur, mandari potest.
That possession of goods be given, or, if security be not given to someone for damage not yet done, that he be ordered to possess, or that a woman be put into possession in the name of the womb, or that the person to whom a legacy has been left be sent into possession for the sake of preserving the legacies, can be mandated.
Diem functo legato caesaris salarium comitibus residui temporis, quod a legatis praestitutum est, debetur, modo si non postea comites cum aliis eodem tempore fuerunt. diversum in eo servatur, qui successorem ante tempus accepit.
When the Caesar’s legate has finished his day (i.e., died), the salary to the companions for the residual time, which has been pre‑stipulated by the legates, is due, provided that the companions were not afterwards with others in that same period. A different rule is observed in the case of one who received a successor before the time.