Sulpicius Severus: CHRONICORUM LIBRI DUO

1 (1) Captivitatis tempora prophetarum vaticiniis atque actibus illustrata sunt, maximeque Danielis egregia ad conservandam legem perseverantia et in absolutione Susannae divino consilio ceterisque ab eo gestis, quae iam ordine persequemur. (2) hic sub rege Ioachim captus deductusque Babylonam parvus admodum puer; postea ob elegantiam vultus inter ministros regios assumptus, unaque cum eo Annanias, Misael et Azarias. (3) sed cum eos rex delicatioribus cibis curari praecepisset idque Asphanae eunucho negotii dedisset, Daniel paternarum traditionum memor, ne ex mensa regis gentilium cibis participaret, poposcit ab eunucho, ut leguminibus tantum uterentur.

1 (1) The times of the captivity were illuminated by the vaticinations and acts of the prophets, and especially by Daniel’s outstanding perseverance for the preservation of the law and, by divine counsel, in the acquittal of Susanna and the other deeds performed by him, which we will now pursue in order. (2) He was here, under King Jehoiakim, taken and led down to Babylon as a very small boy; afterwards, on account of the elegance of his countenance he was appointed among the royal ministers, and with him Ananias, Misael, and Azarias. (3) But when the king had ordered that they be cared for with more delicate foods and had entrusted this matter to the eunuch Ashpenaz, Daniel, mindful of paternal traditions and so that they should not partake of the king of the Gentiles’ table, asked the eunuch that they be allowed to use only legumes.

(4) causante Asphane, ne dissimulatum imperium regis consecutura macies proderet, Daniel Deo fretus pollicetur maioris decoris sibi vultus ex leguminibus quam ex cibis regiis fore. fidesque dictis adfuit, ita ut minime eorum vultus comparabiles haberentur, qui imperialibus impendiis procurabantur. igitur a rege in honorem et gratiam adhibiti prudentia et disciplina brevi omnibus regis proximis antelati.

(4) at Asphane's instigation, lest the emaciation that would follow from a concealed royal command betray them, Daniel, trusting in Deo, promised that his countenance would have greater honor from legumes than from the kingly foods. Faith attended his words, so that by no means were their faces held comparable to those who were maintained by imperial expenditures. Therefore they were brought before the king into honor and favor, and by prudence and discipline were soon advanced ahead of all the king's closest attendants.

(5) per idem tempus Susanna, cuidam Ioachi nupta, spectatae femina pulchritudinis, a duobus presbyteris appetita, cum impudicis non adquievisset, falso crimine incessitur, isdem presbyteris deferentibus, in remotis locis adulescentem cum ea deprehensum, sed illum iuvenili alacritate senum manus effugisse. ita presbyteris fides habita; iudicio populi Susanna damnatur. (6) quae cum secundum legem ad supplicium duceretur, Daniel, tum annos natus XII, increpitis Iudaeis, cur innocenter morti dedissent, reduci eam in iudicium causamque denuo audiri postulat.

(5) at the same time Susanna, married to a certain Joach, a woman of celebrated beauty, being coveted by two presbyters, when she did not acquiesce to their lewdness, was assailed with a false charge, the same presbyters bringing it; in a remote place the youth was found with her, but he escaped the hands of the old men by youthful alacrity. Thus belief was given to the presbyters; by the judgment of the people Susanna is condemned. (6) and when she was being led to execution according to the law, Daniel, then twelve years old, reproving the Jews for having given an innocent person to death, demanded that she be brought back to trial and that the cause be heard anew.

(7) enimvero multitudo Iudaeorum, quae tum aderat, non sine Deo existimans puerum contemptae aetatulae in hanc constantiam prorupisse, favore accommodato in consilium revertitur. (8) initur denuo iudicium; Danielo, ut inter maiores natu resideret, delatum. igitur separari accusatores iubet; unumquemque ex eis interrogat, sub cuius generis arbore adulteram deprehendisset.

(7) moreover the multitude of Jews, which then was present, not without God deeming that the boy, despised for his tender age, had burst forth into this constancy, with favour having been provided, return to the council. (8) again a trial is begun; Daniel, so that he might sit among those greater in age, is brought forward. therefore he orders the accusers to be separated; he questions each one of them under what sort of tree he had caught the adulteress.

ex varietate responsi falsitas deprehensa; Susanna absoluta, presbyteri, qui innocenti periculum creaverant, capite damnati.

by the variety of the responses the falsehood was detected; Susanna acquitted, the presbyters, who had brought peril upon the innocent, condemned to death.

2 (1) Ea tempestate Nabuchodonosor somnium vidit, mysterio futurorum mirabile. cuius interpretationem cum per se non posset evolvere, ascitis ad interpretandum Chaldaeis quique magicis artibus extisque hostiarum scire occulta et futura praecinere videbantur, mox veritus, ne more hominum non vera, sed placita regi ex somnio coniectarent, visa supprimit poscitque ab eis, ut, si vera in iis divinatio esset, somnium ipsum sibi dicerent; tum demum interpretationi eorum crediturum, si prius enuntiando somnium artis periculum fecissent. (2) illi vero tantam molem abnuentes, non esse id humanae opis confitebantur.

2 (1) At that time Nebuchadnezzar saw a dream, a wonder of the mystery of things to come. Since he could not unfold its interpretation by himself, he summoned the Chaldeans and those skilled in magical arts and in the entrails of victims, who seemed to foretell hidden and future things; soon fearing that, by the custom of men, they might conjecture to the king from the dream things not true but pleasing, he suppressed the visions and demanded of them that, if divination in them were true, they should tell him the dream itself; then at last he would credit their interpretation, if first, in declaring it, they had exposed the peril of their craft. (2) But they, refusing so great a burden, confessed that it was not within human power.

rex motus, cur falsa divinandi professione homines erroribus illuderent, cum astricti praesenti negotio nihil scire se confiterentur; ita edicto regis in eos animadversum palamque omnes huius artis interficiebantur. (3) quod ubi Danielo compertum, regis proximum appellat; enuntiationem somnii interpretationemque eius pollicetur. (4) res ad regem defertur Daniel arcessitur.

The king, moved, because by the false profession of divining men were mocked with errors, and when those bound by present business confessed that they knew nothing; thus by the king’s edict those incriminated were openly punished and all practitioners of this art were put to death. (3) When this was ascertained to Daniel, he was called to the king’s presence; he promises to divulge the enunciation of the dream and its interpretation. (4) The matter is carried to the king; Daniel is summoned.

iam revelato sibi per Deum mysterio visa regis refert absolvitque. sed res postulat, uti regis somnium et interpretationem prophetae et consequentium fidem exponamus. (5) viderat rex per soporem imaginem capite aureo, pectore brachiisque argenteis, ventre et femoribus aereis, cruribus ferreis, quae in pedes partim ferreos, partim fictiles desinebat; sed ferrum atque testum inter se confusum coire non poterat.

now, the mystery having been revealed to him by God, he recounted what he had seen of the king and interpreted it. But the matter demands that we set forth the king’s dream and the prophet’s interpretation and the faith of those who followed. (5) The king had seen in sleep an image with a head of gold, breast and arms of silver, belly and thighs of bronze, legs of iron, which in the feet ended partly in iron, partly in baked clay; but iron and clay mingled together could not cohere.

ad extremum imaginem lapis sine manibus abscissus proterebat, redactaque omnia in pulverem vento ablata.

at the extremity a stone, hewn without hands, struck down the image, and all, reduced into powder, were borne away by the wind.

3 (1) Igitur secundum prophetae interpretationem imago visa figuram mundi gerit. (2) caput aureum Chaldaeorum imperium est, siquidem id primum et opulentissimum fuisse accepimus. (3) pectus et brachia argentea secundum regnum annuntiant; Cyrus enim victis Chaldaeis atque Medis imperium ad Persas contulit.

3 (1) Therefore, according to the prophet’s interpretation, the vision seen bears the figure of the world. (2) the golden head is the empire of the Chaldaeans, since we have understood that it was the first and most opulent. (3) the silver breast and arms proclaim the second kingdom; for Cyrus, with the Chaldaeans and Medes conquered, transferred the empire to the Persians.

(4) in ventre aereo tertium regnum portendi pronuntiatur, atque impletum videmus, siquidem Alexander ereptum Persis imperium Macedoniae vindicavit. (5) crura ferrea imperium quartum, idque Romanum intellegitur, omnibus ante regnis validissimum. pedes vero partim ferrei, partim fictiles dividendum esse Romanum regnum, ita ut numquam inter se coeat, praefigurant; quod aeque impletum est, siquidem cum non ab uno imperatore, sed etiam a pluribus semperque inter se armis aut studiis dissentientibus res Romana administretur.

(4) in the brazen belly a third kingdom is proclaimed to be portended, and we see it fulfilled, since Alexander, wrested from the Persians, restored the imperium to Macedonia. (5) the legs of iron denote the fourth imperium, and that is understood to be the Roman, mightiest of all former kingdoms. the feet, however, partly of iron, partly of clay, prefigure that the Roman realm is to be divided, so that it never coheres within itself; which likewise was fulfilled, since the Roman res was governed not by one emperor but by several, and ever dissenting among themselves by arms or by rivalries.

(6) denique commisceri testum atque ferrum numquam inter se coeunte materie commixtiones humani generis futurae a se invicem dissidentes significantur, siquidem Romanum solum ab exteris gentibus aut rebellibus occupatum aut dedentibus se per pacis speciem traditum constet, exercitibusque nostris, urbibus atque provinciis permixtas barbaras nationes, et praecipue Iudaeos, inter nos degere nec tamen in mores nostros transire videamus. (7) atque haec esse postrema prophetae annuntiant. in lapide vero sine manibus abscisso, qui aurum, argentum, aes, ferrum testumque comminuit, Christi figura est.

(6) finally, the mixing together of fired-clay and iron, the materials never cohering among themselves, signify that mixtures of the human race will stand at odds with one another; for the Roman realm alone is held to be occupied by foreign peoples or surrendered by rebels under the semblance of peace, and we see barbarian nations mingled with our armies, cities, and provinces, and especially the Jews, dwelling among us yet not passing into our customs. (7) and the prophet announces that these are the last things. In the stone without hands cut off, which crushed gold, silver, bronze, iron, and fired-clay, is the figure of Christ.

is enim non conditione humana editus, siquidem non ex voluntate viri, sed ex Deo natus est, mundum istum, in quo sunt regna terrarum, in nihilum rediget regnumque aliud incorruptum atque perpetuum, id est futurum saeculum, quod sanctis paratum est, confirmabit. (8) de quo uno adhuc quorundam fides in ambiguo est, non credentium de futuris, cum de praeteritis convincantur. igitur Daniel multis a rege muneribus donatus, praefectus Babyloniae atque omni imperio, in summis honoribus habebatur.

for he, not produced by human condition—since he was born not by the will of a man but of God—will reduce this world, in which are the kingdoms of the earth, to nothing and will establish another incorruptible and perpetual kingdom, that is, the future age prepared for the saints. (8) Concerning which one thing still leaves the faith of some in doubt: those not believing about the things to come, although they are convinced about past events. Therefore Daniel, bestowed with many gifts by the king, prefect of Babylonia and of the whole empire, was held in the highest honors.

eius suffragio Annanias, Azarias et Misael ad summam aeque dignitatem et potestatem provecti. (9) eodem fere tempore praeclara Ezechielis prophetia exstitit, revelato ei futurorum et resurrectionis mysterio. exstat liber magni operis et cum cura legendus.

By his suffrage Annanias, Azarias, and Misael were advanced to the same highest dignity and power. (9) At nearly the same time a distinguished prophecy of Ezekiel appeared, the mystery of future things and of the resurrection having been revealed to him. There exists a book of great work and to be read with care.

4 (1) At in Iudaea, cui post excidium Hierosolymae Godoliam praepositum supra memoravimus, aegre ferentes Iudaei principem sibi ex stirpe non regia arbitrio victoris datum, Ismael quodam duce et concitatore nefandae coniurationis, dispositis eum in convivio insidiis peremerunt. (2) at hi, qui extra noxiam fuerant, ultum ire facinus cupientes propere adversum Ismael arma capiunt. sed ut ille cognovit exitium sibi imminere, relicto exercitu, quem contraxerat, non amplius octo comitantibus ad Ammonitas confugit.

4 (1) But in Judea, to which, after the destruction of Jerusalem, we above mentioned Godolias had been appointed, the Jews, ill-pleased that a leader for them from a stock not royal had been given by the decision of the victor, slew Ismael, a certain leader and instigator of a nefarious conspiracy, having set ambushes for him at a banquet. (2) But those who had been outside the guilty party, desiring to avenge the deed, quickly took up arms against Ismael. When he perceived that destruction threatened him, he left the army which he had gathered and, with no more than eight companions, fled to the Ammonites.

(3) igitur populum universum metus pervaserat, ne paucorum scelus omnium exitio rex Babylonius ultum iret; nam praeter Godoliam multos ex Chaldaeis cum eo interfecerant. (4) itaque consilium ineunt fugiendi in Aegyptum, sed prius Hieremiam frequentes adeunt, sciscitantes divinum responsum. (5) at ille verbis Dei universos hortari, in solo patrio manerent; si id fecissent, Dei praesidio tuendos nullumque a Babyloniis periculum fore; sin Aegyptum peterent, omnes ibi ferro ac fame diversoque mortis genere perituros.

(3) therefore a fear had pervaded the whole people, lest the crime of a few bring the destruction of all and the Babylonian king take vengeance; for besides Gedaliah many of the Chaldeans had been killed with him. (4) and so they formed the plan to flee into Egypt, but first they frequently went to Jeremiah, asking for a divine response. (5) and he, by the words of God, exhorted everyone to remain in their native soil; had they done this, they would have been defended by God's protection and there would have been no danger from the Babylonians; but if they sought Egypt, all there would perish by the sword and by famine and by various kinds of death.

(6) sed plebs assueto malo insolens parendi salubribus consiliis et divino imperio profecta in Aegyptum. quid de ea postea actum, sacris litteris siletur; nobis nihil compertum.

(6) but the people, habituated to evil and unaccustomed to obeying salutary counsels and the divine command, set out for Egypt. What afterward befell them is silent in the sacred writings; to us nothing is ascertained.

5 (1) Hoc tractu temporum Nabuchodonosor elatus rebus secundis statuam sibi auream immensae magnitudinis posuit adorarique eam, ut sacram effigiem praecepit. (2) quod cum certatim ab omnibus, depravatis adulatione omnium animis, fieret, Annanias, Azarias et Misael profano officio abstinuerunt, non ignorantes honorem hunc soli Deo debitum. igitur rei ex edicto regis constituuntur, propositaque eis conditio poenarum, ardens caminus, ut praesenti metu adorare statuam cogerentur.

5 (1) In that stretch of time Nabuchodonosor, elated by prosperous affairs, set up for himself a golden statue of immense magnitude and commanded that it be adored, even as a sacred effigy. (2) And since it was done zealously by all, their minds corrupted by universal adulation, Annanias, Azarias, and Misael abstained from the profane duty, not ignorant that this honor is due to God alone. Therefore they are appointed in the matter by the king’s edict, and the condition of penalties was proposed to them — a burning furnace — so that by present fear they might be compelled to worship the statue.

verum illi devorari ignibus quam piaculum committere maluerunt. (3) itaque vincti compedibus in medias flammas coniciuntur. sed ministros infandi operis, dum promptius damnatos in ignem propellunt, flamma absorbuit; Hebraeos - mirum dictu et incredibile non visentibus - ignis non attigit, cum a spectantibus deambulantes in camino psalinum Deo dicere cernerentur, visusque cum his inter ignes quartus specie angeli, quem Nabuchodonosor propius intuitus filium Dei se vidisse confessus est.

but they preferred to be devoured by the flames rather than to commit sacrilege. (3) therefore, bound in fetters, they are cast into the midst of the flames. but the attendants of the unspeakable deed, while more quickly hurling the condemned into the fire, were themselves swallowed by the flame; the Hebrews — wonderful to tell and incredible to those not seeing — the fire did not touch, for they were seen by the onlookers walking about in the furnace and singing a psalm to God, and alongside them a fourth figure was seen among the fires in the appearance of an angel, whom Nebuchadnezzar, having looked more closely, confessed he had seen as a son of God.

(4) tum rex haud dubius divinam in re praesenti fuisse virtutem, missis per omne regnum suum edictis facti miraculum provulgavit, confessus soli Deo honorem deferendum. (5) nec multo post obiecto sibi somnio, mox voce etiam caelo emissa admonitus, potestate regia abiecta atque ab omni conversatione humana remotus, herbis tantum vitam sustinens, egisse paenitentiam traditur; servatum ei nutu Dei imperium, donec impleto tempore, agnito demum Deo, post VII annos et regno et statui pristino restitutus est. (6) hic post devictum, ut supra diximus, Sedechiam, quem captivum Babylonam transtulit, regnasse traditur annos VI et XX, quamquam id non in sacra historia scriptum invenerim.

(4) then the king, by no means doubtful that a divine virtue was present in the matter, sent edicts through his whole kingdom and made the miracle public, confessing that honor must be offered to God alone. (5) and not long after, a dream being presented to him and soon also admonished by a voice sent from heaven, his royal power was cast down and removed from all human intercourse, sustaining life on herbs alone, he is said to have done penance; his empire was preserved by the nod of God until the time was fulfilled, and, God at last acknowledged, after 7 years both kingdom and former state were restored to him. (6) here, after having defeated, as we said above, Sedechiam, whom he carried captive to Babylon, he is reported to have reigned 26 years, although I did not find that written in the sacred history.

(7) sed forte accidit, ut dum multa evolverem, annotationem hanc iam interpolato per aetatem libello sine auctoris nomine reperirem, in quo regem Babyloniorum tempora continebantur; quam praetereundam non putavi, siquidem et Chronicis consentiret, et ita illius nobis ratio quadraret, ut per ordinem regum, quorum tempora continebat, usque in primum Cyri regis annum, LXX annos - tot enim per sacram historiam a captivitate usque ad Cyrum fuisse referuntur - impleret.

(7) but it so happened, that while I was unfolding many things, I found this annotation in a little book already interpolated by age, without the author's name, in which the times of the kings of the Babylonians were contained; which I did not think should be passed over, since it agreed with the Chronicles, and thus its account made for us that, by the order of the kings whose times it contained, it would fill up to the first year of King Cyrus, 70 years — for so many, through the sacred history, are said to have elapsed from the captivity up to Cyrus.

6 (1) Post Nabuchodonosor filius eius regnum indeptus, quem in Chronicis Evilmarodac fuisse vocitatum repperi. hic duodecimo imperii anno diem functus, fratri minori, qui Balthasar dictus est, locum fecit. (2) is cum quarto et decimo anno publicum epulum principibus ac praefectis suis daret, sacra vasa, quae per Nabuchodonosor de templo Hierosolymae ablata nec in regales usus usurpata, sed recondita in thesauris habebantur, proferri imperavit.

6 (1) After Nabuchodonosor, his son took the kingdom, whom in the Chronicles I found called Evilmarodac. He died in the twelfth year of his reign and gave place to his younger brother, who was called Balthasar. (2) In his fourteenth year, when he held a public banquet for his princes and prefects, he ordered the sacred vessels—those taken by Nabuchodonosor from the temple of Jerusalem and not employed for royal uses but kept hidden in the treasuries—to be brought forth.

(3) cumque his per luxum ac licentiam regalis convivii promiscue omnes virilis ac muliebris sexus, uxores concubinaeque eius uterentur, subito rex in pariete conspicatur digitos scribentes cernebanturque in versum ductae literae; sed qui posset scripta legere, non reperiebatur. (4) igitur rex perterritus magos et Chaldaeos advocat. quibus mussantibus nec quicquam respondentibus, regina regem admonet, esse quendam Hebraeum Daniel nomine, qui olim Nabuchodonosor occulti mysterii somnium revelasset, iam tum ob illustrem sapientiam summis honoribus donatum.

(3) and while at this royal banquet, through luxury and licentiousness, all of the male and female sex promiscuously partook, even his wives and concubines, suddenly the king discerns on the wall fingers writing, and letters drawn into a line were seen; but one who could read the writing was not to be found. (4) therefore the terrified king summons the magi and the Chaldeans; they muttering and answering nothing, the queen admonishes the king that there is a certain Hebrew named Daniel, who once had revealed to Nabuchodonosor the dream of a hidden mystery, and even then, on account of his illustrious wisdom, had been endowed with the highest honors.

(5) itaque accitus perlegit interpretatusque, ob delictum regis, qui sacra Deo vasa temerasset, ipsi exitium imminere regnumque eius Medis ac Persis datum. (6) quod mox consecutum est. nam eadem nocte Balthasar interiit, regnum eius Darius natione Medus occupavit; Danielum illustri opinione compertum universo imperio praeposuit, secutus superiorum regum iudicium.

(5) therefore, having been summoned he read and interpreted that, on account of the king’s offense, who had profaned the sacred vessels of God, destruction was impending for him and his kingdom would be given to the Medes and Persians. (6) which very soon came to pass. for that same night Balthasar perished, his kingdom was seized by Darius by nation a Mede; Daniel, found throughout the whole empire illustrious in reputation, he set over it, following the judgment of the former kings.

nam et Nabuchodonosor eum regno praefecerat et Balthasar veste purpurea et torque aureo donatum tertium regni principem constituerat.

for Nebuchodonosor had appointed him over the kingdom, and Balthasar, having bestowed upon him a purple robe and a golden torque, had made him the third prince of the realm.

7 (1) Igitur hi, qui una cum eo rerum potentes erant, exagitati invidia, quod eis alienigena captivae gentis fuisset aequatus, regem depravatum adulatione compellunt, ut sibi diebus proximis XXX divini honores darentur, neque cuiquam liceret Deum nisi regem precari. facile id Dario persuasum, stultitia regum omnium, qui sibi divina vindicant. (2) igitur Daniel non rudis neque inscius, Deo preces, non homini deferendas, reus constituitur edicto regis non paruisse.

7 (1) Therefore those who together with him were mighty in affairs, incited by envy because a foreigner of a captive nation had been made equal to them, accuse the king, corrupted by flattery, that divine honors be granted to him for the next 30 days, and that no one be permitted to pray to any god except the king. This easily persuaded Darius—such is the folly of all kings who claim divine things for themselves. (2) Therefore Daniel, neither unskilled nor ignorant, judged that prayers are to be offered to God, not to a man, was declared guilty of having not complied with the king’s edict.

multumque abnuente Dario, cui carus acceptusque semper fuerat, principes pervicere, ut in lacum demitteretur. (3) sed obiecto bestiis nullum periculum fuit. quod cum rex comperisset, accusatores deputari leonibus praecepit; qui non simili exemplo perfuncti sunt; nam continuo devorati ferarum famem expleverunt.

and with Darius much refusing — to whom he had always been dear and acceptable — the princes prevailed that he should be cast into the pit. (3) but when he was thrown to the beasts there was no peril. And when the king learned this, he ordered the accusers to be assigned to the lions; who did not escape a like fate; for immediately devoured they satisfied the beasts’ hunger.

(4) Daniel clarus ante clarior haberi; rex antiquato edicto suo novum proposuit, relictis erroribus ac superstitionibus Deum Danielis colendum. (5) exstant etiam visiones eius, quibus consequentium saeculorum ordinem revelavit, annorum etiam numerum complexus, intra quem Christum, sicut factum est, descensurum ad terras pronuntivait venturumque Antichristum manifeste exposuit. (6) quod si qui studiosior erit, rectius ibi quaesitum reperiet; nobis propositum est rerum tantum ordinem contexere.

(4) Daniel, already famous, was held yet more renowned; the king, his old edict set aside, proposed a new one, abandoning errors and superstitions so that the God of Daniel should be worshipped. (5) His visions also remain, by which he revealed the order of the succeeding ages, even embracing the number of years within which Christ, as came to pass, would descend to the lands, and he plainly declared that the Antichrist would come. (6) If anyone be more studious, he will find a more accurate inquiry there; for us it was proposed to weave together only the sequence of events.

Darius duodeviginti annos regnasse traditur; qua tempestate Astyages Medis imperabat.

Darius is said to have reigned eighteen years; at that time Astyages ruled the Medes.

8 (1) Hunc Cyrus, ex filia nepos eius, regno expulit, Persarum usus armis; unde summa imperii ad Persas translata est. Babylonii quoque in potestatem ditionemque eius concessere. (2) igitur initio regni, propositis publice edictis, dat potestatem Iudaeis in solum patrium redeundi, sacra etiam vasa, quae Nabuchodonosor de templo Hierosolymae abstulerat, reddidit.

8 (1) This Cyrus, his grandson by his daughter, expelled him from the kingdom, the Persians gaining mastery by arms; whence the supreme rule was transferred to the Persians. The Babylonians likewise yielded to his power and dominion. (2) Therefore at the beginning of his reign, with public edicts proclaimed, he gave the Jews permission to return to their native soil, and he also restored the sacred vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had taken from the temple of Jerusalem.

itaque pauci tum in Iudaeam regressi; ceteris redeundi animus an facultas defuerit parum comperimus. (3) erat ea tempestate apud Babylonios Beli antiquissimi regis, cuius etiam Virgilius (Aen. 1, 729) meminit, ex aere simulacrum, quod superstitione hominum consecratum Cyrus quoque adorare erat solitus, antistitum eius dolo illusus, qui vesci effigiem illam atque potare affirmabant, cum diurnam pensitationem, quae idolo inferebatur, clam ipsi absumerent.

and so few then returned into Judea; of the rest whether spirit to return or opportunity was lacking we know little. (3) At that time among the Babylonians there was a bronze simulacrum of Bel, the most ancient king, which even Virgil (Aen. 1, 729) mentions, consecrated by the superstition of men, which Cyrus also was wont to adore; his priests were deceived by a trick, who affirmed that they fed and gave drink to that image, while they themselves secretly consumed the daily pensitation that was brought to the idol.

(4) igitur Cyrus cum Danielo familiariter uteretur, quaerit ab eo, cur simulacrum non adoraret, cum manifestum viventis Dei esset indicium, absumentis ea, quae inferebantur. (5) Daniel ridens hominis errorem negare id posse fieri, ut aes illud, id est bruta materies, cibo uteretur aut potu. acciri ergo rex sacerdotes iubet (nam fere ad septuaginta erant) adhibitoque eos terrore increpitat, quis impensa consumeret, cum Daniel vir prudentia insignis minime id ab insensibili simulacro posse fieri contenderet.

(4) therefore Cyrus, since he had familiar intercourse with Daniel, asks him why the image is not worshipped, when the manifest token of the living God was evident, those things being consumed which were brought to it. (5) Daniel, laughing at the man's error, says that it cannot be that that bronze, that is, brutish matter, should make use of food or drink. Therefore the king orders the priests to be summoned (for they were nearly seventy), and, having brought them in with fear, reproaches them, asking who would spend the expense, since Daniel, a man distinguished by prudence, maintained that this could in no wise be done by an insensate simulacrum.

(6) tum illi confisi parato dolo sueta inferri et obsignari a rege templum deposcunt, uti, nisi omnia postero die absumpta deprehenderentur, morte poenas persolverent, dum eadem conditio Danielo maneret. (7) itaque signo regis templum obsignatur, cum prius Daniel sacerdotibus insciis pavimentum cinere aspersisset, ut introeuntium occultos aditus vestigia proderent. igitur postero die rex templum ingressus animadvertit absumpta, quae idolo apponi iusserat.

(6) then those men, confident and accustomed to have a prepared deceit brought in and sealed by the king, demanded that the temple be locked up with the stipulation that, unless everything placed there were found consumed the next day, they would pay the penalty of death, while the same condition should remain for Daniel. (7) therefore by the king’s sign the temple was sealed, after Daniel, the priests being unaware, had sprinkled the pavement with ash so that it might betray the hidden footsteps of those who entered. Thus on the next day the king, entering the temple, observed that the things which he had ordered to be set before the idol had been consumed.

(8) tum Daniel occultam fraudem vestigiis prodentibus reserat, sacerdotes cum uxoribus et filiis, subfosso foramine ingressos, ea quae idolo apposita fuerant devorasse. ita omnes iussu regis interfecti, templum ac simulacrum Danielo in potestatem datum atque arbitrio eius dirutum.

(8) then Daniel disclosed the hidden fraud, the betraying footprints revealing it, that the priests with their wives and children, having entered by a dug-out hole, had devoured those things which had been set before the idol. Thus all were slain by the king’s command, and the temple and the image were given into Daniel’s power and at his discretion razed.

9 (1) Interea Iudaei, quos ex permissu Cyri in patriam regressos supra memoravimus, urbem ac templum restituere aggressi, ut pauci atque inopes parum proficiebant, donec centesimo fere anno, Artaxerse rege Persis imperitante, per eos, qui locis praeerant, ab aedificando deterriti; (2) etenim tum Syria atque omnis Iudaea sub Persarum imperio per magistratus ac praesides regebatur. igitur his consilium fuit regi Artaxersi scribere, non oportere Iudaeis restituendae urbis suae copiam dari, ne pro contumaci ingenio resumptis viribus, aliis gentibus imperare soliti, non paterentur sub alieno imperio degere. (3) ita comprobato a rege praesidum consilio prohibita urbis aedificatio usque in secundum Darii regis annum dilata est.

9 (1) Meanwhile the Jews, whom, having returned to their fatherland by the permission of Cyrus, we mentioned above, undertook to restore the city and the temple; but being few and impoverished they made little progress, until almost a hundred years later, Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, reigning, were deterred from building by those who presided over the regions; (2) for then Syria and all Judea were governed under the Persian dominion through magistrates and presides. Therefore their plan was to write to King Artaxerxes that it was not proper to give the Jews the means to rebuild their city, lest, with a stubborn spirit and recovered strength, they, accustomed to rule other peoples, would not permit them to live under foreign rule. (3) Thus, the building of the city, the governors’ counsel having been approved by the king, was forbidden and deferred until the second year of King Darius.

sed hoc tractu temporum, qui reges Persis imperaverint, inseremus, quo facilius annorum series in ordinem contexta prodatur. (4) post Darium Medum, quem duodeviginti annos regnasse significavimus, Cyrus uno et triginta annis rerum potitus est. Scythis bellum inferens in proelio cecidit, secundo anno postquam Tarquinius Superbus Romae regnare coeperat.

but into this tract of times, which the kings over the Persians will have ruled, we will insert, so that more easily the series of years woven in order may be set forth. (4) after Darius the Mede, whom we signified had reigned 18 years, Cyrus held power over affairs for 31 years. Waging war against the Scythians he fell in battle, in the second year after Tarquinius Superbus had begun to rule at Rome.

(5) Cyro Cambyses filius eius successit; regnavit annos VIIII. hic cum Aegyptum atque Aethiopiam bello premeret et subegisset victorque in Persas reverteretur, casu se ipse vulneravit ex eoque ictu periit. (6) post huius mortem magi duo fratres, natione Medi, menses VII Persarum regnum optinuerunt.

(5) To Cyrus succeeded his son Cambyses; he reigned 9 years. While he was pressing and subduing Egypt and Ethiopia by war, and, victorious, was returning into the Persians, he accidentally wounded himself and died from that stroke. (6) After this death two magi, brothers by nation Medes, held the Persian kingdom for 7 months.

ad hos interficiendos septem nobilissimi Persae coniuraverunt, quorum princeps fuit Darius Hystaspis filius, natus ex fratre patruele Cyri, omniumque consensu regnum ei delatum; regnavit annos VI et XXX. (7) hic ante quadriennium quam decederet, apud Marathonam pugnavit, celeberrimo Graecis Romanisque historiis proelio. id gestum post Romam conditam anno fere ducentesimo et sexagesimo, Macerino et Augurino consulibus, abhinc annos, si tamen investigatio Romanorum consulum non fefellit, DCCC LXXX et VIII; omne enim tempus in Stiliconem consulem direxi.

to kill these, seven most noble Persians conspired, whose prince was Darius Hystaspis the son, born of Cyrus’s paternal brother, and by the consensus of all the kingdom was conferred on him; he reigned 36 years. (7) This man, four years before he departed, fought at Marathon, in a battle most celebrated in Greek and Roman histories. That happened after Rome was founded in the year about 260, when Macerinus and Augurinus were consuls, years ago, if indeed the inquiry into the Roman consuls has not deceived, 888; for I have directed all time to the consul Stilicho.

(8) post Darium Xerses fuit, isque uno et XX annis regnasse traditur; quamquam in plerisque exemplaribus XX et V annos imperii eius fuisse repperi. huic successit Artaxerses, cuius supra meminimus. (9) hic cum inhiberi aedificationem urbis Iudaeae templique iussisset, suspensum opus usque in secundum Darii regis annum pependit.

(8) after Darius came Xerxes, and he is said to have reigned twenty-one years; although in most copies I found that his reign was twenty-five years. To him succeeded Artaxerxes, whom we mentioned above. (9) this man, when he ordered the building of the city of Judea and of the temple to be halted, the work remained suspended until the second year of King Darius.

sed ut usque ad eum temporum ordo conexus sit, Artaxerses regnavit annis uno et XL, Xerses duobus mensibus. postque eum Sucdianus VII mensibus fuit.

but so that the order of those times may be connected up to him, Artaxerses reigned for 41 years, Xerxes for 2 months. and after him Sucdianus was (king) for 7 months.

10 (1) Darius deinde, sub quo templum est restitutum, regnum adeptus est, cui Ochus tum nomen erat. hic cum ex Hebraeis tres adolescentes spectatae fidei corporis custodes haberet unusque ex his prudentiae documento admirationem regis in se convertisset, delata sibi optione petendi, si quid animo concepisset, ingemiscens patriae ruinis copiam restituendae urbis poposcit meruitque a rege, ut subregulis ac praesidibus imperaret, aedificationem sacrae aedis praebitis impendiis maturarent. (2) ita templum quadriennio consummatum, sexto post anno quam Darius regnare coeperat, idque Iudaeis satis visum; et quia magnae molis erat urbem restituere, diffisi viribus opus multi laboris incipere non ausi templo continebantur.

10 (1) Darius then, under whom the temple was restored, obtained the kingdom, his name then being Ochus. He, having among the Hebrews three youths of approved faith as guardians of his person, and one of these by a proof of prudence turned the king’s admiration upon himself, when the option of asking was offered to him, asked, with a groan at the ruins of his fatherland, the means to restore the city if he had conceived anything in his mind; and he deserved from the king that, as sub‑reguli and praesides he should govern, the rebuilding of the sacred aedis be hastened with expenses provided. (2) Thus the temple, completed in four years, was finished in the sixth year after Darius had begun to reign, and this seemed sufficient to the Jews; and because it was a work of great burden to restore the city, many, mistrusting their strength, did not dare to begin the work of great labour but were confined to the temple.

(3) per idem tempus Esdras scriba legis post XX fere annos quam templum fuerat consummatum, defuncto iam Dario, qui unum de viginti annos rerum fuerat potitus, permissu Artaxersis secundi, non illius, qui inter duos Xerses fuit, sed huius, qui Dario Ocho successerat, Babylonia profectus multique eum secuti Hierosolymam pervexere vasa diversi operis et dona, quae rex templo Dei miserat, cum XII Levitis; (4) vix enim hic numerus ex illa tribu repertus traditur. is cum deprehendisset Iudaeos gentilium conubiis permixtos, multis increpitos renuntiare istius modi matrimoniis ac filios ex his susceptos extrudi iubet, omnesque dicto paruere. purgatus populus veteris legis ritu agebat.

(3) At the same time Ezra, scribe of the law, after about 20 years since the temple had been finished, Darius now dead — who had held rule for one of those twenty years — and by permission of Artaxerxes the Second, not that one who was between the two Xerses but this one who succeeded Darius Ochus, departed from Babylonia and many who followed him conveyed to Jerusalem vessels of diverse workmanship and gifts which the king had sent to the temple of God, with 12 Levites; (4) for scarcely was that number found from that tribe. When he discovered the Jews mingled with the nuptials of the Gentiles, many being reproved, he commanded such marriages to be renounced and the children born from them to be put away, and all obeyed the decree. The people, purified, observed the rite of the ancient law.

(5) ceterum Esdram nihil super reficienda urbe egisse comperio, credo potiorem curam ratus plebem corruptis moribus reformare.

(5) moreover I find that Ezra did nothing further for the rebuilding of the city; I believe, deeming it a more important care, that he set himself to reform the people whose morals were corrupted.

11 (1) Erat ea tempestate apud Babyloniam Neemias minister regius, gente Iudaeus, Artaxersi merito obsequiorum carissimus. (2) is Iudaeos percontatus, quis paternae urbis status esset, ubi comperit in isdem ruinis iacere patriam, totis sensibus conturbatus cum gemitu multisque lacrimis orasse ad Deum traditur, delicta gentis suae reputans, misericordiam divinam efflagitans. (3) igitur cum eum rex inter epulas maestum extra solitum animadvertisset, poposcit ab eo causam dolorum ut exponeret.

11 (1) At that time in Babylon there was Nehemiah, a royal minister, of the Jewish people, deservedly most dear to Artaxerxes for his services. (2) Having inquired of the Jews what the condition of his native city was, when he learned that his fatherland lay in those same ruins, he is reported to have been distraught in all his senses and to have prayed to God with a groan and many tears, reckoning the sins of his nation and imploring divine mercy. (3) Therefore when the king observed him sad beyond his wont among the banquets, he demanded that he explain the cause of his sorrow.

tum ille adversa gentis suae et ruinam civitatis deflere, quae iam per annos fere ducentos et quinquaginta solo strata, malorum testimonium, spectaculum inimicis praeberet; daret sibi eundi et restituendae eius potestatem. (4) paruit rex piis precibus, statimque eum cum praesidio equitum, quo tutius iter ageret, dimisit, datis ad praetores epistulis ut necessaria praeberent. is cum Hierosolymam pervenisset, viritim populo opus urbis distribuit, et certatim iussa omnes curabant.

then he bewailed the misfortunes of his people and the ruin of the city, which now for almost two hundred and fifty years lay prostrate on the ground, a testimony of evils, a spectacle to enemies; and he obtained leave to go and the power to restore it. (4) The king yielded to the pious prayers, and immediately dismissed him with a guard of horse, that he might travel more safely, letters being given to the praetors that they should supply what was necessary. When he had arrived at Jerusalem, he distributed the city’s work to the people man by man, and eagerly all attended to the orders.

(5) iamque ad medium machinae processerant, cum flagrante invidia gentium vicinae urbes conspirant opera interrumpere Iudaeosque ab aedificando deterrere. sed Neemias, dispositis adversum incursantes praesidiis, nihil territus coepta explicuit; consummatoque muro et valvis portarum perfectis, per familias construendis interius domibus urbem dimensus est. censuitque populum minime urbi parem, neque enim amplius quam ad quinquaginta milia promiscui sexus atque ordinis reperta; (6) tantum ex illo quondam immani numero frequentibus bellis absumptum aut captivitate detentum.

(5) and now they had advanced to the middle of the machine, when, with envy burning, the neighboring peoples conspired to interrupt the works and to deter the Jews from building. But Nehemias, garrisons disposed against the assailants, terrified by nothing, carried the undertakings through; and with the wall finished and the gate-leaves of the gates completed, he measured the city within, laying out houses by families. And he judged the people by no means equal to the city, for he found no more than about fifty thousand of mixed sex and rank; (6) so many only of that once immense number had been consumed by frequent wars or held in captivity.

nam olim hae duae tribus, quarum hoc residuum fuit, cum ab his decem tribus separatae sunt, CCC et XX milia virorum armaverant. a Deo ob peccatum internecioni et captivitati datae ad hanc usque paucitatem devenerant. (7) sed haec, ut dixi, plebs duarum tribuum fuit; decem vero prius deductae per Parthos, Medos, Indos atque Aethiopas dispersae numquam in solum patrium regressae, hodieque barbararum gentium imperiis continentur.

for formerly these two tribes, of which this remnant was, when separated from the other ten tribes, had armed 320,000 men. by God, on account of the internecine sin and given over to captivity, they had come down to this smallness. (7) but these, as I said, were the populace of two tribes; the ten, however, having been earlier led away and dispersed among the Parthians, Medes, Indians and Ethiopians, never returned to their fatherland’s soil, and even today are held under the dominions of barbarous nations.

sed consummatio restituta urbis XXX et II imperii Artaxersis anno refertur. (8) a quo tempore usque ad Christi crucem, id est Fufium Geminum et Rubellium consules, anni CCCXC et VIII; ceterum a restitutione templi usque in eversionem, quae sub Vespasiano consule Augusto per Titum Caesarem consummata est, anni CCCC LXXX et III. (9) praedictum id olim est a Daniele, qui ab instauratione templi usque in eversionem LX et VIIII hebdomadas futuras pronuntiaverat.

but the completion of the city’s restoration is reckoned to the 32nd year of the reign of Artaxerxes. (8) From that time up to the crucifixion of Christ, that is, in the consulship of Fufius Geminus and Rubellius, [were] the years 398 and 8; moreover from the restoration of the temple until the overthrow, which was consummated under Vespasian, consul Augustus, by Titus Caesar, [were] 483 years. (9) That had formerly been foretold by Daniel, who had proclaimed that from the restoration of the temple until the overthrow 69 weeks would follow.

a die autem captivitatis Iudaeorum usque in tempus restitutae civitatis fuerunt anni CCLX.

from the day, however, of the captivity of the Jews until the time of the restored city there were 260 years.

12 (1) In hoc temporum tractu Esther atque Iudith fuisse arbitramur; quarum quidem actus quibus potissimum regibus conectam, non facile perspexerim. nam cum Esther sub Artaxerse rege referatur, porro duos huius nominis Persarum reges fuisse reppererim, multa cunctatio est cuius haec temporibus applicetur. (2) mihi tamen visum est huic Artaxersi, sub quo Hierosolyma est restituta, Esther historiam conectere, quia non sit verisimile, ut, si sub priore Artaxerse fuisset, cuius tempora Esdra complexus est, nullam tam illustris feminae mentionem retulisset, maxime cum ab illo Artaxerse inhibitam templi aedificationem, sicut supra memoravimus, constet; neque Esther passura fuerit [tum], si in illius matrimonio tum fuisset.

12 (1) In this course of times we judge that Esther and Judith lived; concerning whose deeds, which are connected especially to kings, I have not easily discerned. For since Esther is reported under King Artaxerxes, and moreover I have found that there were two Persian kings of that name, there is much doubt to which of these times this should be applied. (2) yet it has seemed to me fitting to connect Esther’s history to that Artaxerxes under whom Jerusalem was restored, because it is not likely that, if she had been under the earlier Artaxerxes whose period Ezra embraces, no mention would have been made of so illustrious a woman, especially since that Artaxerxes’s prohibition of the rebuilding of the temple, as we said above, is established; nor would Esther have endured [then], if she had been in that marriage of his.

(3) nunc gesta edisseram. erat ea tempestate regi in matrimonio Vastis quaedam, mirae femina pulchritudinis. cuius cum formam omnibus praedicaret, die quodam, cum publicum convivium dabat, adesse reginam demonstrandae pulchritudinis gratia iubet.

(3) now I would set forth the deeds. At that time the king had in marriage a certain Vastis, a woman of wondrous beauty. Whose form, since everyone extolled, on a certain day, when he was giving a public banquet, he ordered the queen to be present for the sake of displaying her beauty.

(4) illa vero stulto rege consultior, pudens virorum oculis spectaculum corporis praebere, iussa abnuit. qua contumelia barbarus animus permotus uxorem matrimonio ac regia depellit. (5) igitur cum in locum eius puella regis coniugio quaereretur, reperta est Esther ceteras specie vincere.

(4) she, however, more prudent than the foolish king, ashamed to offer the spectacle of her body to men's eyes, refused the orders. Whereupon, the barbarous mind, stirred by that affront, drove the wife from marriage and from the royal household. (5) therefore, when in her stead a girl was sought for the king's marriage, Esther was found to surpass the others in appearance.

haec Iudaea ex tribu Beniamin, utroque parente orba, a Mardochaeo patrueli fratre educta. (6) cum ad regales nuptias duceretur, mandante educatore genus et patriam occultavit, admonita ne paternarum traditionum immemor, etsi in matrimonium alienigenae captiva succederet, gentilium cibis participaret. (7) igitur iuncta regi brevi, ut fit, vi pulchritudinis totum eius animum facile cepit, adeo ut eam aequatam imperio insigni regio, veste purpurea donaret.

this Judean, of the tribe of Benjamin, bereft of both parents, was reared by Mordecai, her paternal uncle’s brother. (6) when she was led to the royal nuptials, by the command of her guardian she concealed her race and country, having been admonished not to forget her fathers’ traditions, and, even if she should enter marriage a captive of a foreigner, not to partake of the gentiles’ foods. (7) therefore, soon joined to the king, as happens, by the force of her beauty she easily captured his whole mind, so that he, deeming her equal to his distinguished royal power, bestowed upon her the purple robe.

13 (1) Qua tempestate Mardochaeus inter proximos regis erat, pro virili portione negotiorum familiarium curator. is compositas a duobus spadonibus regi insidias prodiderat, atque ex eo carior summisque honoribus donatus. (2) erat ea tempestate regi Aman quidam perfamiliaris, quem aequatum sibi adorari more regum praeceperat.

13 (1) At that time Mardochaeus was among the king’s nearest, steward of household affairs in proportion to his manly share. He had exposed to the king the plots contrived by two eunuchs, and on that account was beloved and rewarded with the highest honors. (2) At that season there was a certain Aman very close to the king, whom he had ordered to be adored as his equal in the manner of kings.

id Mardochaeus unus ex omnibus facere fastidiens odia Persae in se graviter accenderat. (3) igitur Aman ad perniciem Hebraei animum intendens regem adit affirmatque, esse in regno eius hominum genus pravis superstitionibus deo hominibusque invisum, externis legibus vivens, dignum exitio; rectum esse omnes huius gentis internecioni dare, exque eorum bonis immensas opes pollicetur. (4) facile id barbaro persuasum; edictum emittitur Iudaeos necandos, missique continuo qui per omne regnum ab India usque Aethiopiam promulgarent.

that Mardochaeus, by making himself loathsome to all, had grievously kindled the Persians’ hatred against him. (3) therefore Aman, intent on the Hebrew’s ruin, approaches the king and affirms that there is in his kingdom a race of men hateful to God and to men by perverse superstitions, living under foreign laws, worthy of destruction; that it is right to give all of this people to slaughter, and he promises immense wealth from their goods. (4) this easily persuaded the barbarian; an edict is issued for the Jews to be put to death, and messengers are at once sent to promulgate it throughout the whole kingdom from India to Ethiopia.

id ubi Mardochaeo compertum, conscissis vestibus sacco obvolvitur conspersusque cinere pergit ad regiam, ibique eiulatu multo cuncta questibus replet; facinus indignum immeritam gentem perire neque ullam pereundi causam dari. (5) Esther lamentantis voce excita rem, ut erat, cognoscit. tum vero anceps consilii, quia adeundi regem potestas non erat - etenim more Persarum reginae introire ad regem nisi accersitae non licet, nec tamen, cum fuerit regi libitum, sed statuto tempore admittitur - et forte tum ita evenerat, ut diebus XXX proximis separata a conspectu regis Esther haberetur.

(5) When this was discovered to Mordecai, his garments are torn, he is wrapped in a sack and sprinkled with ash, and he goes to the palace, and there with much wailing fills all things with lamentations; that it is a shameful deed that an undeserving nation should perish and that no cause for their death is given. Esther, roused by the voice of one lamenting, learns the matter as it is. Then a dilemma of counsel arises, because there was no power to approach the king — for by the custom of the Persians it is not permitted that queens enter to the king unless they are summoned, nor yet are they admitted whenever it pleases the king, but at a fixed time — and by chance it so happened that Esther was being kept separated from the sight of the king for the next 30 days.

(6) igitur audendum aliquid pro civibus rata, etsi certa pestis adesset, pulchro in negotio occumbere parata, invocato prius Deo, aulam regis ingreditur. at barbarus re insolita percussus, paulatim blandimento muliebri delinitus, postremo ad cenam reginae perducitur, unaque cum illo Aman ille regi carus et Iudaea genti infestus. (7) igitur cum iam post epulas multis poculis convivium calere coepisset, Esther genibus regis advolvitur, gentis suae perniciem deprecatur.

(6) therefore, resolved that something must be dared for her fellow-citizens, although a certain pestilence was present, ready to perish in a glorious enterprise, having first invoked God, she enters the king’s hall. But the barbarian, struck by the unusual thing, gradually softened by womanly blandishment, is at last conducted to the queen’s feast, and with him that Aman, dear to the king and hostile to the Judaean people. (7) therefore, when now after the repast, with many cups the banquet began to grow warm, Esther falls upon the king’s knees and beseeches against the ruin of her nation.

rex vero nihil se petenti, si quid ultra peteret, negaturum pollicetur. (8) tum Esther arrepto tempore Amanis mortem flagitat in ultionem gentis, quam perditam cupierat. sed rex amici memor paulisper cunctatus deliberandi gratia modicum secessit.

The king, however, promises the petitioner that if she should ask anything further he will not deny it. (8) Then Esther, seizing the moment of Aman, demands his death as vengeance for the people whom he had wished destroyed. But the king, mindful of his friend, hesitated for a little while and withdrew briefly for the sake of deliberation.

deinde regressus ut vidit Aman reginae genua complexum, succensus ira et appetitam reginam clamitans, morte eum affici iubet. (9) et tum regi compertum, poenam crucis per Aman Mardochaeo paratam. ita Aman eaedem cruci affigitur, omniaque bona eius Mardochaeo data Iudaeique sunt absoluti.

Then returning, when he saw Aman clasping the queen’s knees, kindled with anger and shouting that he had coveted the queen, he ordered him to be put to death. (9) And then it was discovered to the king that the punishment of the cross/gallows had been prepared by Aman for Mordecai. Thus Aman was affixed to that same cross, and all his goods were given to Mordecai, and the Jews were acquitted.

Artaxerses regnavit annos duos et LX, eidemque Ochus successit.

Artaxerxes reigned for 62 years, and Ochus succeeded him.

14 (1) Huic rerum ordini recte Iudith actus conseram; traditur enim post captivitatem fuisse, sed quis eo tempore Persis regnaverit, historia divina non edidit; regem tamen, sub quo illa gesta sint, Nabuchodonosor nuncupat, non utique eum, qui Hierosolymam ceperit. (2) sed nullum hoc nomine post captivitatem apud Persas regnasse reperio, nisi si ob impotentiam et pariles conatus quicumque ille rex Nabuchodonosor a Iudaeis vocitatus est. (3) plerique tamen Cambysen, Cyri regis filium, putant, eo quod victor Aegyptum atque Aethiopiam penetraverit.

14 (1) To this order of events I will rightly join the deeds of Iudith; for it is reported that she lived after the captivity, but who at that time reigned over the Persians divine history has not revealed. (2) Yet I find that no one by that name reigned among the Persians after the captivity, unless—by reason of impotence and like attempts—the king whom the Jews called Nabuchodonosor is meant. (3) Most, however, hold that it was Cambysen, son of King Cyri, because as victor he penetrated into Egypt and Aethiopia.

sed huic opinioni eadem sacra historia repugnat; (4) nam duodecimo regis illius anno Iudith fuisse signatur. porro Cambyses non ultra VIII annos rerum potitus est. unde, si in historia opinari licet, sub Ocho rege, qui post Artaxersen secundum fuit, haec gesta crediderim; idque vel ex hoc conicio, quod idem Ochus, ut in saecularibus legi, natura immitis cupidusque bellorum traditur.

but the same sacred history opposes this opinion; (4) for Judith is dated to the 12th year of that king. Moreover Cambyses possessed power no more than 8 years. Whence, if one may conjecture from history, I should believe these deeds to have been under King Ochus, who was second after Artaxerses; and I infer this also from the fact that the same Ochus, as is read in the secular annals, is reported by nature to have been ruthless and eager for wars.

nam et arma finitimis intulit et Aegyptum, quae ante multos annos desciverat, bello recuperavit. (5) quo tempore etiam sacra eorum et Apim in deum receptum irrisisse traditur; quod postea Baguas, spado eius natione Aegyptius, indignatus, contumeliam gentis morte regis ultus est. meminit autem huius Baguae historia divina; (6) nam cum Holofernes iussu regis adversum Iudaeos duxit exercitum, Baguam in isdem castris fuisse memoravit.

for he both brought arms against the neighboring peoples and recovered Egypt, which had revolted many years earlier, by war. (5) At that time it is also reported that their sacred objects and the Apis, received as a god, were mocked; which thing afterwards Bagua, his eunuch, an Egyptian by birth, indignant, avenged the insult to his nation by the king’s death. The divine history indeed records this Bagua; (6) for when Holofernes, by the king’s command, led an army against the Jews, it mentions that Bagua had been in the same camps.

unde non immerito in argumentum nostrae opinionis adduxerim, ut rex ille, Nabuchodonosor nuncupatus, Ochus fuerit, sub quo Baguam fuisse mundiales historici prodiderunt. (7) ceterum illud nemini mirum esse oportebit, quod scriptores saecularium litterarum nihil ex his, quae sacris voluminibus scripta sunt, attigerunt; Dei spiritu praevalente, ut intaminata ab ore corrupto vel falsis vera miscente intra sua tantum mysteria contineretur historia, quae separata a mundi negotiis et sacris tantum vocibus proferenda permisceri cum aliis velut aequali sorte non debuit; (8) etenim erat indignissimum, ut alia agentibus aut alia quaerentibus haec quoque cum reliquis miscerentur. sed pergam ad cetera ac per Iudith gesta, ut potero, paucis absolvam.

whence not undeservedly I have adduced in support of our opinion that that king, called Nabuchodonosor, was Ochus, under whom Bagua is reported by secular historians to have been. (7) moreover, it ought not to be wondered at by anyone that the writers of secular literature touched none of those things which are written in the sacred volumes; with the Spirit of God prevailing, that history, kept pure from a corrupt mouth or from mixing the true with the false, should be contained within its own mysteries alone — which, being separated from the affairs of the world and fit only to be uttered with sacred voices, ought not to be mingled with others as if by equal lot; (8) for it was most unseemly that, while some were engaged in other matters or others inquiring about other things, these also should be mixed in with the rest. But I will go on to the other matters and to the deeds narrated in Judith, and will, as I can, conclude briefly.

15 (1) Igitur reversis, ut supra memoravimus, in solum patrium Iudaeis, necdum composito rerum aut urbis statu, rex Persarum Medis bellum infert atque adversus regem eorum, Arphaxad nomine, acie confligit secundo eventu; perempto rege gentem imperio adiungit. (2) idem reliquis nationibus facit, praemisso Holoferne, quem principem militiae delegarat, cum milibus peditum C et XX, equitum XII. is Cilicia et Arabia bello vastatis multas urbes aut vi capit aut metu in deditionem compellit.

15 (1) Therefore, having returned, as we have above related, into the native land of the Jews, the affairs and the city not yet settled, the king of the Persians wages war upon the Medes and clashes with their king, named Arphaxad, in battle with a second outcome; the king being slain he annexes the people to his rule. (2) He does the same to the remaining nations, sending forward Holofernes, whom he had appointed leader of the army, with 120,000 foot-soldiers and 12,000 horse. He, Cilicia and Arabia having been laid waste by war, takes many cities either by force or by compelling them through fear into surrender.

(3) iamque Damascum admotus exercitus magno Iudaeos terrore perculerat. (4) sed impares ad resistendum, neque ad deditionem adquiescentibus animis, expertis quippe usque antea captivitatis mala, ad templum frequentes concurrunt. ibi communi gemitu permixtoque ululatu divinum auxilium implorant; satis se Deo ob peccata vel crimina dedisse poenarum; reliquiis saltem servitio nuper exemptis parceret.

(3) and now the army having been brought up to Damascus had struck the Jews with great terror. (4) but unequal to resisting, nor with minds consenting to surrender, having indeed hitherto experienced the evils of captivity, they flock in great numbers to the temple. there, with a communal groan and mingled ululation they implore divine aid; they confess that they have received sufficient punishment from God for their sins or crimes; they beg that he spare at least the remnant lately freed from servitude.

(5) interea Holofernes Moabitis in deditionem acceptis atque adversum Iudaeos in societatem belli assumptis, cum ab eorum principibus inquireret, quibusnam viribus freti Hebraei deditioni animos non dedissent, (6) Achior quidam comperta edisserit, Iudaeos Dei cultores, pio a patribus ritu institutos, olim in Aegypto pependisse servitium; inde divino munere eductos ac siccatum mare pedibus emensos, postremo omnibus gentibus devictis habitatas maioribus terras recepisse. (7) exin vario rerum statu floruisse aut concidisse, atque iterum malis emersisse, secundum merita iratum aut placatum Deum vicissitudine expertos, dum peccantes incursionibus hostium aut captivitatibus coercentur, propitio numine semper invicti. ceterum, si praesenti tempore absque peccato sint, nullo modo eos posse superari; sin aliter se habeant, facile vincendos.

(5) Meanwhile Holofernes, having received the Moabites into surrender and taken them into the partnership of war against the Judeans, when he questioned their leaders by what forces the Hebrews, relying on what, had not yielded to surrender, (6) a certain Achior, when he had learned, declared that the Judeans were worshippers of God, established by a pious rite from their fathers, had once undergone servitude in Egypt; thence led forth by divine favor and having crossed the dried sea on foot, finally with all nations subdued had reclaimed the lands formerly held by their ancestors. (7) He added that they had in turn flourished or fallen by various turns of fortune, and again risen from evils, having experienced an angry or placated God according to merits, while, when sinning, they are checked by incursions of enemies or by captivities, yet by a propitious divinity always unconquered. But if in the present time they are without sin, in no way can they be overcome; if otherwise, they are easily to be conquered.

(8) ad haec Holofernes ferox multis victoriis, nihil sibi invictum ratus, ira accensus, cur ex peccato potissimum Iudaeorum pendere illius victoria putaretur, propelli Achior in castra Hebraeorum iubet, ut cum his periret, quos vinci non posse affirmaverat. (9) ac tum Iudaei montes petiverant; ita quibus id negotii datum, ima montium successere ibique vinctum Achior reliquerunt. quod ubi Iudaei animadverterunt, exemptum vinculis in collem perducunt.

(8) To these things Holofernes, fierce from many victories and thinking nothing unconquered for himself, kindled with anger, wondering why that victory was thought to depend chiefly on the sin of the Jews, ordered Achior to be driven into the camp of the Hebrews, that he might perish with those whom he had affirmed could not be overcome. (9) And then the Jews had sought the mountains; so those to whom that affair was entrusted descended to the lower parts of the mountains and there left Achior bound. When the Jews perceived this, they led him up the hill freed from his bonds.

causas rei quaerentibus gesta exponit receptusque in pacem exitum opperiebatur. is post victoriam circumcisus Iudaeus factus est. (10) igitur Holofernes difficultate locorum comperta, quia adiri praecelsa non poterant, montes militibus circumdat et summa cura Hebraeos aquationibus prohibet; eoque maturius obsidionem sensere.

he sets forth the deeds to those seeking the causes and awaited the outcome, received into peace. He, after the victory, was made a circumcised Jew. (10) therefore Holofernes, the difficulty of the places having been discovered—because the lofty heights could not be approached—surrounds the mountains with soldiers and with the greatest care forbids the Hebrews access to waters; and by this they perceived the siege the sooner.

itaque victi penuria aquae ad Oziam principem concurrunt, proni omnes ad deditionem. ille vero opperiendum paulisper et divinum auxilium exspectandum respondens, quinto demum die deditionis tempus constituit.

and so, overcome by scarcity of water, they ran together to Ozias the prince, all prostrate for surrender. he, however, replying that one should wait a little and expect divine aid, at last appointed the time of surrender on the fifth day.

16 (1) Quod ubi Iudith compertum, quae viro vidua, praedives opibus, insignis specie, sed moribus quam vultu illustrior tum in castris erat, artis suorum rebus etiam certo sibi exitio audendum aliquid et temptandum rata, caput comit, vultu expolitur, comite ancilla castra hostium ingreditur. (2) statimque ad Holofernem deducta perditas res suorum memorat, se transfugio vitae consuluisse. deinde a duce poscit liberum extra castra nocturno tempore egressum orandi gratia.

16 (1) When Judith learned this — she, a widow in respect to her husband, very rich in possessions, notable in appearance but more eminent in morals than in visage, and then in the camp — deeming by the craft of her affairs that something daring and to be tried must be attempted even at the risk of certain destruction to herself, she binds up her head, beautifies her face, and with a maid attendant enters the enemy camp. (2) And straightway, being led to Holofernes, she recounts her ruined affairs, saying that she had sought safety of life by desertion; then she asks the commander for leave to go freely outside the camp at nightfall for the sake of prayer.

mandatum id vigilibus portarumque custodibus. (3) sed ubi per triduum egrediendi ac redeundi consuetudinem sibi barbaris fidem fecit, Holofernem cupido incessit dediticiae corpore abuti; etenim forma excellenti Persam facile permoverat. ita ad ducis tentorium per Baguam eunuchum deducitur, initoque convivio barbarus multo se vino obruit.

that was the command to the watchmen and gate-keepers. (3) But when for three days the habit of going out and returning had made the barbarians trust her, a desire seized Holofernes to abuse her as a captive's body; for her surpassing beauty had easily moved the Persian. Thus she is led to the commander's tent by Bagua the eunuch, and with a banquet begun the barbarian drenched himself in much wine.

(4) tum remotis ministris, priusquam vim mulieri inferret, somno captus est. Iudith tempore arrepto caput hostis desecat secumque aufert. et cum secundum consuetudinem castris egredi crederetur, incolumis regressa.

(4) then, the ministers having been removed, before he could offer violence to the woman, he was seized by sleep. Judith, seizing the moment, severs the head of the enemy and carries it away with her. And since, according to custom, it was believed that she had gone out from the camp, she returned unharmed.

(5) postero die Hebraei, caput Holofernis de superioribus ostentantes, eruptione facta ad castra hostium pergunt. tum vero barbari signum pugnae poscentes tabernaculum ducis frequentes assistunt. ubi truncum corpus repertum, foeda formidine in fugam versi terga hostibus praebuerunt.

(5) on the next day the Hebrews, displaying the head of Holofernes from above, after making a sortie proceeded to the enemy camp. Then indeed the barbarians, demanding the signal for battle, thronged the leader’s tent. When the severed body was found, they, turned to flight by foul fear, showed their backs to the enemies.

(6) Iudaei fugientes persecuti caesisque multis milibus castris ac praeda potiti. Iudith summis laudibus celebrata C et V annos vixisse traditur. (7) haec si Ocho rege, ut opinamur, gesta sunt anno imperii eius duodecimo, a tempore Hierosolymae restitutae usque in id bellum fuerunt anni duo et XX. ceterum Ochus XX et III annos regnavit.

(6) The Jews, fleeing and pursued, and with many thousands slain, took possession of the camp and of the plunder. Judith, celebrated with the highest praises, is reported to have lived 105 years. (7) If these things, as we suppose, happened in the reign of King Ochus in the 12th year of his rule, from the time Jerusalem was restored until that war were 22 years. Moreover Ochus reigned 23 years.

(8) fuit autem ultra omnes cruentus et plus quam barbaro animo. hunc Baguas spado aegrotantem venenis sustulit. post eum Arses, filius eius, triennio imperium tenuit, Darius annos IIII.

(8) moreover he was bloodier than all and of a more than barbarous spirit. Baguas the eunuch, while he was sick, removed him by poisons. after him Arses, his son, held the imperium for three years, Darius for 4 years.

17 (1) Adversum hunc Alexander Macedo acie conflixit. eo victo Persis imperium ademptum, quod ab initio Cyri steterat annos CC et L. (2) Alexander victor fere omnium gentium adiisse Hierosolymae templum dicitur ac dona intulisse, edixitque per omne imperium, quod sui iuris effecerat, ut Iudaeis ibidem degentibus esset liberum in patriam reverti. exacto duodecimo imperii anno, septimo posteaquam Darium devicerat, apud Babylonam defunctus est.

17 (1) Against him Alexander the Macedonian fought in battle. With him defeated, the Persian dominion, which from the beginning of Cyrus had stood for 250 years, was taken away. Alexander, victor over almost all peoples, is said to have gone to Jerusalem and to have offered gifts to the temple, and he decreed throughout the whole empire which he had made his own that the Jews dwelling there should be free to return to their native land. After the twelfth year of his reign had run its course, and in the seventh year after he had defeated Darius, he died at Babylon.

(3) regnum amici eius, qui simul cum illo maxima illa bella gesserant, partiti sunt. hi aliquanto tempore sine usurpatione regali susceptas partes procuraverunt, Arridaeo quodam Philippo Alexandri fratre regnante, cui perimbecillo verbo datum imperium videbatur, re autem penes eos erat, qui sibi exercitum et provincias distribuerant. (4) nec vero hic rerum status diu mansit, omnesque se reges appellari maluerunt.

(3) the kingdom of his friend, who had together with him waged those greatest wars, they divided. These, for some time and without royal usurpation, managed the assumed parts; with a certain Arridaeus, Philip, Alexander’s brother, reigning, to whom by a rather feeble word the imperium seemed given, but in fact the reality was in the hands of those who had allotted to themselves the army and the provinces. (4) nor indeed did this state of affairs remain long, and all preferred to style themselves kings.

primus in Syria post Alexandrum Seleucus rex fuit, subiecta eidem Perside ac Babylone. (5) qua tempestate Iudaei annuum stipendium trecenta argenti talenta regi dabant, nec tamen per externos magistratus, sed per sacerdotes suos regebantur. patrioque ritu vivebant, donec plerique eorum longa rursum pace corrupti miscere omnia seditionibus et turbare coeperunt, affectantes summum sacerdotium libidine, avaritia et dominandi cupidine.

Seleucus was the first king in Syria after Alexander, with Persia and Babylon subjected to him. (5) At that time the Jews paid an annual stipend of three hundred silver talents to the king, yet they were governed not through external magistrates but by their own priests. And they lived in the ancestral rite, until many of them, corrupted again by a long peace, began to mingle everything with seditions and to disturb, coveting the high priesthood by lust, avarice, and a desire to dominate.

18 (1) Namque primum sub rege Seleuco, Antiochi magni filio, Oniam sacerdotem, virum sanctum atque integrum, Simon quidam falsis apud regem criminibus insimulatum excutere nequiverat. (2) interiecto deinde tempore Iason frater Oniae Antiochum regem, qui Seleuco fratri successerat, adiit, augmentum stipendii pollicens, si sibi summum sacerdotium traderetur. (3) et quamquam insolitum neque ante permissum erat perpetuo sacerdotio perfungi, sollicitus tamen regis animus, aeger avaritia, facile superatus est.

18 (1) For at first under King Seleucus, son of Antiochus the Great, Onias was priest, a holy and upright man; a certain Simon, falsely accused to the king, could not succeed in removing him. (2) Afterwards, after an interval of time, Jason, brother of Onias, approached Antiochus the king, who had succeeded Seleucus his brother, promising an increase of the stipend if the high priesthood were handed over to him. (3) And although it was unheard-of and had not before been permitted to fulfill the priesthood perpetually, the king’s anxious mind, sick with avarice, was easily overcome.

(4) ita depulso Onia Iasoni sacerdotium mandatum. is foede admodum cives patriamque laceravit. dein cum per Menelaum quendam, Simonis illius fratrem, promissam regi pecuniam misisset, patefacta semel ambitioni via, isdem artibus, quibus Iason prius, Menelaus sacerdotium obtinuerat.

(4) thus, Onias being driven out, the priesthood was entrusted to Iason. He most foully tore apart the citizens and his fatherland. Then, when through a certain Menelaus, that brother of Simon, he had sent the promised money to the king, once the way to ambition was opened, by the same arts by which Iason before had done, Menelaus obtained the priesthood.

(5) nec multo post, cum promissum argenti modum non reddidisset, loco pellitur; Lysimachus substituitur. inde inter Iasonem et Menelaum foeda certamina, donec Iason profugus patria excessit. (6) his initiis corruptis moribus eo usque processum, ut plerique popularium ab Antiocho poscerent, permitti sibi more gentilium vivere.

(5) and not long after, when he had not repaid the promised amount of silver, he was expelled from his post; Lysimachus was put in his place. Thence arose foul contests between Jason and Menelaus, until Jason, a fugitive, left his country. (6) with these openings of morality corrupted, it proceeded so far that many of the populace demanded of Antiochus that they be permitted to live according to the custom of the Gentiles.

quod cum rex petentibus annuisset, certatim pessimus quisque delubra exstruere, idolis supplicare, legem profanare occeperat. (7) interea Antiochus rediens ab Alexandria - namque tum bellum regi Aegyptio intulerat, quod iussu senatus et populi Romani deposuit, Paulo et Crasso consulibus - Hierosolymam adiit. cum discordantem superstitionibus susceptis populum repperisset, legem Dei destruens et his favens, qui impia sequebantur, omnia templi ornamenta detraxit ac multa caede vastavit.

which, when the king had nodded assent to the petitioners, each one strenuously, the very worst of men began to raise shrines, to supplicate idols, and to profane the law. (7) Meanwhile Antiochus, returning from Alexandria — for at that time he had waged war upon the Egyptian king, which, by order of the senate and people of Rome, he laid down, in the consulship of Paulus and Crassus — went to Jerusalem. Finding the people divided and seized by superstitions, he destroyed the law of God and, favoring those who followed impiety, stripped away all the temple’s ornaments and devastated it with great slaughter.

(8) id gestum ab excessu Alexandri anno centesimo uno et quinquagesimo, Paulo, ut diximus, Crassoque consulibus, post quinquennium fere quam Antiochus regnare coeperat.

(8) this occurred in the 151st year after the death of Alexander, in the consulship of Paulus, as we have said, and Crassus, nearly five years after Antiochus had begun to reign.

19 (1) Sed ut temporum ordo consertus sit ac liqueat evidentius, quis hic fuerit Antiochus, regum, qui post Alexandrum in Syria fuerant, et nomina et tempora enumerabimus. (2) defuncto, ut supra retulimus, rege Alexandro, ab amicis eius regnum omne divisum ac regio nomine aliquamdiu administratum est. Seleucus post novem annos in Syria rex est appellatus, regnavitque annos II et XXX.

19 (1) But so that the ordered succession of times may be joined and made more plain, who this Antiochus was — of the kings who after Alexander had been in Syria — both the names and the dates we will enumerate. (2) When, as we related above, King Alexander had died, by his friends the whole kingdom was divided and for a time governed under the name of a province. Seleucus, after nine years, was proclaimed king in Syria, and he reigned 32 years.

post eum Antiochus, filius eius, annos unum de viginti. (3) inde Antiochus, Antiochi filius, qui et Theus cognominatus est, annos XV. post hunc Seleucus filius, cognomine Callinicus, annos unum et viginti. (4) item Seleucus, filius Callinici, annos tres.

after him Antiochus, his son, for 19 years. (3) thence Antiochus, son of Antiochus, who was also surnamed Theus, for 15 years. after him Seleucus his son, surnamed Callinicus, for 21 years. (4) likewise Seleucus, son of Callinicus, for 3 years.

hoc defuncto Antiochus frater [Callinici] Asiam et Syriam tenuit annos VII et XXX. hic est Antiochus, adversus quem Lucius Scipio Asiaticus bellavit; quo bello victus et imperii parte multatus est. hic duos filios habuit, Seleucum et Antiochum, quem obsidem Romanis dederat.

With him dead, Antiochus, brother of [Callinicus], held Asia and Syria for 37 years. This is the Antiochus against whom Lucius Scipio Asiaticus waged war; having been defeated in that war, he was fined and deprived of part of his realm. He had two sons, Seleucus and Antiochus, the latter of whom he had given as a hostage to the Romans.

(5) ita Antiocho magno mortuo Seleucus filius eius natu maior regnum indeptus est, sub quo Oniam sacerdotem a Simone insimulatum diximus. tum Antiochus a Romanis dimissus datusque in locum eius obses Demetrius, Seleuci regis, qui eo tempore regnabat, filius. Seleuco mortuo anno imperii duodecimo regnum frater Antiochus, qui Romae obses fuerat, occupavit.

(5) Thus, on the death of Antiochus the Great, Seleucus, his elder son by birth, obtained the kingdom, under whom we said Onias the priest had been slandered by Simon. Then Antiochus was released by the Romans, and an hostage was given in his stead, Demetrius, son of King Seleucus, who at that time reigned. On Seleucus’s death, in the 12th year of his reign, the kingdom was seized by his brother Antiochus, who had been a hostage at Rome.

(6) is post quinquennium quam regnare coeperat, ut supra docuimus, Hierosolymam depopulatus est. etenim grave Romanis stipendium pensitans ipse immensis sumptibus paene necessario cogebatur pecunias rapto quaerere neque ullam praedandi occasionem omittere. (7) post biennium deinde, pari rursum clade affectis Iudaeis, ne forte frequentibus malis compulsi bellum sumerent, praesidium arci imposuit.

(6) He, after five years of beginning to reign, as we have shown above, laid waste Jerusalem. For, reckoning a heavy tribute to the Romans and himself burdened by immense expenditures, he was almost of necessity driven to seek money by plunder and to omit no opportunity for pillaging. (7) Then after two years, the Jews again afflicted by a like disaster, lest perhaps driven by repeated miseries they should take up arms, he placed a garrison on the citadel.

inde sacram legem evertere aggressus mittit edictum, ut omnes relictis maiorum traditionibus gentilium ritu viverent. (8) nec defuere qui profano imperio volentes parerent. tum vero foedum spectaculum; per universas urbes palam in plateis litabatur, sacra etiam legis et prophetarum volumina igni cremata.

thereupon, having set himself to overthrow the sacred law, he issues an edict that all should live by the rites of the Gentiles, abandoning the traditions of their ancestors. (8) nor were there wanting those who, wishing to obey a profane power, complied. then indeed a foul spectacle; throughout the cities rites were openly performed in the streets, and even the sacred scrolls of the law and the prophets were burned with fire.

20 (1) Ea tempestate Matthathias, Iohannis filius, sacerdos erat. hic cum a regiis cogeretur edicto parere, egregia constantia profana contemnens, Hebraeum publico profanantem in ore omnium iugulavit. (2) tum demum reperto duce facta secessio est.

20 (1) At that time Matthathias, son of Iohannes, was a priest. When he was being compelled by royal edict to comply, scorning the profane with remarkable constancy, he slew with the sword a Hebrew who was publicly profaning before the eyes of all. (2) Then at last, a secession was effected when a leader was found.

Matthathias oppido egressus, multis ad eum confluentibus, speciem iusti exercitus effecerat; quis omnibus destinatum erat adversus profanum imperium se armis tueri, et vel in bello occumbere quam impias cerimonias exercere. (3) interea Antiochus per Graecas quoque urbes, quae in illius imperio erant, repertos Iudaeos sacrificare cogebat inauditisque cruciatibus reluctantes afficiebat. (4) qua tempestate illustris illa passio septem fratrum matrisque fuit; qui omnes, cum legem Dei, instituta maiorum violare suppliciis cogerentur, mori maluerunt.

Matthathias, having departed from the town, with many flocking to him, had made the semblance of a righteous army; which was appointed for all to defend themselves by arms against the profane empire, and to die in war rather than to perform impious ceremonies. (3) Meanwhile Antiochus, through the Greek cities also that were in his empire, compelled discovered Jews to sacrifice and afflicted those who resisted with unheard-of tortures. (4) At that time there was that illustrious passion of the seven brothers and their mother; all of whom, when by punishments they were forced to violate the law of God and the institutions of their ancestors, preferred to die.

ad extremum poenas mortesque eorum comitata mater est.

At last the mother accompanied their penalties and deaths.

21 (1) Interea Matthathias moritur; vicarium exercitui, quem paraverat ducem, Iudam filium substituit. huius ductu adversum regios frequentibus proeliis prospere pugnatum. (2) nam primum Apollonium ducem hostium, qui magnis copiis in conflictum descenderat, cum omni exercitu delevit.

21 (1) Meanwhile Matthathias dies; he appoints his son Judas as vicar and commander of the army which he had prepared. Under his leadership they fought successfully against the royal forces in frequent engagements. (2) For first he destroyed Apollonius, the leader of the enemies, who had descended into the clash with great forces, together with his entire army.

quod cum Seron quidam, qui tum Syriae praeerat, comperisset, multiplicatis legionibus Iudam aggressus, ferox quia numero praestabat, ubi in aequum descensum, fusus ac fugatus, octingentis ferme amissis in Syriam regressus est. (3) id ubi compertum est Antiocho, ira et dolore succensus, quippe angebatur duces suos cum magnis exercitibus devictos, (4) auxilium per omne regnum contrahit, donativum militibus, exhaustis penitus thesauris, largitur. etenim tum praecipue graviter pecuniae inopia affectus erat.

When a certain Seron, who then presided over Syria, learned this, having multiplied his legions he assailed Judas, fierce because he excelled in numbers; but when he descended upon the plain he was routed and put to flight, and, with about eight hundred lost, returned to Syria. (3) When this was learned by Antiochus, kindled with anger and grief—for he was vexed that his commanders with great armies had been overthrown— (4) he gathered aid throughout the whole kingdom, lavished a donative on the soldiers, utterly exhausting the treasuries. For at that time above all he was grievously afflicted by a scarcity of money.

nam deficientibus Iudaeis ab eo, qui ei ultra trecenta argenti talenta annua pensitaverant, praeterea Graecis urbibus multisque regionibus persecutionis malo turbatis - ne gentilibus quidem pepercerat , quos deserere inveteratas superstitiones et ad unum ritum deducere temptaverat, illis quidem, ubi nihil sancti erat, facile relinquentibus, (5) sed tamen omnibus metu ac clade affectis - vectigalia cessaverant. quibus rebus aestuans - etenim ipse olim omnibus regibus opulentior suomet scelere inopiam persenserat - copias cum Lysia partitur eique Syriam et bellum adversus Iudaeos committit, ipse in Persas ad cogenda vectigalia profectus. igitur Lysias duces belli delegit Ptolemaeum, Gorgiam, Doronem et Nicanorem; his XL milia peditum, VII equitum data.

for when the Jews failed him who had paid him annually more than 300 silver talents, and moreover the Greek cities and many regions, disturbed by the evil of persecution — he spared not even the Gentiles, whom he tried to force to abandon long‑established superstitions and to reduce to a single rite, those indeed, where nothing sacred remained, abandoning with ease, (5) yet all afflicted by fear and devastation — the tax revenues had ceased. Burning with these matters — for he himself, once more opulent than all kings by his own crime, had felt want — he divides the forces with Lysias and entrusts to him Syria and the war against the Jews; he himself set out against the Persians to collect taxes. Therefore Lysias chose the commanders of the war, Ptolemaeus, Gorgias, Doron, and Nicanor; to these 40,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry were assigned.

(6) ac primo impetu magnum Iudaeis terrorem intulerunt. tum Iudas cunctis desperantibus suos adhortatus, forti animo descenderent in proelium; Deo fretis nihil invictum fore; saepe antea a paucioribus adversum plures bene pugnatum. (7) ieiunio indicto celebratoque sacrificio in aciem descensum; fusae hostium copiae, Iudas castris potitus multumque ibi auri et Tyriarum opum repertum.

(6) and at the first onset they brought great terror upon the Judeans. Then Judas, exhorting his men as all despaired, with a brave mind descended into battle; relying on God, nothing would be unconquered; often before, by fewer men against more, they had fought well. (7) having proclaimed a fast and celebrated a sacrifice, he went down into the line of battle; the enemy forces were routed, Judas took possession of the camp and found there much gold and Tyrian wealth.

namque ex Syria negotiatores nihil de victoria dubitantes, regium exercitum secuti spe captivos mercandi, praedae fuere. haec ubi Lysiae ex nuntiis comperta, maiore cura copias parat annoque post immani exercitu Iudaeos aggreditur; victus Antiochiam se recepit.

for merchants from Syria, doubting nothing of the victory, having followed the royal army in the hope of trafficking in captives, became booty. When these things were learned by Lysias from reports, he prepared troops with greater care and, the year after, attacked the Jews with a vast army; defeated, he withdrew to Antioch.

22 (1) Iudas pulsis hostibus Hierosolymam regressus purgare templum et restituere animum intendit, quod eversum ab Antiocho profanatumque a gentibus foedam sui speciem praebebat. (2) sed Syris arcem tenentibus, quae continua templo et loci natura superior atque inexpugnabilis erat, adiri subiecta non poterant, crebris eruptionibus prohibentibus. (3) adversum hos Iudas validissimam suorum aciem obiecit.

22 (1) Judas, the enemies having been routed, returned to Jerusalem and set his mind to cleanse the temple and to restore the spirit, which, overthrown by Antiochus and profaned by the Gentiles, presented a foul aspect. (2) But with the Syrians holding the citadel, which, contiguous with the temple and by the nature of the place higher and impregnable, could not be approached or subdued, frequent sallies preventing it. (3) Against these men Judas deployed the most powerful battle-line of his own.

ita opus sacrae aedis curatum templumque muro circumdatum, constitutique qui perpetuum praesidium armati agitarent. (4) at Lysias multiplicato exercitu in Iudaeam regressus rursum vincitur, magna clade exercitus et auxiliorum, quae ei a civitatibus missa in bello conspiraverant. (5) interea Antiochus, quem in Persidem profectum supra memoravimus, oppidum Elymum, regionis illius opulentissimum, fanumque ibi situm multo auro refertum, diripere conatus, confluente undique ad defensionem loci multitudine fugatus; insuper nuntium accepit, res [vel] a Lysia [vel a Lysimacho] improspere gestas.

thus the work of the sacred aedes was attended to and the temple enclosed with a wall, and men were appointed who, armed, should keep perpetual praesidium. (4) but Lysias, having multiplied his army, returned into Judaea and was again defeated, with a great slaughter of the army and of the auxiliaries which had been sent to him by the cities and had conspired against him in the war. (5) meanwhile Antiochus, whom we above mentioned as having set out into Persia, attempted to plunder the town Elymus, the most opulent of that region, and the fanum there filled with much gold, but was driven off by the multitude converging from every quarter for the defence of the place; moreover he received a message that matters [vel] from Lysias [vel a Lysimacho] had been carried on unsuccessfully.

(6) ita ex maerore animi corporis morbo incubuit. sed cum internis doloribus angeretur, reminiscens malorum, quibus populum Dei vexaverat, merito sibi illa accidisse confitebatur. deinde post paucos dies moritur, cum regnasset annos undecim.

(6) thus, from sorrow of mind he fell into a bodily disease. But when he was afflicted with internal pains, recalling the evils by which he had vexed the people of God, he admitted that those things had happened to him deservedly. Then after a few days he died, having reigned 11 years.

Antiocho filio regnum reliquit, cui Eupator nomen fuit.

He left the kingdom to his son Antiochus, who bore the name Eupator.

23 (1) Ea tempestate Iudas Syros in arce positos obsidebat. qui cum fame atque inopia afficerentur, missis ad regem nuntiis praesidium implorant. ita Eupator cum centum milibus et equitum viginti milibus suis subsidio venit, praeeuntibus aciem cum ingenti terrore elefantis.

23 (1) At that time Judas was besieging the Syrians placed in the citadel. They, being afflicted by famine and want, sent messengers to the king begging for relief. Thus Eupator came to their aid with 100,000 and with 20,000 of his horsemen, the battle‑line advancing before, with the great terror of an elephant.

(2) tum Iudas laxata obsidione regi obviam tendit primoque proelio Syros fundit. rex petit pacem; quia infido ingenio male usus, perfidiam consecuta ultio. nam Demetrius, Seleuci filius, quem Romanis obsidem datum supra memoravimus, ut audivit Antiochum decessisse, petivit, ut se in regnum remitterent.

(2) then Judas, the siege having been relaxed, goes to meet the king and in the first battle routs the Syrians. The king seeks peace; for, having ill-used an untrustworthy disposition, he obtained vengeance for perfidy. For Demetrius, son of Seleucus, whom, as above we mentioned, had been given as a hostage to the Romans, when he heard that Antiochus had died, petitioned that he be restored to the kingdom.

quod cum ei negatum fuisset, clam Roma profugit, in Syriam venit regnumque occupavit, Antiochi filio, qui annum unum et menses sex regnaverat, interfecto. (4) hoc regnante primum Iudaei a populo Romane amicitiam foedusque petiere; benigneque excepta legatio, decreto senatus socii atque amici appellati. interim Demetrius adversus Iudam per duces suos bellum gerebat.

when this had been denied him, he secretly fled to Rome, came into Syria, and seized the kingdom, Antiochus’s son, who had reigned one year and six months, being killed. (4) During his reign the Jews first sought friendship and a treaty from the Roman people; and with the embassy kindly received, by decree of the senate they were called allies and friends. Meanwhile Demetrius was waging war against Judas through his generals.

(5) ac primum per Bacchidem quendam et Alcimum Iudaeum ductus exercitus; post Nicanor bello praepositus in proelio occubuit. tum Bacchides et Alcimus resumptis viribus auctisque copiis adversum Iudam confligunt. in ea pugna victores Syri cruente admodum victoria usi.

(5) and at first an army was led by a certain Bacchides and Alcimus the Jew; afterwards Nicanor, appointed commander in the war, fell in the battle. Then Bacchides and Alcimus, having recovered their strength and with forces increased, engaged Judas. In that fight the victorious Syrians made use of a very bloody victory.

Hebraei in locum Iudae Ionatham, fratrem eius, deligunt. (6) interea Alcimus cum foede Hierosolymam vastasset, moritur; Bacchides socio destitutus ad regem redit. dein post biennium rursus Bacchides bellum Iudaeis intulit, victus pacem petit.

The Hebrews choose Ionatham, his brother, in the place of Judas. (6) Meanwhile Alcimus, having foully laid waste Jerusalem, dies; Bacchides, deserted by his ally, returns to the king. Then after two years Bacchides again waged war against the Jews; defeated, he sought peace.

quae propositis conditionibus data, si perfugas captivosque et omnia bello rapta redderet.

which were granted on the proffered conditions, if he would restore the deserters, the captives, and all things seized in war.

25 (1) Dum haec intra Iudaeam geruntur, adolescens quidam Rhodi educatus, nomine Alexander, Antiochi se esse filium dictitans, quod falsum erat, adiutus opibus Ptolemaei regis Alexandrini, in Syriam cum exercitu venit; Demetrium bello superatum occidit, cum regnasset annos XII. (2) hic Alexander, priusquam adversus Demetrium confligeret, foedus cum Ionatha fecerat eumque veste purpurea et insignibus regiis donaverat. ob quod eum Ionatha auxiliis iuverat victoque Demetrio primus omnium congratulatum occurrerat.

25 (1) While these things were being carried on inside Judea, a certain youth reared in Rhodes, named Alexander, claiming that he was a son of Antiochus, which was false, aided by the wealth of King Ptolemy of Alexandria, came into Syria with an army; he killed Demetrius, who had been overcome in war, after Demetrius had reigned twelve years. (2) This Alexander, before he engaged against Demetrius, had made a treaty with Jonathan and had presented him with a purple garment and royal insignia. For this reason Jonathan had aided him with auxiliaries, and when Demetrius was defeated he was the first of all to meet him with felicitations.

neque postea Alexander datam fidem corrupit. (3) ita quinquennio, quo rerum potitus est, res Iudaeorum tranquillae fuerunt. igitur Demetrius Demetrii filius, qui post mortem patris Cretam confugerat, hortante Lasthene Cretensium duce, regnum patrium bello repetens, impar viribus Ptolemaeum Philometorem regem Aegypti, Alexandri socerum, iam tum genero infestum, ut sibi sit auxilio, implorat.

nor afterwards did Alexander corrupt the pledged faith. (3) thus for the five years during which he held power, the affairs of the Judeans were tranquil. therefore Demetrius, son of Demetrius, who after his father's death had taken refuge in Crete, at the urging of Lasthenes, leader of the Cretans, seeking by war his ancestral kingdom, unequal in forces to Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, Alexander’s father‑in‑law, already then hostile to his son‑in‑law, implored him to be his aid.

(4) ille vero non tam supplicis precibus quam spe Syriae occupandae illectus copias cum eo iungit, ac filiam Alexandro nuptam dat Demetrio. adversus hos Alexander acie confligit. (5) eo proelio Ptolemaeus cadit, Alexander vincitur; paulo post interfectus, cum regnasset annos quinque vel, ut in plerisque auctoribus repperi, novem.

(4) That man, however, lured not so much by the suppliant’s prayers as by the hope of seizing Syria, joined his forces with him, and gave his daughter in marriage to Alexander for Demetrius. Against these men Alexander fought in battle. (5) In that battle Ptolemaeus fell, Alexander was victorious; a little later he was killed, after he had reigned five years, or, as I have found in most authors, nine.

25 (1) Demetrius regnum indeptus Ionatham benigne habuit, foedus cum eo fecit, Iudaeos legibus suis reddidit. interea Tryphon, qui partium Alexandri fuerat, praefectus Syriae regno *** eum bello prohibiturus. contra Ionatha in proelium descendit, terribilis XL milium exercitu.

25 (1) Demetrius, having obtained the kingdom, treated Ionatha kindly, made a foedus with him, and restored the Jews to their own laws. Meanwhile Tryphon, who had been of Alexander’s partisans and was praefect of Syria, intending by war to bar him from the regnum ***, came down against Ionatha into battle with a terrible army of 40,000.

(2) Tryphon, ubi se imparem cernit, pacem simulat, receptumque in amicitiam invitatumque Ptolemaidam interfecit. post Ionatham summa rerum ad Simonem fratrem defertur. is funus fratris magnifice curavit septemque illas pyramidas nobilissimi operis exstruxit, in quibus et fratrum et patris ossa condidit.

(2) Tryphon, when he finds himself unequal, feigns peace, and having received him into friendship and invited him to Ptolemais, killed him. Afterwards the supreme affairs were carried to Simon his brother. He magnificently provided for his brother’s funeral and erected those seven pyramids of most noble workmanship, in which he deposited the bones of both the brothers and their father.

(3) tum Demetrius, refecto cum Iudaeis foedere, contemplatione cladis a Tryphone illatae - nam post Ionathae necem urbes eorum atque agros bello vastaverat - annua eis vectigalia in perpetuum remittit; etenim usque ad id tempus regibus Syriae, nisi cum armis restiterunt, stipendium pensitaverant. (4) id gestum Demetrii regis anno secundo, quod ideo signavimus, quia usque in hunc annum per tempora Asianorum regum cucurrimus, ut ratio temporum digesta luceret. (5) nunc autem per tempora eorum, qui Iudaeis vel pontifices vel reges fuerunt, usque ad Christi nativitatem rerum ordinem digeremus.

(3) then Demetrius, the treaty having been renewed with the Jews, and in consideration of the calamity inflicted by Tryphon — for after the death of Ionatha he had laid waste their cities and fields by war — remits to them the annual tributes forever; for up to that time the kings of Syria, unless they were resisted by arms, had exacted payment of stipends. (4) this was accomplished in the second year of King Demetrius, which we have thus marked because we run through the times of the kings of Asia up to this year, so that a clear chronology of the times might appear. (5) now, however, through the times of those who were to the Jews either pontiffs or kings, we will arrange the order of events up to the nativity of Christ.

26 (1) Igitur post Ionatham Simon frater eius, ut supra dictum est, Hebraeis praefuit iure pontificis. id enim ei tum et a suis et a populo Romano honoris delatum. (2) hic cum secundo Demetrii regis anno civibus praeesse coepisset, post octo annos insidiis Ptolemaei circumventus occubuit.

26 (1) Therefore after Ionatham, Simon his brother, as was said above, presided over the Hebrews by the right of the pontificate; for that honor was then conferred upon him both by his own people and by the Roman people. (2) He, when in the second year of King Demetrius he had begun to rule the citizens, after eight years, surrounded by the plots of Ptolemy, fell and died.

huic Iohannes filius successit. qui cum adversum Hyrcanos, gentem validissimam, egregie pugnasset, Hyrcani cognomen accepit. mortuus est annos VI et XX rerum potitus.

To him John, his son, succeeded. He, when he had fought excellently against the Hyrcanians, a very powerful people, took the surname Hyrcanus. He died, having held the affairs (power) for 26 years.

(3) post hunc Aristobulus pontifex substitutus primus omnium post captivitatem regium nomen assumpsit capitique diadema imposuit. exacto anno diem functus est. (4) Alexander deinde, filius eius, rex pariter et pontifex fuit, regnavit annos VII et XX; in cuius actibus nihil praeter crudelitatem memoria dignum repperi.

(3) after him Aristobulus, installed as high priest, first of all after the captivity assumed the royal name and placed the diadem upon his head; at the completion of the year he died. (4) Alexander then, his son, was both king and high priest, he reigned 27 years; in whose deeds I found nothing worthy of memory except cruelty.

hic cum Aristobulum et Hyrcanum parvos filios reliquisset, Salina sive Alexandra uxor eius regnum per novem annos tenuit. (5) post huius obitum foeda inter fratres de regno certamina. ac primum Hyrcanus imperium obtinebat; mox ab Aristobulo fratre pulsus confugit ad Pompeium, qui tum Mitridatico bello confecto pacataque Armenia et Ponto victor omnium gentium, quas adierat, introrsum pergere et vicina quaeque Romano imperio adiungere cupiens, causas belli et materiam vincendi quaerebat.

here, when he had left Aristobulus and Hyrcanus as young sons, Salina or Alexandra, his wife, held the kingdom for nine years. (5) after her death there were foul contests among the brothers over the kingdom. and at first Hyrcanus obtained the imperium; soon, driven off by his brother Aristobulus, he fled for refuge to Pompey, who then, the Mithridatic war having been completed and Armenia and Pontus pacified—victor over all the peoples whom he had visited—wishing to advance inland and to annex every neighboring territory to the Roman empire, sought causes for war and material for winning.

(6) igitur Hyrcanum libens excepit ductuque eius Iudaeos aggreditur; urbe capta atque eruta templo pepercit. Aristobulum vinctum Romam mittit, Hyrcano ius pontificatus restituit; imposito Iudaeis stipendio procuratorem eis Antipatrum quendam Ascalonitem praeposuit. Hyrcanus quattuor et triginta annos rerum potitus, dum adversum Parthos bellum gerit, capitur.

(6) therefore he willingly received Hyrcanus and, under his leadership, attacked the Jews; the city taken and sacked, he spared the temple. He sent Aristobulus bound to Rome, restored to Hyrcanus the right of the pontificate; placing the Jews under a tribute he set over them a certain procurator, Antipater the Ascalonite. Hyrcanus, having held power for thirty-four years, was captured while waging war against the Parthians.

27 (1) Tum Herodes alienigena, Antipatri Ascalonitae filius, regnum Iudaeae a senatu et populo Romano petiit accepitque. hunc primum Iudaei externum regem coeperunt habere. etenim iam adventante Christo necesse erat secundum vaticinia prophetarum suis eos ducibus privari, ne quid ultra Christum exspectarent.

27 (1) Then Herodes, an alien, son of Antipater the Ascalonite, sought and received the kingdom of Judea from the senate and the Roman people. The Jews began, for the first time, to have an external king. For with Christ now coming it was necessary, according to the vaticinia of the prophets, that they be deprived of their own leaders, lest they expect anything beyond Christ.

(2) sub hoc Herode, anno imperii eius tertio et XXX, Christus natus est Sabino et Rufino consulibus, VIII Kal. Ianuarias. (3) verum haec, quae evangeliis ac deinceps Apostolorum actibus continentur, attingere non ausus, ne quid forma praecisi operis rerum dignitatibus deminueret, reliqua exsequar.

(2) under this Herod, in the 33rd year of his reign, Christ was born, when Sabinus and Rufinus were consuls, on the 8th day before the Kalends of January (December 25). (3) but these things, which are contained in the Gospels and thereafter in the Acts of the Apostles, I do not dare to touch, lest the form of a shortened work should diminish anything of the dignities of the matters; I will set forth the rest.

(4) Herodes post nativitatem Domini regnavit annos IIII; nam omne imperii eius tempus vir et XXX anni fuerunt. postque eum Archelaus tetrarcha annis VIIII, Herodes annis XX et IIII. (5) hoc regnante, anno regni eius octavo et decimo, Dominus cruci fixus est Fufio Gemino et Rubellio Gemino consulibus; a quo tempore usque in Stiliconem consulem sunt anni CCCLXXII.

(4) Herod after the Lord’s birth reigned 4 years; for the whole time of his authority amounted to 34 years. and after him Archelaus the tetrarch reigned 9 years, Herod 24 years. (5) in his reign, in the 18th year of his rule, the Lord was fixed to the cross in the consulship of Fufius Geminus and Rubellius Geminus; from that time until the consulship of Stilicho are 372 years.

28 (1) Apostolorum actus Lucas edidit usque in tempus, quo Paulus Romam deductus est Nerone imperante; qui non dicam regem, sed omnium hominum et vel immanium bestiarum sordidissimus dignus exstitit, qui persecutionem primus inciperet; nescio an et postremus explerit, siquidem opinione multorum receptum sit, ipsum ante Antichristum venturum. (2) huius vitia ut plenius exponerem res admonebat, nisi non esset huius operis tam vasta ingredi; id tantum annotasse contentus sum, hunc per omnia foedissima et crudelissima eo processisse, ut matrem interficeret, post etiam Pythagorae cuidam in modum sollemnium coniugiorum denuberet; inditumque imperatori flammeum; dos et genialis torus et faces nuptiales, cuncta denique, quae vel in feminis non sine verecundia conspiciuntur, spectata. (3) reliqua vero eius incertum pigeat an pudeat magis disserere.

28 (1) The Acts of the Apostles Luke published up to the time when Paul was led to Rome under the reign of Nero; who — I will not call a king, but proved himself the most sordid and unworthy of all men and even of the monstrous beasts, fit to be the one who first would begin persecution; I know not whether he will also be the last to complete it, since it is held by the opinion of many that he himself will come before the Antichrist. (2) He urged me to set forth the vices of this man more fully, if I were not to undertake so vast a work; I have been content to note only this, that he in all things proceeded most foully and cruelly, so far as to kill his mother, afterwards even to espouse in the manner of some Pythagorean the solemnities of marriage; and to have the flammeum put upon the emperor; the dowry and the nuptial couch and the marriage torches — in short, all things which even in women are not beheld without modesty — observed. (3) As for his other deeds, it is uncertain whether it would grieve me more or shame me more to discourse of them.

hic primus Christianum nomen tollere aggressus est; quippe semper inimica virtutibus vitia sunt et optimi quique ab improbis quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur. (4) namque eo tempore divina apud urbem religio invaluerat, Petro ibi episcopatum gerente et Paulo, posteaquam ab iniusto praesidis iudicio Caesarem appellaverat, Romam deducto; ad quem tum audiendum plures conveniebant, qui veritate intellecta virtutibusque Apostolorum, quas tum crebro ediderant, permoti ad cultum Dei se conferebant. (5) etenim tum illustris illa adversus Simonem Petri ac Pauli congressio fuit.

Here he first undertook to abolish the Christian name; for vices are always inimical to virtues, and even the best are regarded by the wicked as if upbraiding them. (4) For at that time the divine religion had prevailed in the city, Peter there holding the episcopate and Paul, after he had appealed to Caesar from the unjust judgment of the governor, having been conducted to Rome; to whom then many came to hear, who, truth perceived and moved by the virtues of the Apostles, which they at that time frequently proclaimed, betook themselves to the worship of God. (5) For then indeed that illustrious confrontation of Peter and Paul against Simon took place.

qui cum magicis artibus, ut se deum probaret, duobus suffultus daemoniis evolasset, orationibus Apostolorum fugatis daemonibus, delapsus in terram populo inspectante disruptus est.

who, by magical arts, in order to prove himself a god, had flown up supported by two demons; the demons having been put to flight by the prayers of the Apostles, he fell down to the earth and was shattered while the people looked on.

29 (1) Interea abundante iam Christianorum multitudine accidit ut Roma incendio conflagraret, Nerone apud Antium constituto. sed opinio omnium invidiam incendii in principem retorquebat, credebaturque imperator gloriam innovandae urbis quaesisse. (2) neque ulla re Nero efficiebat, quin ab eo iussum incendium putaretur.

29 (1) Meanwhile, the multitude of Christians now abounding, it happened that Rome was set on fire, Nero being at Antium. But the common opinion turned the envy of the fire back upon the prince, and it was believed that the emperor had sought the glory of renewing the city. (2) Nor did any action of Nero prevent him from being supposed to have ordered the fire.

igitur vertit invidiam in Christianos, actaeque in innoxios crudelissimae quaestiones; quin et novae mortes excogitatae, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, multi crucibus affixi aut flamma usti, plerique in id reservati, ut cum defecisset dies, in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. (3) hoc initio in Christianos saeviri coeptum. post etiam datis legibus religio vetabatur, palamque edictis propositis Christianum esse non licebat.

Therefore he turned the hatred upon the Christians, and most cruel inquisitions were carried out against the innocent; moreover new deaths were devised, so that, clad in the hides of beasts, they would perish by the tearing of dogs, many were fixed to crosses or burned by flame, and most were reserved for this purpose, so that, when day had failed, they might be burned for the use of nocturnal light. (3) From this beginning it began to be raged against the Christians. Afterwards, too, with laws promulgated the religion was forbidden, and with public edicts proclaimed it was not permitted to be a Christian.

tum Paulus ac Petrus capitis damnati; (4) quorum uni cervix gladio desecta, Petrus in crucem sublatus est. dum haec Romae geruntur, Iudaei, praesidis sui Festi Flori iniurias non ferentes, rebellare coeperunt. adversus eos Vespasianus proconsulari imperio a Nerone missus multis gravibusque proeliis devictos coegit intra muros Hierosolymae confugere.

then Paul and Peter were condemned to death; (4) the one had his neck cut by the sword, Peter was lifted up on a cross. while these things were being done at Rome, the Jews, not enduring the injuries of their governor Festus Florus, began to rebel. against them Vespasian, sent by Nero with proconsular imperium, having defeated them in many grave battles, forced them to take refuge within the walls of Jerusalem.

(5) interim Nero iam etiam sibi pro conscientia scelerum invisus, humanis rebus eximitur, incertum an ipse sibi mortem consciverit; certe corpus illius non repertum. (6) unde creditur, etiam si se gladio ipse transfixerit, curato vulnere eius servatus, secundum illud, quod de eo scriptum est; et plaga mortis eius curata est, sub saeculi fine mittendus, ut mysterium iniquitatis exerceat.

(5) meanwhile Nero, already hated by himself on account of the conscience of his crimes, is removed from human affairs; it is uncertain whether he contrived death for himself; certainly his body was not found. (6) whence it is believed that, even if he pierced himself with a sword, with his wound treated he was preserved, according to that which is written concerning him; and the wound of his death was healed, to be sent at the end of the age, that he may exercise the mystery of iniquity.

30 (1) Igitur post excessum Neronis Galba imperium rapuit; mox Otho Galba interfecto occupavit. (2) tum Vitellius e Gallia fretus exercitibus, quibus praeerat, urbem ingressus, Othone interfecto summam rerum usurpavit. quae posteaquam ad Vespasianum delata, licet malo exemplo, bono tamen affectu rei publicae ab improbis vindicandae, cum Hierosolymam obsideret, sumit imperium et, ut mos est, diademate capiti imposito ab exercitu consalutatus.

30 (1) Therefore after Nero’s death Galba seized the empire; soon Otho, Galba having been killed, took it. (2) Then Vitellius, relying on the legions from Gaul which he commanded, entering the city and Otho having been slain, usurped the supreme power. When these things were afterward reported to Vespasian, though by evil example, yet with a good regard for the res publica and for avenging the wicked, while he was besieging Jerusalem he assumes the empire and, as is customary, with a diadem placed upon his head is hailed by the army.

Titum filium Caesarem facit; eidem pars copiarum et obsidendae Hierosolymae negotium datum. (3) Vespasianus Romam profectus, summo favore senatus et populi receptus, cum se Vitellius interfecisset, imperium confirmavit. interea Iudaei obsidione clausi, quia nulla neque pacis neque deditionis copia dabatur, ad extremum fame interibant, passimque viae oppleri cadaveribus coepere, victo iam officio humandi; quin omnia nefanda esca super ausi ne humanis quidem corporibus pepercerunt, nisi quae eiusmodi alimentis tabes praeripuerat.

He makes Titus his son Caesar; to the same a part of the forces and the business of besieging Hierosolyma is given. (3) Vespasian, having set out for Rome, received with the highest favor of the senate and people, when Vitellius had killed himself, confirmed his imperium. Meanwhile the Jews, shut in by siege, because no means of either peace or surrender was granted, died at last of famine, and everywhere the roads began to be filled with corpses, the duty of burying already overcome; indeed, having dared every unspeakable food, they spared not even human bodies, except those which corruption had already snatched away from such aliment.

(4) igitur defessis defensoribus irrupere Romani. ac tum forte in diem Paschae omnis ex agris aliisque Iudaeae oppidis multitudo convenerant; nimirum ita Deo placitum, ut eo tempore, quo Dominum cruci affixerat, gens impia internecioni daretur. (5) Pharisaei aliquantisper pro templo acerrime restiterunt, donec obstinatis ad mortem animis ultro se subiectis ignibus intulerunt.

(4) therefore the Romans burst in upon the exhausted defenders. and then, by chance on the day of Easter, a multitude from the fields and other towns of Judea had assembled; no doubt so pleasing to God, that at that time, when they had crucified the Lord, the impious nation should be given over to destruction. (5) the Pharisees resisted for some time most fiercely about the temple, until, their minds obstinate unto death, they of their own accord cast themselves into the fires that had been brought against them.

numerus peremptorum ad undecies centena milia refertur, capta vero C milia ac venundata. (6) fertur Titus adhibito consilio prius deliberasse, an templum tanti operis everteret. etenim nonnullis videbatur, aedem sacratam ultra omnia mortalia illustrem non oportere deleri, quae servata modestiae Romanae testimonium, diruta perennem crudelitatis notam praeberet.

the number of those killed is reported at 1,100,000, and indeed 100,000 taken captive and sold. (6) It is said that Titus, having summoned a counsel, first deliberated whether to overthrow the temple of so great a work. For it seemed to some that the sacred aedes, illustrious beyond all mortal things, ought not to be destroyed, which, if preserved, would bear testimony to Roman modesty, but if razed would present an everlasting mark of cruelty.

(7) at contra alii et Titus ipse evertendum in primis templum censebant, quo plenius Iudaeorum et Christianorum religio tolleretur; quippe has religiones, licet contrarias sibi, isdem tamen ab auctoribus profectas; Christianos ex Iudaeis exstitisse; radice sublata stirpem facile perituram. (8) ita Dei nutu accensis omnium animis templum dirutum, abhinc annos trecentos triginta et unum. atque haec ultima templi eversio et postrema Iudaeorum captivitas, qua extorres patria per orbem terrarum dispersi cernuntur, cotidie mundo testimonio sunt, non ob aliud eos quam ob illatas Christo impias manus fuisse punitos.

(7) but others, and Titus himself, judged that above all the temple should be overthrown, so that more fully the religions of the Jews and of the Christians might be removed; for these religions, though contrary to one another, nevertheless proceeded from the same authors; that Christians had arisen out of the Jews; once the root was taken away the stock would easily perish. (8) thus, by God's nod, with the minds of all inflamed, the temple was destroyed, henceforth three hundred and thirty-one years. and this final overthrow of the temple and the last captivity of the Jews, by which they are seen dispersed rootless from their fatherland throughout the orb of the earth, are daily before the world as testimony, that they were punished not for any other reason than for the impious hands laid upon Christ.

nam saepe alias, cum propter peccata captivitatibus traderentur, numquam tamen ultra LXX annos servitutis poenam pependerunt.

for often at other times, when they were delivered into captivities on account of sins, nevertheless they never endured the punishment of servitude for more than 70 years.

31 (1) Interiecto dein tempore Domitianus, Vespasiani filius, persecutus est Christianos. quo tempore Iohannem apostolum atque evangelistam in Pathmum insulam relegavit; ubi ille arcanis sibi mysteriis revelatis librum sacrae Apocalypsis, qui quidem a plerisque aut stulte aut impie non recipitur, conscriptum edidit. (2) non multo deinde intervallo tertia persecutio per Traianum fuit.

31 (1) After a time, Domitian, son of Vespasian, persecuted the Christians; at which time he banished John the apostle and evangelist to the island of Patmos; there, with secret mysteries revealed to him, he composed and published the book of the sacred Apocalypse, which indeed by very many is not received, either foolishly or impiously. (2) Not long thereafter there was a third persecution under Trajan.

qui cum tormentis et quaestionibus nihil in Christianis morte aut poena dignum repperisset, saeviri in eos ultra vetuit. (3) sub Adriano deinde Iudaei rebellare voluerunt, Syriam ac Palaestinam diripere conati; misso exercitu subacti sunt. qua tempestate Adrianus, existimans se Christianam fidem loci iniuria perempturum, et in templo et loco Dominicae passionis daemonum simulacra constituit.

who, since by torments and interrogations he had found nothing in the Christians worthy of death or punishment, forbade them to be further savaged. (3) under Hadrian then the Jews wished to rebel, attempting to ravage Syria and Palestine; they were subdued by a sent army. At that time Hadrian, thinking that by injuring the place he would destroy the Christian faith, set up images of demons both in the temple and at the place of the Lord’s Passion.

(4) et quia Christiani ex Iudaeis potissimum putabantur - namque tum Hierosolymae non nisi ex circumcisione habebat ecclesia sacerdotem - militum cohortem custodias in perpetuum agitare iussit, quae Iudaeos omnes Hierosolymae aditu arceret. (5) quod quidem Christianae fidei proficiebat, quia tum paene omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione credebant. nimirum id Domino ordinante dispositum, ut legis servitus a libertate fidei atque ecclesiae tolleretur.

(4) and because Christians were thought to come chiefly from the Jews — for then in Jerusalem the church had a priest only from circumcision — he ordered a cohort of soldiers to keep watches perpetually, that they might bar all Jews from access to Jerusalem. (5) which indeed advanced the Christian faith, because at that time almost all believed Christ to be God while keeping the observance of the law. Clearly this was ordered by the Lord, arranged so that the servitude of the law would be taken away from the liberty of faith and of the church.

(6) ita tum primum Marcus ex gentibus apud Hierosolymam episcopus fuit. quarta sub Adriano persecutio numeratur, quam tamen postea exerceri prohibuit, iniustum esse pronuntians, ut quisquam sine crimine reus constitueretur.

(6) thus at that time for the first time Marcus, a man from the Gentiles, was bishop at Jerusalem. the fourth persecution is reckoned under Adrian, which nevertheless he afterwards forbade to be carried out, pronouncing it unjust that anyone should be adjudged guilty without crime.

32 (1) Post Adrianum Antonino Pio imperante pax ecclesiis fuit. sub Aurelio deinde, Antonini filio, persecutio quinta agitata. ac tum primum intra Gallias martyria visa, serius trans Alpes Dei religione suscepta.

32 (1) After Hadrian, with Antoninus Pius ruling, there was peace for the churches. Then under Aurelius, the son of Antoninus, a fifth persecution was stirred up. And then for the first time within the Gauls martyrdoms were seen, the religion of God having been received across the Alps only belatedly.

sexta deinde Severo imperante Christianorum vexatio fuit. (2) quo tempore Leonida, Origenis pater, sacrum in martyrio sanguinem fudit. interiectis deinde annis VII et XXX pax Christianis fuit, nisi quod medio tempore Maximinus nonnullarum ecclesiarum clericos vexavit.

Sixth, then, under Severus reigning there was a persecution/vexation of the Christians. (2) At that time Leonidas, father of Origen, poured forth the sacred blood in martyrdom. Afterward, with 7 and 30 years interposed, there was peace for the Christians, except that in the meantime Maximinus harried the clerics of certain churches.

(3) mox Decio imperante iam tum septima persecutione saevitum in Christianos. inde Valerianus octavus sanctorum hostis fuit. (4) post eum, interiectis annis fere quinquaginta, Diocletiano et Maximiano imperantibus acerbissima persecutio exorta, quae per decem continuos annos plebem Dei depopulata est.

(3) soon, with Decius now reigning, Christians were savagely assailed in the seventh persecution. thence Valerian was the eighth enemy of the saints. (4) after him, with about fifty years interposed, under Diocletian and Maximian a most bitter persecution arose, which for 10 continuous years laid waste the people of God.

qua tempestate omnis fere sacro martyrum cruore orbis infectus est; quippe certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur multoque avidius tum martyria gloriosis mortibus quaerebantur, quam nunc episcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. (5) nullis umquam magis bellis mundus exhaustus est, neque maiore umquam triumpho vicimus, quam cum decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuimus. (6) exstant etiam mandatae litteris praeclarae eius temporis martyrum passiones, quas conectendas non putavi, ne modum operis excederem.

at that time almost the whole world was infected with the sacred blood of the martyrs; for zealously it rushed into glorious contests, and martyria were then sought much more eagerly by glorious deaths than bishoprics are now coveted with perverse ambitions. (5) never has the world been more exhausted by wars, nor have we ever prevailed by a greater triumph than when we could not be overcome by the slaughters of ten years. (6) there also exist in written letters the illustrious passions of the martyrs of that time, which I did not think fit to connect together, lest I exceed the bounds of the work.

33 (1) Sed finis persecutionis illius fuit abhinc annos VIIII et LXXX, a quo tempore Christiani imperatores esse coeperunt. namque tum Constantinus rerum potiebatur, qui primus omnium Romanorum principum Christianus fuit. (2) sane tum Licinius, qui adversum Constantinum de imperio certavit, milites suos litare praeceperat; abnuentes militia reiciebat.

33 (1) But the end of that persecution was eighty-nine years ago, from which time Christians began to be emperors. for then Constantine held power, who was the first of all Roman princes to be a Christian. (2) Indeed at that time Licinius, who contended with Constantine for the empire, had ordered his soldiers to offer sacrifice; those refusing he dismissed from the military.

sed id inter persecutiones non computatur; adeo res levioris negotii fuit, quam ut ad ecclesiarum vulnera perveniret. (3) exinde tranquillis rebus pace perfruimur; neque ulterius persecutionem fore credimus, nisi eam, quam sub fine iam saeculi Antichristus exercebit. etenim sacris vocibus decem plagis mundum afficiendum pronuntiatum est; ita cum iam VIIII fuerint, quae superest ultima erit.

but that is not counted among the persecutions; so slight a matter was it that it did not reach the wounds of the churches. (3) thenceforward we enjoy affairs tranquilly in peace; nor do we believe there will be any further persecution, except that which the Antichrist will exercise at the end of the present age. for it was proclaimed by sacred voices that the world would be afflicted by ten plagues; so that when nine have already occurred, the remaining one will be the last.

(4) hoc temporum tractu mirum est quantum invaluerit religio Christiana. tum siquidem Hierosolyma horrens ruinis frequentissimis ac magnificentissimis ecclesiis adornata. (5) namque Helena, mater principis Constantini, quae Augusta cum filio conregnabat, cum Hierosolymam agnoscere concupisset, reperta ibi idola ac templa protrivit; mox usa regni viribus basilicas in loco Dominicae passionis et resurrectionis et ascensionis constituit.

(4) in this course of times it is wondrous how greatly the Christian religion has prevailed. Then indeed Jerusalem, grim with ruins, was adorned with very numerous and most magnificent churches. (5) for Helena, mother of the prince Constantine, who reigned as Augusta jointly with her son, when she desired to recognize Jerusalem, cleared away the idols and temples found there; soon, making use of the powers of the realm, she established basilicas on the sites of the Lord’s Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension.

(6) illud mirum, quod locus ille, in quo postremum institerant divina vestigia, cum in caelum Dominus nube sublatus, continuari pavimento cum reliqua stratorum parte non potuit, (7) siquidem quaecumque applicabantur, insolens humana suscipere terra respueret, excussis in ora apponentium saepe marmoribus. quin etiam calcati Deo pulveris adeo perenne documentum est, ut vestigia impressa cernantur, (8) et cum cotidie confluentium fides certatim Domino calcata diripiat, damnum tamen arena non sentiat, et eandem adhuc sui speciem, velut impressis signata vestigiis, terra custodit.

(6) That wonder: that very place in which the divine vestiges last stood, when the Lord was borne up into heaven in a cloud, could not be continued with the pavement together with the remaining part of the coverings, (7) for whatever was laid upon it the earth, unwilling to receive what was human, spat back, the marbles often being shaken into the faces of those who set them down. Indeed, the dust trodden for God is so perpetual a testimony that the impressed vestiges are visible, (8) and though the faith of the daily throng, eagerly treading for the Lord, tears it away, yet the sand feels no damage, and still keeps the same aspect of itself, as if marked by the impressed footprints.

34 (1) Eiusdem reginae beneficio crux Domini tum reperta; quae neque in principio obsistentibus Iudaeis potuerat consecrari, et postea dirutae civitatis oppressa ruderibus, non nisi tam fideliter requirenti meruit ostendi. (2) igitur Helena primum de loco passionis certior facta, admota militari manu atque omnium provincialium multitudine in studia reginae certantium, effodi terram et contigua quaeque ac vastissima ruinarum purgari iubet; mox pretium fidei et laboris tres pariter cruces, sicut olim Domino ac latronibus duobus fixae fuerant, reperiuntur. (3) hic vero maior dinoscendi patibuli, quo Dominus pependerat, difficultas omnium animos mentesque turbaverat, ne errore mortalium forsitan pro cruce Domini latronis patibulum consecrarent.

34 (1) By the same queen’s favor the Lord’s cross was then discovered; which, neither at first—with the Jews opposing—could be consecrated, nor later, buried under the ruins of the destroyed city, was shown except to one seeking so faithfully. (2) Therefore Helena, first made certain concerning the place of the Passion, with a military hand brought near and a multitude of all the provincials in the zeal of those contending for the queen, ordered the earth to be dug up and the contiguous and most vast ruins to be cleared; soon the reward of faith and of labour three crosses alike, just as once had been fixed to the Lord and to the two thieves, were found. (3) But here a greater difficulty of discerning the patibulum on which the Lord had hung had disturbed the minds and thoughts of all, lest by mortal error they perhaps should consecrate the gibbet of a thief for the Lord’s cross.

(4) capiunt deinde consilium, ut aliquem recens mortuum crucibus admoverent. nec mora, quasi Dei nute funus exstincti sollemnibus exsequiis deferebatur concursuque omnium feretro corpus eripitur. (5) duabus prius frustra crucibus admotis, ubi Christi patibulo attactum est, dictu mirabile, trepidantibus cunctis, funus excussum et inter spectatores suos adstitit; crux reperta dignoque ambitu consecrata.

(4) they then devise to bring some recently dead man to the crosses. Nor was there delay: as if by a divine nod the funeral of the departed was being carried out with solemn obsequies, and at the gathering of all the body was snatched from the bier. (5) after two had been first in vain brought to the crosses, where Christ had been fastened to the gibbet, wondrous to tell, with all trembling, the funeral was shaken off and stood among its own spectators; the cross was found and by a worthy circuit consecrated.

35 (1) His per Helenam gestis, principe Christiano libertatem atque exemplum fidei mundus acceperat; sed longe atrocius periculum cunctis ecclesiis illa pace generatum. namque tum haeresis Arriana prorupit totumque orbem iniecto errore turbaverat. (2) etenim duobus Arriis acerrimis perfidiae huius auctoribus imperator etiam depravatus, dum sibi religionis officium videtur implere, vim persecutionis exercuit; actique in exsilium episcopi, saevitum in clericos, animadversum in laicos, qui se ab Arriorum communione secreverant.

35 (1) By these deeds through Helen, the world had received liberty and an example of faith from the Christian prince; but that peace gave rise to a danger far more atrocious for all the churches. For then the Arian heresy burst forth and had troubled the whole orb by the error injected. (2) For with two very fierce Arrians, the authors of this perfidy, and the emperor likewise corrupted, while he seemed to himself to fulfil the duty of religion, he exercised the force of persecution; and bishops were driven into exile, cruelty was wreaked upon clerics, and hostility directed against the laity who had withdrawn themselves from the communion of the Arrians.

(3) quae autem Arrii praedicabant, erant huiusmodi; patrem Deum instituendi orbis causa genuisse filium, et pro potestate sui ex nihilo in substantiam novam atque alteram Deum novum alterumque fecisse; fuisse autem tempus, quo filius non fuisset. (4) igitur huius mali causa synodus apud Nicaeam ex toto orbe contrahitur, CCC siquidem et duodeviginti episcopis congregatis; fides plena conscribitur, haeresis Arriana damnatur, imperator decretum episcopale complectitur. (5) Arriani nihil contra sanam fidem retractare ausi, se quoque tamquam adquiescentes nec aliud sentientes ecclesiis miscuerunt; manebat tamen in pectoribus eorum insitum in catholicos viros odium, et adversus quos de fide disceptare non poterant, eos subornatis accusatoribus fictisque criminibus appetebant.

(3) What the Arians preached, however, was of this sort: that Father God, for the sake of instituting the world, begot a Son, and that by the power of himself out of nothing into a new and different substance made a new God and another; and that there had been a time when the Son did not exist. (4) Therefore for the cause of this evil a synod was convened at Nicaea from the whole world, indeed with 318 bishops assembled; a full confession of faith was written, the Arian heresy was condemned, and the emperor embraced the episcopal decree. (5) The Arians did not dare to retract anything against sound faith, and, as if acquiescing and thinking no other thing, they mingled themselves with the churches; yet there remained planted in their hearts a hatred of catholic men, and against those with whom they could not dispute about the faith they assailed them with hired accusers and fabricated crimes.

36 (1) Itaque primum Athanasium Alexandriae episcopum, virum sanctum, qui apud Nicaenam synodum diaconus adfuerat, aggrediuntur absentemque condemnant. (2) etenim ad crimina, quae falsi testes congesserant, aggregabant, quod Marcellum atque Photinum haereticos sacerdotes, synodi iudicio condemnatos, pravo studio recepisset. (3) sed de Photino dubium non erat merito fuisse damnatum; in Marcello nihil tum damnatione dignum repertum videbatur, maximeque ei a studiis partium innocentia accesserat, quod eosdem illos iudices, a quibus fuerat condemnatus, haereticos esse nemo dubitabat.

36 (1) Therefore first they assail Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, a holy man, who had been present at the synod of Nicaea as a deacon, and they condemn him in his absence. (2) For to the crimes which false witnesses had amassed they add that he had received Marcellus and Photinus, heretical priests, condemned by the judgment of the synod, with perverse zeal. (3) But as to Photinus there was no doubt that he had been rightly condemned; in Marcellus nothing then appeared found worthy of condemnation, and especially innocence accrued to him from the zeal of factions, because no one doubted that those very judges by whom he had been condemned were heretics.

(4) ceterum Arriani non hos potius quam Athanasium removere cupiebant. itaque imperatorem eo usque compellunt, ut Athanasius exulatum ad Gallias mitteretur. (5) mox in Aegypto LXXX episcopi congregati Athanasium iniuste condemnatum esse pronuntiant.

(4) moreover the Arians wished to remove not these men but rather Athanasius. Therefore they pressed the emperor so far that Athanasius should be sent into exile to the Gauls. (5) soon in Egypt 80 bishops having gathered proclaimed that Athanasius had been unjustly condemned.

res ad Constantinum refertur; iubet ex toto orbe apud Sardicam episcopos congregari atque omne iudicium, quo Athanasius damnatus fuerat, retractari. inter haec Constantinus moritur; (6) synodus congregata iam Constantio imperatore Athanasium absolvit, Marcellus quoque episcopatui redditur; nam de Photino episcopo Sirmiensi non est rescissa sententia, qui etiam nostrorum iudicio haereticus probatur. et tamen hoc ipsum Marcellum gravabat, quia Photinus auditor eius fuisse in adolescentia videbatur.

The matter is referred to Constantine; he orders bishops from the whole orb to be gathered at Sardica and that every judgment by which Athanasius had been condemned be reexamined. Meanwhile Constantine dies; (6) the synod, now assembled under Emperor Constantius, absolves Athanasius, and Marcellus is moreover restored to the episcopate; for the sentence concerning Photinus, bishop of Sirmium, is not revoked, he being also proved a heretic by our judgment. Yet this very thing weighed upon Marcellus, because Photinus seemed to have been his auditor in youth.

(7) verumtamen ad Athanasii absolutionem etiam illud accesserat, quod Ursatius et Valens, principes Arrianorum, cum post synodum Sardicensem viderentur a communione secreti, coram positi a Iulio Romanae urbis episcopo veniam poposcerunt, quod innoxium condemnassent, meritoque eum sententia concilii Sardicensis absolutum professi sunt.

(7) nevertheless to the absolution of Athanasius there was also added this: that Ursacius and Valens, princes of the Arians, when they seemed to be excluded from communion after the Sardican synod, being set before Julius, bishop of the city of Rome, begged pardon for having condemned an innocent man, and rightly declared that he had been absolved by the sentence of the Sardican council.

37 (1) Interiecto deinde tempore Athanasius, cum Marcellum parum sanae fidei penitus comperisset, a communione suspendit. habuitque ille hanc verecundiam, ut tanti viri iudicio notatus sponte concederet. (2) ceterum antea innocens, postea depravatus, videri poterat iam tum nocens fuisse, cum de eo fuerat iudicatum.

37 (1) Then, after an interval, Athanasius, when he had discovered that Marcellus was somewhat not wholly of sound faith, suspended him from communion. And that man had such modesty that, marked by the judgment of so great a man, he yielded of his own accord. (2) Moreover, he, innocent before and afterwards depraved, could already then be seen to have been guilty, since a judgment had been passed about him.

nacti ergo Arriani istius modi occasionem conspirant penitus Sardicensis synodi decreta subvertere. (3) etenim eis color quidam suppetere videbatur, ut tam iniuste fuisset pro Athanasio iudicatum, quam Marcellus fuerat absolutus, qui nunc etiam Athanasii iudicio esse haereticus probaretur. (4) namque Marcellus Sabellianae haeresis assertor exstiterat; Photinus vero novam haeresim iam ante protulerat, a Sabellio quidem in unione dissentiens, sed initium Christi ex Maria praedicabat.

having therefore seized such an occasion, the Arians conspired to overthrow utterly the decrees of the Sardic synod. (3) for to them a certain pretense seemed available, that it had been so unjustly judged for Athanasius, as Marcellus had been absolved, who now also was proved heretical by the judgment of Athanasius. (4) for Marcellus had appeared as an advocate of the Sabellian heresy; Photinus, however, had earlier promulgated a new heresy, differing indeed from Sabellius on the union, but preaching the origin of Christ from Mary.

(5) igitur Arriani astuto consilio miscent innoxium criminosis, damnationemque Photini et Marcelli et Athanasii eadem sententia comprehendunt, illud nimirum apud imperitorum animos praestruentes, ut non putarentur de Athanasio perperam iudicasse, qui de Marcello atque Photino vera sensissent. (6) verumtamen ea tempestate Arriani perfidiam so suam occultabant; non ausi palam erroris sui dogmata praedicare catholicos se gerebant, nihil sibi prius agendum rati quam ut Athanasium ecclesia submoverent, qui semper eis velut murus obstiterat; quo remoto reliquos in libidinem suam cessuros sperabant. (7) sed pars episcoporum, quae Arrios sequebatur, damnationem Athanasii cupitam accepit; pars coacti metu et factione in studia partium concesserant; pauci, quibus fides cara et veritas potior erat, iniustum iudicium non receperunt; inter quos Paulinus , episcopus Treverorum, oblata sibi epistola ita subscripsisse traditur, se in Photini atque Marcelli damnationem praebere consensum, de Athanasio non probare.

(5) therefore the Arians, by a crafty counsel, mingle the innocent with the criminal, and include the condemnation of Photinus and of Marcellus and of Athanasius in the same sentence, that is, displaying this to the unskilled minds so that they might not think they had judged Athanasius wrongly, who had judged truly concerning Marcellus and Photinus. (6) yet at that time the Arians hid their perfidy under a show of piety; not daring openly to preach the dogmas of their error, they comported themselves as Catholics, thinking that nothing must be done first except to remove Athanasius from the church, who had always stood against them like a wall; with him removed they hoped the rest would yield to their lust. (7) but a part of the bishops who followed the Arians welcomed the desired condemnation of Athanasius; part, coerced by fear and faction, had yielded to party aims; a few, to whom faith was dearer and truth more powerful, did not accept the unjust judgment; among whom Paulinus, bishop of Trier, is handed down to have written in a letter offered to him that he would give his consent to the condemnation of Photinus and Marcellus, but not to approve concerning Athanasius.

38 (1) Tum vero Arriani, ubi doli parum processerant , vi agere decernunt. nam quidlibet audere atque agere facile erat regis amicitia subnixis, quem sibi pravis adulationibus devinxerant. (2) quin etiam ex consensione multorum inexpugnabiles erant; nam omnes fere duarum Pannoniarum episcopi multique Orientalium ac tota Asia in perfidia eorum coniuraverant.

38 (1) Then indeed the Arrians, when their deceit had advanced little, resolved to act by force. For it was easy to dare and do anything supported by the king’s friendship, whom they had bound to themselves with corrupt adulations. (2) Moreover, by the consent of many they were impregnable; for almost all the bishops of the two Pannonias and many Easterners and the whole of Asia had conspired in their perfidy.

(3) sed principes mali istius habebantur a Singiduno Ursatius, Valens a Mursa, Heraclia Theodorus, Stephanus Antiochenus, Acatius a Caesarea, Menofantus Epheso, Georgius Laodicia, Narcissus a Neronopoli. (4) hi ita palatium occupaverant, ut nihil sine eorum nutu ageret imperator, obnoxius quidem omnibus, sed praecipue Valenti deditus. (5) nam eo tempore, quo apud Mursam contra Magnentium armis certatum, Constantius descendere in conspectum pugnae non ausus in basilica martyrum extra oppidum sita, Valente tum eius loci episcopo in solatium assumpto, diversatus est.

(3) but the chief men of that evil were held to be Ursatius from Singidunum, Valens from Mursa, Theodorus of Heraclia, Stephanus the Antiochenian, Acatius from Caesarea, Menofantus of Ephesus, Georgius of Laodicea, Narcissus from Neronopolis. (4) these had so occupied the palace that the emperor did nothing without their nod, indeed liable to all, but especially devoted to Valens. (5) for at that time, when at Mursa there had been a contest by arms against Magnentius, Constantius, not daring to descend into the sight of the battle, withdrew into the basilica of the martyrs located outside the town, Valens then having been received there as the local bishop for consolation.

ceterum Valens callide per ** suos disposuerat, ut quis proelii fuisset eventus primus cognosceret, vel gratiam regis captans, si prior bonum nuntium detulisset, vel vitae consulens, ante capturus fugiendi spatium, si quid contra accidisset. (6) itaque paucis, qui circa regem erant, metu trepidis, imperatore anxio, primus nuntiat hostes fugere. cum ille indicem ipsum intromitti posceret, Valens ut reverentiam sui adderet, angelum sibi fuisse nuntium respondit.

moreover Valens had cunningly arranged through ** his own ** that whoever should be the first to learn the event of the battle would either win the king’s favor, if he had first brought good news, or, caring for his life, seize beforehand an opportunity to flee, if anything adverse happened. (6) therefore, with a few who were about the king, trembling with fear, anxious for the emperor, he first reports that the enemies are fleeing. when that man demanded that the messenger himself be brought in, Valens, to add to the reverence paid him, replied that the messenger had been an angel to him.

(7) facilis ad credendum imperator palam postea dicere solitus, se Valentis meritis, non virtute exercitus vicisse.

(7) the emperor, easily prone to believing, afterwards was wont openly to say that he had won by Valens' merits, not by the virtue of the army.

39 (1) Ab hoc initio illecti principis extulere animos Arriani, potestate regis usuri, ubi auctoritate sua parum valuissent. igitur cum sententiam eorum, quam de Athanasio dederant, nostri non reciperent, edictum ab imperatore proponitur, ut qui in damnationem Athanasii non subscriberent, in exsilium pellerentur. (2) ceterum a nostris tum apud Arelatem ac Bitteras, oppida Galliarum, episcoporum concilia fuere.

39 (1) From this outset, enticed by the prince, the Arrians raised their spirits, intending to make use of the king’s power where their own authority had little weight. igitur, when our men did not accept the sentence they had passed concerning Athanasius, an edict was proposed by the emperor that those who would not subscribe to the condemnation of Athanasius should be driven into exile. (2) moreover, at that time there were councils of our bishops at Arelate and Bitteras, towns of the Gauls.

petebatur, ut priusquam in Athanasium subscribere cogerentur, de fide potius disceptarent, ac tum demum de re cognoscendum, cum de persona iudicum constitisset. (3) sed Valens sociique eius prius Athanasii damnationem extorquere cupiebant, de fide certare non ausi. ab hoc partium conflictu agitur in exsilium Paulinus.

it was requested that, before they were forced to subscribe to Athanasius, they rather dispute concerning the faith, and only then finally have the matter adjudicated, when the character of the judges had been established. (3) but Valens and his associates wished first to extort the condemnation of Athanasius, not daring to contend about the faith. from this conflict of parties Paulinus is driven into exile.

interea Mediolanum convenitur, ubi tum aderat imperator; eadem illa contentio nihil invicem relaxabat. (4) tum Eusebius Vercellensium et Lucifer a Carali Sardiniae episcopi relegati. ceterum Dionysius, Mediolanensium sacerdos, in Athanasii damnationem se consentire subscripsit, dummodo de fide inter episcopos quaereretur.

Meanwhile they convened at Mediolanum, where at that time the emperor was present; that same contention relaxed nothing between them. (4) then Eusebius of Vercellae and Lucifer of Caralis, bishops of Sardinia, were relegated. Moreover Dionysius, a priest of the Milanese, subscribed that he consented to the condemnation of Athanasius, provided that the faith be examined among the bishops.

sed Valens et Ursatius ceterique metu plebis, quae catholicam fidem egregio studio conservabat, non ausi piacula profiteri intra palatium congregantur. (5) illinc epistolam sub imperatoris nomine mittunt, omni pravitate infectam, eo nimirum consilio, ut, si eam aequis auribus populus recepisset, publica auctoritate cupita proferrent; sin aliter fuisset excepta, omnis invidia esset in rege, et ipsa venialis, quia etiam tum catechumenus sacramentum fidei merito videretur potuisse nescire. (6) igitur lecta in ecclesia epistola populus aversatus.

but Valens and Ursatius and the others, through fear of the populace, which was conserving the catholic faith with outstanding zeal, not daring to profess their piacula, gathered within the palace. (5) thence they send a letter under the emperor’s name, infected with every depravity, with that very design, namely, that if the people, having received it with impartial ears, accepted it, by public authority they would set forth the desired things; but if it were received otherwise, all odium would be upon the ruler, and the thing itself venial, because even then the catechumen would rightly seem to have been able to be ignorant of the sacrament of faith. (6) therefore, the letter having been read in the church, the people turned away.

Dionysius, quia non esset assensus, urbe pellitur, statimque eius in locum Auxentius episcopus subrogatur. (7) Liberius quoque urbis Romae et Hilarius Pictavorum episcopi dantur exsilio. Rhodanium quoque, Tolosanum antistitem, qui natura lenior non tam suis viribus quam Hilarii societate non cesserat Arrianis, eadem conditio implicuit, cum tamen hi omnes parati essent Athanasium a communione suspendere, modo ut de fide inter episcopos quaereretur.

Dionysius, because he would not consent, is expelled from the city, and immediately Auxentius is set in his place as bishop. (7) Liberius likewise of the city of Rome and Hilarius, bishops of Poitiers, are condemned to exile. Rhodanius too, the Tolosan prelate, who by a milder nature had not yielded so much by his own strength as by the companionship of Hilarius to the Arians, was entangled in the same condition, although all these were ready to suspend Athanasius from communion, provided only that the question of the faith were examined among the bishops.

(8) sed Arrianis optimum visum praestantissimos viros a certamine submovere. ita pulsi in exsilium, quos supra memoravimus, abhinc annos quinque et XL, Arbitione et Lolliano consulibus. sed Liberias paulo post urbi redditus ob seditiones Romanas.

(8) but to the Arians it seemed best to remove the most eminent men from the contest. Thus those whom we mentioned above were driven into exile, forty-five years ago from now, in the consulship of Arbition and Lollianus. But Liberius was returned to the city a little later because of Roman seditions.

(9) ceterum exules satis constat totius orbis studiis celebratos, pecuniasque eis in sumptum affatim congestas, legationibusque eos plebis catholicae ex omnibus fere provinciis frequentatos.

(9) moreover it is clear that the exiles were celebrated by the endeavors of the whole world, and that money had been amassed plentifully for their upkeep, and that they were frequented by legations of the catholic plebs from almost all the provinces.

40 (1) Interea Arriani non occulte, ut antea, sed palam ac publico haeresis piacula praedicabant; quin etiam synodum Nicaenam pro se interpretantes, quam unius litterae adiectione corruperant, caliginem quandam iniecerant veritati. (2) nam ubi ‘homoousion’ erat scriptum, quod est unius substantiae, illi ‘homoiousion’, quod est similis substantiae, scriptum esse dicebant, concedentes similitudinem. dum adimerent unitatem, quia multum ab unitate similitudo distaret; ut verbi gratia pictura humani corporis esset homini similis, nec tamen haberet hominis veritatem.

40 (1) Meanwhile the Arrians, not secretly as before but openly and publicly, proclaimed the expiations of the heresy; nay, even interpreting the Council of Nicaea for themselves, which they had corrupted by the addition of a single letter, they cast a certain darkness over the truth. (2) For where ‘homoousion’ had been written, which is of one substance, they said that ‘homoiousion’ had been written, which is of similar substance, conceding similarity, while they took away unity, because similarity differs greatly from unity; as, for example, the painting of the human body is similar to a man, yet nevertheless does not possess the man’s reality.

(3) sed quidam ex his ultra processerant, ‘anomoiousian’, id est dissimilem substantiam, confirmantes. eoque his certaminibus processum, ut istius modi piaculis orbis terrarum implicaretur. (4) nam Italiam, Illyricum atque Orientem Valens et Ursatius ceterique, quorum nomina edidimus, infecerant.

(3) but some among them went further, affirming “anomoiousian,” that is, of dissimilar substance; and by these disputes it progressed so far that the sins of that sort ensnared the whole world. (4) for Valens and Ursatius and others, whose names we have set forth, had infected Italy, Illyricum, and the East.

Gallias nostras Saturninus Arelatensium episcopus, homo impotens et factiosus, premebat. Osium quoque ab Hispania in eandem perfidiam concessisse opinio fuit; quod eo mirum atque incredibile videtur, quia omni fere aetatis suae tempore constantissimus nostrarum partium, et Nicaena synodus auctore illo confecta habebatur; nisi fatiscente aevo - etenim maior centenario fuit, ut sanctus Hilarius in epistolis refert - deliraverat. (6) quis rebus perturbato orbe terrarum et morbo quodam ecclesiis languentibus, segnior quidem, sed non minus gravis cura principem exercebat, quod licet Arriani, quibus favebat, superiores viderentur, necdum tamen de fide inter episcopos conveniret.

Saturninus, bishop of Arelate, a violent and factious man, was oppressing our Gauls. There was also the opinion that Osius from Spain had yielded to the same perfidy; which seemed all the more strange and incredible, since for almost the whole of his age he had been most steadfast in our regions, and the Nicaean synod was held to have been established by that man; unless, with age failing him — for he was beyond a hundred years, as Saint Hilary reports in his letters — he had raved. (6) who, with the affairs of the world disturbed and with a certain malady afflicting the churches, exercised upon the prince a slothful indeed, but no less serious, solicitude, because although the Arians, whom he favored, seemed to have the upper hand, yet among the bishops there was not yet agreement about the faith.

41 (1) Igitur apud Ariminum, urbem Italiae, synodum congregari iubet; idque Tauro praefecto imperat, ut collectos in unum non ante dimitteret, quam in unam fidem consentirent, promisso eidem consulatu, si rem effectui tradidisset. (2) ita missis per Illyricum, Italiam, Africam, Hispanias Galliasque magistri officialibus, acciti aut coacti quadringenti et aliquanto amplius occidentales episcopi Ariminum convenire; quibus omnibus annonas et cellaria dari imperator praeceperat. (3) sed id nostris, id est Aquitanis, Gallis ac Britannis, indecens visum; repudiatis fiscalibus propriis cum sumptibus vivere maluerunt.

41 (1) Therefore at Ariminum, a city of Italy, he ordered a synod to be gathered; and he commanded Tauro the prefect that he should not dismiss those assembled into one before they had agreed to one faith, having promised him the same consulship if he would commit the matter to execution. (2) Thus, after sending magistri officiales through Illyricum, Italy, Africa, Spain and Gaul, four hundred and somewhat more western bishops, summoned or coerced, came together at Ariminum; to all of whom the emperor had ordered provisions and cellars to be given. (3) But that seemed unbecoming to our men, that is to say to the Aquitani, Gauls and Britons; having repudiated the imperial fiscal agents, they preferred to live at their own expense.

tres tantum ex Britannia inopia proprii publico usi sunt, cum oblatam a ceteris collationem respuissent, sanctius putantes fiscum gravare quam singulos. (4) hoc ego Gavidium episcopum nostrum quasi obtrectantem referre solitum audivi, sed longe aliter senserim laudique attribuo, episcopos tam pauperes fuisse, ut nihil proprium haberent neque ab aliis potius quam a fisco sumerent, ubi neminem gravabant; ita in utrisque egregium exemplum. de reliquis nihil memoria dignum traditur, sed redeo ad ordinem.

only three from Britain made use of the public from their private poverty, having refused the contribution offered by the others, thinking it more holy to burden the fisc than individuals. (4) I have heard that Gavidus our bishop was wont to relate this as if disparaging, but I have judged otherwise and attribute praise, that the bishops were so poor that they had nothing of their own nor would they take from others rather than from the fisc, where they burdened no one; thus a striking example in both cases. Nothing of memorable note is handed down about the rest, and I return to the order.

(5) posteaquam omnes, ut supra diximus, in unum collecti sunt, fit partium secessio. ecclesiam nostri optinent, Arriani autem aedem, tum de industria vacantem, orationis loco capiunt, sed hi non amplius quam LXXX, reliqui nostrarum partium erant. (6) igitur frequentibus conciliis nihil actum, nostris in fide manentibus, illis de perfidia non cedentibus.

(5) after they were all, as we said above, gathered into one, a secession of parties occurred. Those of our side hold the church, the Arians, however, seize the aedem, then deliberately vacant, and occupy it as a place of prayer; but these were no more than 80, the rest belonged to our party. (6) therefore, with the councils frequent, nothing was effected: our men remained in the faith, those men not yielding in their perfidy.

ad postremum placuit decem legatos mitti ad imperatorem, ut quae esset partium fides vel sententia, cognosceret sciretque pacem cum haereticis esse non posse. (7) idem Arriani faciunt mittuntque numero pari legatos, qui adversum nostros coram imperatore confligerent. sed ex parte nostrorum leguntur homines adulescentes, parum docti et parum cauti; ab Arrianis autem missi senes, callidi et ingenio valentes, veterno perfidiae imbuti, qui apud regem facile superiores exstiterunt.

at last it was resolved to send ten legates to the emperor, that he might learn what the faith or opinion of the parties was and might know that peace with the heretics could not be. (7) the same the Arians do, and send legates equal in number, who should contend against ours before the emperor. but on our side young men are chosen, little learned and little cautious; from the Arians, however, old men are sent, sly and strong in wit, steeped in long‑standing perfidy, who proved easily superior at the king’s court.

(8) sed nostris mandatum, ne quo modo cum Arrianis communionem inirent omniaque integra synodo reservarent.

(8) but a mandate was given to our men that they in no way enter into communion with the Arians, and that they reserve all things intact for the synod.

42 (1) Interim in Oriente exemplo Occidentalium imperator iubet cunctos fere episcopos apud Seleuciam Isauriae oppidum congregari. (2) qua tempestate Hilarius, quartum iam exsilii annum in Phrygia agens, inter reliquos episcopos, per vicarium ac praesidem data evectionis copia, adesse compellitur, (3) cum tamen nihil de eo specialiter mandasset imperator, iudices tantum generalem iussionem secuti, qua omnes episcopos ad concilium cogere iubebantur, hunc quoque inter reliquos volentes misere. ut ego conicio, Dei nutu ita gestum, ut vir divinarum rerum instructissimus, cum de fide disceptandum erat, interesset.

42 (1) Meanwhile in the East, following the example of the Westerners, the emperor orders that almost all the bishops be gathered at Seleucia, a town of Isauria. (2) At that season Hilarius, now spending the fourth year of his exile in Phrygia, is compelled to be present among the other bishops, by reason of the vicarius and the praeses having given the means of conveyance, (3) although the emperor had specially commanded nothing about him, the judges having merely followed the general order by which all bishops were ordered to be summoned to the council, and so they wished to send him also among the rest. As I conjecture, by the will of God it happened thus, that a man most instructed in divine matters should be present when the faith was to be disputed.

(4) is ubi Seleuciam venit, magno cum favore exceptus omnium in se animos et studia converterat. ac primum quaesitum ab eo, quae esset Gallorum fides; quia tum, Arrianis prava de nobis vulgantibus, suspecti ab Orientalibus habebamur trionymam solitarii Dei unionem secundum Sabellium credidisse. sed exposita fide sua iuxta ea, quae Nicaeae erant a patribus conscripta, Occidentalibus perhibuit testimonium.

(4) When he came to Seleucia, he was received with great favor and had turned the minds and sympathies of all toward himself. And first they asked him what was the faith of the Gauls; for then, the Arians spreading slanders about us, we were suspected by the Easterners of having believed a three‑named union of the solitary God according to Sabellius. But, his faith being set forth in conformity with those things composed by the fathers at Nicaea, he bore testimony to the Westerners.

(5) ita absolutis omnium animis, intra conscientiam communionis nec non etiam in societatem receptus concilioque ascitus est. agi deinde coeptum, repertique pravae haeresis auctores atque ab ecclesiae corpore avulsi. (6) in eo numero fuere Georgius ab Alexandria, Acatius, Eudoxius, Uranius, Leontius, Theodosius, Euagrius, Theodulus.

(5) thus, with all minds absolved, he was received into the consciousness of communion and even into the society, and was admitted to the council. Thereupon proceedings began, and the authors of the perverse heresy were discovered and severed from the body of the Church. (6) Among that number were Georgius of Alexandria, Acatius, Eudoxius, Uranius, Leontius, Theodosius, Euagrius, Theodulus.

sed confecta synodo decreta ad imperatorem legatio, quae gesta insinuaret. damnati quoque ad regem profecti, satis freti sociorum viribus et principis societate.

but with the synod completed a legation bearing the decrees was sent to the emperor to set forth the acts. the condemned likewise proceeded to the king, sufficiently relying on the forces of their allies and on the prince’s support.

43 (1) Interea legatos Ariminensis concilii ex parte nostrorum compellit imperator uniri haereticorum communioni; eisdemque conscriptam ab improbis fidem tradit, verbis fallentibus involutam, quae catholicam disciplinam perfidia latente loqueretur. (2) namque usiae verbum tamquam ambiguum et temere a patribus usurpatum, neque ex auctoritate scripturarum profectum, sub specie falsae rationis abolebat, ne unius cum patre substantiae filius crederetur. eadem fides similem patri filium fatebatur.

43 (1) Meanwhile the emperor compelled the legates of the Ariminum council on our side to be joined to the communion of the heretics; and he delivered to them a creed composed by the wicked, wrapped in deceiving words, which, with perfidy latent, spoke against catholic disciplina. (2) For it abolished the word ousia as if ambiguous and rashly usurped by the fathers, and not derived from the authority of the scriptures, under the guise of false reasoning, lest the son be believed to be of the same substance with the father. The same faith confessed the son to be similis to the father.

sed interius aderat fraus parata, ut esset similis, non esset aequalis. (3) ita dimissis legatis praefecto mandatum, ut synodum non ante laxaret, quam conscriptae fidei consentire se omnes subscriptionibus profiterentur; ac si qui pertinacius obsisterent, dummodo is numerus intra quindecim esset, in exsilium pellerentur. (4) sed regressis legatis, licet vim regiam deprecantibus, negata communio.

but inwardly a fraud was prepared, that it might be similar, not equal. (3) thus, the legates dismissed, he gave the prefect a mandate that he should not dismiss the synod before all should profess by subscriptions that they consented to the written faith; and if any should oppose more stubbornly, provided that the number did not exceed 15, they should be driven into exile. (4) but with the legates returned, although they entreated against the royal force, communion was denied.

enimvero compertis quae decreta erant maior rerum et consiliorum perturbatio; dein paulatim plerique nostrorum, partim imbecillitate ingenii, partim taedio peregrinationis evicti, dedere se adversariis, iam post reditum legatorum superioribus et ecclesiam nostris inde detrusis optinentibus; factaque semel inclinatione animorum catervatim in partem alteram concessum, donec ad viginti usque nostrorum numerus imminutus est.

for indeed, when what had been decreed was discovered, there ensued a greater perturbation of affairs and councils; then gradually many of our men, partly through imbecility of mind, partly overcome by the tedium of peregrination, surrendered themselves to the adversaries, now after the return of the legates consenting to the former [decrees] and holding our churches from which they had been driven; and once, by a single inclination of minds, they yielded in a body to the other party, until the number of our men was diminished even to twenty.

44 (1) Sed hi quanto pauciores, tanto validiores erant. constantissimus inter eos habebatur noster Foegadius et Servatio Tungrorum episcopus. hos, quia minis et terriculis non cesserant, Taurus precibus aggreditur ac lacrimans obtestatur, mitiora uti consulerent.

44 (1) But the fewer they were, the more powerful they proved. Our Foegadius and Servatio, bishop of the Tungri, were reckoned the most steadfast among them. As for these men, because they had not yielded to threats and petty terrors, Taurus approached them with entreaties and, weeping, besought them to adopt milder measures.

clausos intra unam urbem episcopos iam septimum mensem agere, iniuria hiemis et inopia confectis nullam spem reversionis dari; quis tandem esset finis? (2) sequerentur plurium exemplum, auctoritatem saltem ex numero sumerent. enimvero Foegadius paratum se exsilio atque ad omne supplicium, in quod deposceretur, profiteri; se ab Arrianis conceptam fidem non recepturum.

that the bishops, shut up within a single city, were already spending the seventh month, worn out by the injustice of winter and by want, no hope of return being given; what, then, would be the end? (2) Would they follow the example of many, at least drawing authority from their number? For Foegadius declared himself ready for exile and for every punishment to which he might be called, and that he would not receive a faith conceived by the Arians.

(3) ita in hoc certamine aliquot dies tracti; ubi parum ad pacem proficiebant, paulatim et ipse infractior, ad extremum proposita conditione evincitur. (4) namque Valens et Ursatius affirmantes, praesentem fidem catholica ratione conceptam, ab Orientalibus imperatore auctore prolatam cum piaculo repudiari; et quis discordiarum finis foret, si, quae Orientalibus placuisset, Occidentalibus displiceret? (5) postremo si quid minus plene praesenti fide editum videretur, ipsi adderent, quae addenda putarent; praebituros se in his quae essent adiecta consensum.

(3) Thus in this contest they were drawn out for several days; when they advanced little toward peace, and gradually he himself became the more broken, at last he is overcome by the condition proposed. (4) For Valens and Ursatius asserting that the present faith, conceived by Catholic reason, had been put forward by the Easterners with the emperor as sponsor and ought to be repudiated as blameworthy; and what would be the end of discord if what pleased the Easterners displeased the Westerners? (5) Finally, if anything seemed less fully expressed in the present faith, they themselves would add what they thought should be added; they would give their consent to those things which were appended.

favorabilis professio pronis omnium animis excepta, nec ultra nostri repugnare ausi, iam quoquo modo finem rebus imponere cupientes. (6) dein conceptae a Foegadio et Servatione professiones edi coepere; in quis primum damnatus Arrius totaque eius perfidia ceterum etiam patri aequalis et sine initio, sine tempore Dei filius pronuntiatur. (7) tum Valens tamquam nostros adiuvans subiecit sententiam, cui inerat occultus dolus, filium Dei non esse creaturam sicut ceteras creaturas; fefellitque audientes fraus professionis.

A favorable profession, received by the willing minds of all, and no longer daring to resist us, now desirous to impose an end on things by any means. (6) Then professions composed by Foegadius and Servationes began to be issued; in which first Arrius, condemned, and all his perfidy, moreover even equal to the Father and without beginning, without time, is proclaimed the Son of God. (7) Then Valens, as if aiding our side, proposed a judgment that contained hidden guile — that the Son of God is not a creatura like the other creaturae; and the deceit of the profession deceived those hearing.

etenim his verbis, quibus similis esse ceteris creaturis filius negabatur, creatura tamen, potior tantum ceteris pronuntiabatur. (8) ita neutra pars vicisse se penitus aut victam putare poterat, quia fides ipsa pro Arrianis, professiones vero postea adiectae pro nostris erant, praeter illam, quam Valens subiunxerat, quae tum non intellecta sero demum animadversa est. hoc vero modo concilium dimissum, bono initio foedo exitu consummatum.

for indeed by those words, in which it was denied that the Son was similar to the other creatures, he was nevertheless proclaimed a creature, only rather preferable to the others. (8) thus neither party could wholly deem itself victorious or vanquished, since the faith itself was for the Arians, but the professions afterwards added were for ours, except the one which Valens had appended, which, not then understood, was perceived only late. in this way the council dismissed, begun with a good outset and brought to a foul conclusion.

45 (1) Igitur Arriani rebus nimium prospere et secundum vota fluentibus Constantinopolim ad imperatorem concurrunt; ibi repertos Seleuciensis synodi legatos vi regia compellunt, exemplo Occidentalium pravam illam fidem recipere. (2) plerique abnuentes iniuriosa custodia ac fame etiam vexati captivam conscientiam dedere. multi constantius renitentes adempto episcopatu in exsilium detrusi atque in eorum locum alii dati.

45 (1) Therefore, with matters flowing overly prosperously and according to their vows, the Arians hasten to Constantinople to the emperor; there they seize the legates of the Synod of Seleucia and by royal force compel them to accept that perverse faith, following the example of the Westerners. (2) Many, refusing, were given up—harassed by unjust custody and even by famine—so that their consciences became captive. Others, more steadfastly resisting, were stripped of their episcopates and thrust into exile, and different men were placed in their stead.

ita optimis sacerdotibus aut metu territis aut exsilio deductis perfidiae paucorum cuncti concesserant. (3) aderat ibi tum Hilarius, a Seleucia legatos secutus, nullis certis de se mandatis opperiens imperatoris voluntatem, si forsitan redire ad exsilium iuberetur. is ubi extremum fidei periculum animadvertit, Occidentalibus deceptis Orientales per scelus vinci, tribus libellis publice datis audientiam regis poposcit, ut de fide coram adversariis disceptaret.

thus, the best priests, either terrified by fear or led away into exile, had all yielded to the perfidy of a few. (3) there was then present Hilarius, having followed the legates from Seleucia, awaiting the emperor’s will with no certain mandates about himself, in case perchance he were ordered to return to exile. when he perceived the extreme peril of the faith — that with the Occidentals deceived the Orientals would be overcome by crime — he publicly submitted three brief petitions and demanded the king’s audience, that he might dispute about the faith before his adversaries.

(4) id vero Arriani maximo opere abnuere. postremo quasi discordiae seminarium et perturbator Orientis redire ad Gallias iubetur, absque exsilii indulgentia. (5) verum ubi permensus est orbem paene terrarum, male perfidiae infectum, dubius animi et magna curarum mole aestuans, cum plerisque videretur non ineundam cum his communionem, qui Ariminensem synodum recepissent, optimum factu arbitratus revocare cunctos ad emendationem et paenitentiam, frequentibus intra Gallias conciliis, atque omnibus fere episcopis de errore profitentibus, apud Ariminum gesta condemnat et in statum pristinum ecclesiarum fidem reformat.

(4) He indeed most strongly refused the matter of the Arians. At last, as if a seed-plot of discord and a disturber of the East, he was ordered to return to the Gauls, without the indulgence of exile. (5) But when he had traversed almost the whole circle of the lands, ill infected by perfidy, wavering in spirit and burning with a great weight of cares, and when he seemed to many not unfit to enter into communion with those who had accepted the Ariminian synod, deeming it best to act, he recalled all to amendment and penitence by frequent councils within Gaul, and with almost all the bishops confessing the error, he condemned what had been done at Ariminum and restored the churches’ faith to its former state.

(6) resistebat sanis consiliis Saturninus Arelatensium episcopus, vir sane pessimus et ingenio malo pravoque. verum is praeter haeresis infamiam multis atque infandis criminibus convictus ecclesia eiectus est. (7) ita partium vires amisso duce infractae.

(6) Saturninus, bishop of Arelate, resisted sound counsels, a man truly most wicked and of a depraved and corrupt disposition. But he, besides the infamy of heresy, having been convicted of many and unspeakable crimes, was expelled from the church. (7) Thus the forces of the factions, their leader having been lost, were broken and shattered.

Paternus etiam a Petrocoriis, aeque vecors nec detrectans perfidiam profiteri, sacerdotio pulsus; ceteris venia data. illud apud omnes constitit unius Hilarii beneficio Gallias nostras piaculo haeresis liberatas. (8) ceterum Lucifer tum Antiochiae longe diversa sententia fuit.

Paternus also was driven from the priesthood by the Petrocorians, equally mad and not refusing to profess perfidy; pardon was granted to the others. That stood with all: by the benefit of one Hilarius our Gauls were freed from heresy as an expiatory atonement. (8) Moreover Lucifer, then of Antioch, held a very different opinion.

nam in tantum eos, qui Arimini fuerant, condemnavit, ut se etiam ab eorum communione secreverit, qui eos vel sub satisfactione vel paenitentia recepissent. (9) id recte an perperam constituerit dicere non ausim. Paulinus et Rhodanius in Phrygia defuncti; Hilarius sexto anno, postquam redierat, in patria obiit.

for he condemned those who had been at Ariminum to such a degree that he even withdrew himself from the communion of those who had received them either under satisfaction or penance. (9) I would not dare to say whether he so decided rightly or wrongly. Paulinus and Rhodanius died in Phrygia; Hilarius died in his homeland in the sixth year after he had returned.

46 (1) Sequuntur tempora aetatis nostrae gravia et periculosa, quibus non usitato malo pollutae ecclesiae et perturbata omnia. namque tum primum infamis illa Gnosticorum haeresis intra Hispanias deprehensa, superstitio exitiabilis arcanis occultata secretis. (2) origo istius mali Oriens atque Aegyptus, sed quibus ibi initiis coaluerit haud facile est disserere; primus eam intra Hispanias Marcus intulit, Aegypto profectus, Memphi ortus.

46 (1) The times of our age follow, heavy and dangerous, in which the church, defiled by an unprecedented evil, and all things disturbed. For then for the first time that infamous heresy of the Gnostics was detected within Hispania, a deadly superstition hidden in secret arcana. (2) The origin of this evil is the East and Egypt, but by what initiations it there took root it is by no means easy to discuss; Marcus, a native of Memphis, having gone to Egypt, first introduced it into Hispania.

huius auditores fuere Agape quaedam, neu ignobilis mulier, et rhetor Helpidius. (3) ab his Priscillianus est institutus, familia nobilis, praedives opibus, acer, inquies, facundus, multa lectione eruditus, disserendi ac disputandi promptissimus, (4) felix profecto, si non pravo studio corrupisset optimum ingenium; prorsus multa in eo animi et corporis bona cerneres. vigilare multum, famem ac sitim ferre poterat, habendi minime cupidus, utendi parcissimus.

his auditors were a certain Agape, not an ignoble woman, and the rhetor Helpidius. (3) From these Priscillianus was formed: of a noble family, very rich in means, keen, restless, and eloquent, instructed by much reading, most ready for dissertting and disputing, (4) truly happy, certainly, if a noble genius had not been corrupted by a perverse zeal; altogether you would discern many blessings of mind and body in him. He could keep long watch, endure hunger and thirst, was least eager to possess, and most sparing in use.

(5) sed idem vanissimus et plus iusto inflatior profanarum rerum scientia; quin et magicas artes ab adolescentia eum exercuisse creditum est. is ubi doctrinam exitiabilem aggressus est, multos nobilium pluresque populares auctoritate persuadendi et arte blandiendi allicuit in societatem. (6) ad hoc mulieres novarum rerum cupidae, fluxa fide et ad omnia curioso ingenio, catervatim ad eum confluebant; quippe humilitatis speciem ore et habitu praetendens honorem sui et reverentiam cunctis iniecerat.

(5) but the same man most vain and more swollen than justice with the science of profane things; moreover it is believed that he practiced the magical arts from adolescence. When he took up that ruinous doctrine, he drew many — noblemen and even more of the common people — into his fellowship by the authority of persuasion and the art of flattering. (6) besides, women eager for novel things, of wavering faith and with a curious genius toward all things, flocked to him in throngs; for, pretending the semblance of humility in word and habit, he had cast upon all a regard for himself and reverence.

(7) iamque paulatim perfidiae istius tabes pleraque Hispaniae pervaserat, quin et nonnulli episcoporum depravati, inter quos Instantius et Salvianus Priscillianum non solum consensione, sed sub quadam etiam coniuratione susceperant, (8) quoad Hyginus, episcopus Cordubensis, ex vicino agens, comperta ad Ydacium Emeritae sacerdotem referret. (9) is vero sine modo et ultra quam oportuit Instantium sociosque eius lacessens, facem quandam nascenti incendio subdidit, ut exasperaverit malos potius quam compresserit.

(7) and now little by little the gangrene of that perfidy had spread through much of Hispania, and indeed some bishops were corrupted, among whom Instantius and Salvianus had received Priscillian not only with assent but even under a certain conspiracy, (8) as Hyginus, bishop of Corduba, acting from nearby, reported when the matter was discovered to Ydacius, priest of Emerita. (9) He, moreover, without measure and beyond what was proper, assaulting Instantius and his associates, set a sort of torch to the nascent conflagration, so that he roused the wicked rather than suppressed them.

47 (1) Igitur post multa inter eos nec digna memoratu certamina apud Caesaraugustam synodus congregatur, cui tum etiam Aquitani episcopi interfuere. (2) verum haeretici committere se iudicio non ausi; in absentes tamen lata sententia damnatique Instantius et Salvianus episcopi, Helpidius et Priscillanus laici. (3) additum etiam ut, si qui damnatos in communionem recepisset, sciret in se eandem sententiam promendam.

47 (1) Therefore, after many among them contests not fit to be recounted, a synod was gathered at Caesaraugusta, to which at that time the Aquitanian bishops also were present. (2) But the heretics did not dare to submit themselves to judgment; nevertheless a sentence was passed in their absence and Instantius and Salvianus were condemned as bishops, Helpidius and Priscillanus as laics. (3) It was further added that if anyone should receive the condemned into communion, he should know that the same sentence would be pronounced against him.

atque id Ithacio † Sossubensi episcopo negotium datum, ut decretum episcoporum in omnium notitiam deferret et maxime Hyginum extra communionem faceret, qui, cum primus omnium insectari palam haereticos coepisset, postea turpiter depravatus in communionem eos recepisset. (4) interim Instantius et Salvianus damnati iudicio sacerdotum Priscillianum etiam laicum, sed principem malorum omnium, una secum Caesaraugustana synodo notatum, ad confirmandas vires suas episcopum in Abilensi oppido constituunt, rati nimirum, si hominem acrem et callidum sacerdotali auctoritate armassent, tutiores fore sese. (5) tum vero Ydacius atque Ithacius acrius instare, arbitrantes posse inter initia malum comprimi; sed parum sanis consiliis saeculares iudices adeunt, ut eorum decretis atque executionibus haeretici urbibus pellerentur.

and that task was given to Ithacius † bishop of Sossuba, that he should carry the bishops’ decree to the knowledge of all and above all make Hyginus outside communion, who, although first of all he had openly begun to attack the heretics, afterwards, shamefully corrupted, had received them into communion. (4) meanwhile Instantius and Salvianus, condemned by the judgment of the clergy, and Priscillian even as a layman, marked by the Caesaraugustan synod as the chief of all evils, they, together with that synod, set up a bishop in the town of Abila to strengthen their forces, thinking plainly that if they armed a sharp and crafty man with sacerdotal authority they would be safer. (5) then indeed Ydacius and Ithacius pressed more eagerly, judging that the evil could be compressed at its beginnings; but with scant sound counsel they went to the secular judges, so that by their decrees and executions the heretics might be driven from the cities.

(6) igitur post multa et foeda certamina Ydacio supplicante elicitur a Gratiano tum imperatore rescriptum, quo universi haeretici excedere non ecclesiis tantum aut urbibus, sed extra omnes terras propelli iubebantur. quo comperto Gnostici diffisi rebus suis, non ausi iudicio certare, sponte cessere, qui episcopi videbantur; ceteros metus dispersit.

(6) Therefore, after many and foul contests, at Ydacius’s supplication a rescript was obtained from Gratian, then emperor, by which all heretics were ordered to be driven out not only from churches or cities, but beyond all lands. When this was learned, the Gnostics, distrusting their affairs and not daring to contest the matter in judgment, voluntarily withdrew — those who were seen as bishops; fear scattered the rest.

48 (1) Ac tum Instantius, Salvianus et Priscillianus Romam profecti, ut apud Damasum, urbis ea tempestate episcopum, obiecta purgarent. (2) sed iter eis praeter interiorem Aquitanicam fuit, ubi tum ab imperitis magnifice suscepti sparsere perfidiae semina. maximeque Elusanam plebem, sane tum bonam et religioni studentem, pravis praedicationibus pervertere.

48 (1) And then Instantius, Salvianus, and Priscillianus set out for Rome, to purge the charges before Damasus, bishop of the city at that time. (2) But their journey lay through inner Aquitaine, where, then magnificently received by the unlearned, they scattered the seeds of perfidy. And above all they perverted the Elusan people, certainly then good and zealous for religion, by their perverse predications.

a Burdigala per Delfinum repulsi, tamen in agro Euchrotiae aliquantisper morati, infecere nonnullos suis erroribus. (3) inde iter coeptum ingressi, turpi sane pudibundoque comitatu, cum uxoribus atque alienis etiam feminis, in quis erat Euchrotia ac filia eius Procula, de qua fuit in sermone hominum Priscilliani stupro gravidam partum sibi graminibus abegisse. (4) hi ubi Romam pervenere, Damaso se purgare cupientes, ne in conspectum quidem eius admissi sunt.

driven back from Burdigala by the Delfinus, yet having stayed for some time in the district of Euchrotia, they infected some with their errors. (3) thence, setting out on their journey, they entered with a foul and shameful retinue, with wives and even other women among them, among whom were Euchrotia and her daughter Procula, about whom it was said among men that Priscillian had, by rape, driven the pregnant woman away to give birth for him in the grasses. (4) when these men reached Rome, wishing to clear themselves before Damasus, they were not even admitted into his presence.

regressi Mediolanum aeque adversantem sibi Ambrosium reppererunt. (5) tum vertere consilia, ut, quia duobus episcopis, quorum ea tempestate summa auctoritas erat, non illuserant, largiendo et ambiendo ab imperatore cupita extorquerent. ita corrupto Macedonio, tum magistro officiorum, rescriptum eliciunt, quo calcatis, quae prius decreta erant, restitui ecclesiis iubebantur.

they returned and found Ambrose at Mediolanum likewise opposing them. (5) then they changed their counsels, so that, since they had not prevailed with the two bishops, whose at that time was the supreme auctoritas, by largess and ambitus they might extort the desired things from the emperor. thus Macedonius being corrupted, then magister officiorum, they procured a rescript, by which, those things formerly decreed having been trampled, the decrees were ordered to be restored to the churches.

(6) hoc freti Instantius et Priscillianus repetivere Hispanias; nam Salvianus in urbe obierat; ac tum sine ullo certamine ecclesias, quibus praefuerant, recepere.

(6) relying on this, Instantius and Priscillianus returned to the Spains; for Salvianus had died in the city; and then, without any contest, they received back the churches over which they had formerly presided.

49 (1) Verum Ithacio ad resistendum non animus, sed facultas defuit, quia haeretici corrupto Volventio proconsule vires suas confirmaverant. (2) quin etiam Ithacius ab his quasi perturbator ecclesiarum reus postulatus, iussusque per atrocem exsecutionem deduci trepidus profugit ad Gallias; ibi Gregorium praefectum adiit. qui compertis quae gesta erant, rapi ad se turbarum auctores iubet ac de omnibus ad imperatorem refert, ut haereticis viam ambiendi praecluderet.

49 (1) But for Ithacius what was lacking was not spirit but opportunity to resist, because the heretics, with Volventius the proconsul corrupted, had confirmed their forces. (2) Nay, Ithacius was demanded by them as it were accused of being a disturber of the churches, and, ordered through a cruel execution to be led away, he fled trembling to Gaul; there he went to Prefect Gregory. Who, when he learned what had been done, ordered the authors of the tumults to be seized and reported everything to the emperor, so that he might shut off for the heretics the way of courting favour.

(3) sed id frustra fuit, quia per libidinem et potentiam paucorum cuncta ibi venalia erant. igitur haeretici suis artibus, grandi pecunia Macedonio data, optinent, ut imperiali auctoritate praefecto erepta cognitio Hispaniarum vicario deferretur; (4) nam iam proconsulem habere desierant; missique a magistro officiales, qui Ithacium tum in Treveris agentem ad Hispanias retraherent. quos ille callide frustratus, ac postea per Britannium episcopum defensus illusit.

(3) but this was in vain, for through the lust and power of a few all things there were venal. therefore the heretics by their arts, with large money given to Macedonius, procured that the cognizance, having been snatched from the praefect by imperial authority, be transferred to the vicarius of the Spanish provinces; (4) for they had already ceased to have a proconsul; and officials were sent by the magister officiorum to fetch back Ithacius, then conducting affairs at Trier, to Spain. whom he craftily thwarted, and afterwards, defended by Bishop Britannius, he eluded them.

(5) iam tum rumor incesserat clemens, Maximum intra Britannias sumpsisse imperium ac brevi in Gallias erupturum. ita tum Ithacius statuit, licet rebus dubiis, novi imperatoris adventum exspectare; interim sibi nihil agitandum. (6) igitur ubi Maximus oppidum Treverorum victor ingressus est, ingerit preces plenas in Priscillianum ac socios eius invidiae atque criminum.

(5) By that time a favorable rumor had already grown that Maximus had taken the empire within the Britains and would shortly break out into Gaul. Thus Ithacius then resolved, though affairs were uncertain, to await the coming of the new emperor; meanwhile nothing was to be done by him. (6) Therefore when Maximus, victorious, entered the town of Trier, he poured forth petitions full of envy and accusations against Priscillianus and his companions.

(7) quibus permotus imperator, datis ad praefectum Galliarum atque ad vicarium Hispaniarum litteris, omnes omnino, quos labes illa involverat, deduci ad synodum Burdigalensem iubet. (8) ita deducti Instantius et Priscillianus quorum Instantius prior iussus causam dicere, postquam se parum expurgabat, indignus esse episcopatu pronuntiatus est. (9) Priscillianus vero, ne ab episcopis audiretur, ad principem provocavit.

(7) moved by these things the emperor, letters having been given to the praefect of the Gauls and to the vicarius of Hispania, orders that all, absolutely, whom that stain had involved be brought to the synod of Burdigala. (8) thus were Instantius and Priscillianus brought; Instantius, the former, having been commanded to plead his cause, after he somewhat cleared himself was pronounced unworthy of the episcopate. (9) Priscillianus, however, lest he be heard by the bishops, appealed to the prince.

permissumque id nostrorum inconstantia, qui aut sententiam vel in refragantem ferre debuerant aut, si ipsi suspecti habebantur, aliis episcopis audientiam reservare, non causam imperatori de tam manifestis criminibus permittere.

and that was allowed by the inconstancy of our men, who ought either to have borne a sentence even in opposition, or, if they themselves were held suspect, to have reserved the hearing to other bishops, and not to have committed the cause to the emperor concerning so manifest crimes.

50 (1) Ita omnes, quos causa involverat, ad regem deducti. secuti etiam accusatores Ydacius et Ithacius episcopi, quorum studium super expugnandis haereticis non reprehenderem, si non studio vincendi plus quam oportuit certassent. (2) ac mea quidem sententia est, mihi tam reos quam accusatores displicere, certe Ithacium nihil pensi, nihil sancti habuisse definio; fuit enim audax, loquax, impudens, sumptuosus, ventri et gulae plurimum impertiens.

50 (1) Thus all whom the cause had entangled were led before the king. Also the accusers, the bishops Ydacius and Ithacius, followed; whose zeal in overcoming/expelling heretics I would not blame, were it not that they strove with a zeal to prevail more than was proper. (2) and in my own judgment it displeases me equally, both the defendants and the accusers; certainly of Ithacius I declare that he had nothing of weight, nothing of holiness; for he was bold, loquacious, shameless, luxurious, and excessively given over to belly and gluttony.

(3) hic stultitiae eo usque processerat, ut omnes etiam sanctos viros, quibus aut studium inerat lectionis aut propositum erat certare ieiuniis, tamquam Priscilliani socios aut discipulos in crimen arcesseret. (4) ausus etiam miser est ea tempestate Martino episcopo, viro plane Apostolis conferendo, palam obiectare haeresis infamiam. (5) namque tum Martinus apud Treveros constitutus non desinebat increpare Ithacium, ut ab accusatione desisteret, Maximum orare, ut sanguine infelicium abstineret; satis superque sufficere, ut episcopali sententia haeretici iudicati ecclesiis pellerentur; saevum esse et inauditum nefas, ut causam ecclesiae iudex saeculi iudicaret.

(3) this man had advanced so far in folly that he summoned into guilt even all holy men who either had zeal for reading or had set themselves to contend by fasts, as if they were companions or disciples of Priscillian. (4) that miserable wretch even dared at that time to lay openly upon Bishop Martin — a man plainly comparable to the Apostles — the infamous charge of heresy. (5) for then Martin, sitting at Trier, did not cease to rebuke Ithacius to desist from the accusation, to entreat Maximus that he refrain from the blood of the unhappy; it was more than enough that, by episcopal sentence, those judged heretics should be expelled from the churches; it was a cruel and unheard-of wickedness that a secular judge should determine the cause of the church.

(6) denique quoad usque Martinus Treveris fuit, dilata cognitio est; et mox discessurus egregia auctoritate a Maximo elicuit sponsionem, nihil cruentum in reos constituendum. (7) sed postea imperator per Magnum et Rufum episcopos depravatus et a mitioribus consiliis deflexus causam praefecto Euodio permisit, viro acri et severo. (8) is Priscillianum gemino iudicio auditum convictumque maleficii nec diffitientem obscenis se studuisse doctrinis, nocturnos etiam turpium feminarum egisse conventus nudumque orare solitum, nocentem pronuntiavit redegitque in custodiam, donec ad principem referret.

(6) Finally, as long as Martin was at Trier, the inquiry was delayed; and soon about to depart, by his outstanding authority he extorted from Maximus a pledge that nothing bloody should be enacted against the accused. (7) But afterwards the emperor, misled through Magnus and Rufus the bishops and turned aside from gentler counsels, entrusted the cause to the prefect Eutropius, a man sharp and severe. (8) He heard Priscillian by a double judgment, convicted him of witchcraft, and, not denying that he had applied himself to obscene doctrines, charged him with holding nocturnal assemblies of corrupt women and being wont to pray naked; he pronounced him guilty and confined him in custody until he could be referred to the prince.

gesta ad palatium delata censuitque imperator, Priscillianum sociosque eius capite damnari oportere.

the deeds having been brought to the palace, the emperor judged that Priscillian and his associates ought to be condemned to death.

51 (1) Ceterum Ithacius videns, quam invidiosum sibi apud episcopos foret, si accusator etiam postremis rerum capitalium iudiciis adstitisset - etenim iterari iudicium necesse erat - subtrahit se cognitioni, frustra callidus iam scelere perfecto. (2) ac tum per Maximum accusator apponitur Patricius quidam, fisci patronus. ita eo insistente Priscillianus capitis damnatus est, unaque cum eo Felicissimus et Armenius, qui nuper a catholicis, cum essent clerici, Priscillianum secuti desciverant.

51 (1) Moreover Ithacius, seeing how envious he would be among the bishops if he, as accuser, had stood also at the final capital trials — for the judgment had to be repeated — withdrew himself from the cognition, cunning in vain now that his crime was complete. (2) And then by Maximum a certain Patricius, patron of the fisc, was set as accuser. With him pressing, Priscillian was condemned to death, and with him Felicissimus and Armenius, who lately, having followed Priscillian when they were clerics, had apostasized from the Catholics.

(3) Latronianus quoque et Euchrotia gladio perempti. Instantius, quem superius ab episcopis damnatum diximus, in Sylinancim insulam, quae ultra Britannias sita est, deportatus. (4) itum deinde in reliquos sequentibus iudiciis, damnatique Asarivus et Aurelius diaconus gladio, Tiberianus ademptis bonis in Sylinancim insulam datus.

(3) Latronianus also and Euchrotia were slain by the sword. Instantius, whom above we said was condemned by the bishops, was deported to the island Sylinancim, which is situated beyond the Britains. (4) Then, in the remaining subsequent trials, Asarivus and Aurelius the deacon, condemned, were put to the sword, and Tiberianus, his goods having been taken away, was given to the island Sylinancim.

Tertullus, Potamius et Iohannes, tamquam viliores personae et digni misericordia, quia ante quaestionem se ac socios prodidissent, temporario exsilio intra Gallias relegati. (5) hoc fere modo homines luce indignissimi pessimo exemplo necati aut exsiliis multati; quod initio iure iudiciorum et egregio publico defensum postea Ithacius iurgiis sollicitatus, ad postremum convictus, in eos retorquebat, quorum id mandato et consiliis effecerat; solus tamen omnium episcopatu detrusus. (6) nam Ydacius, licet minus nocens, sponte se episcopatu abdicaverat; sapienter id et verecunde, nisi postea amissum locum repetere temptasset.

Tertullus, Potamius, and Iohannes, as though more base persons and deserving of mercy, because they had betrayed themselves and their comrades before the inquiry, were relegated to temporary exile within Gaul. (5) In this manner, men most unworthy of the light were by the worst example either put to death or punished with exile; which, at first defended by the law of trials and by a noble public defense, Ithacius afterward, stirred up by quarrels and at last convicted, turned back upon those by whose orders and counsels he had carried it out; yet he alone of all was deposed from the episcopate. (6) For Ydacius, although less guilty, had voluntarily abdicated the bishopric; wisely and modestly so, had he not afterward tried to reclaim the lost post.

(7) ceterum Priscilliano occiso, non solum non repressa est haeresis, quae illo auctore proruperat, sed confirmata latius propagata est. namque sectatores eius, qui eum prius ut sanctum honoraverant, postea ut martyrem colere coeperunt. (8) peremptorum corpora ad Hispanias relata magnisque obsequiis celebrata eorum funera; quin et iurare per Priscillianum summa religio putabatur.

(7) moreover, with Priscillian slain, not only was the heresy, which had burst forth with him as author, not repressed, but it was strengthened and spread more widely. for his sectators, who had formerly honored him as a saint, afterward began to venerate him as a martyr. (8) the bodies of the slain were conveyed back to Hispania and their funerals celebrated with great observances; indeed, to swear by Priscillian was thought to be the highest religiosity.

at inter nostros perpetuum discordiarum bellum exarserat, quod iam per quindecim annos foedis dissensionibus agitatum nullo modo sopiri poterat. (9) et nunc, cum maxime discordiis episcoporum omnia turbari ac misceri cernerentur cunctaque per eos odio aut gratia, metu, inconstantia, invidia, factione, libidine, avaritia, arrogantia, somno, desidia depravata, (10) postremo plures adversum paucos bene consulentes insanis consiliis et pertinacibus studiis certabant; inter haec plebs Dei et optimus unus quisque probro atque ludibrio habebatur.

but meanwhile among our men a perpetual war of discord had blazed up, which now for fifteen years, stirred by foul dissensions, could in no wise be pacified. (9) and now, when above all by the bishops’ discord all things were seen to be disturbed and confounded and all things by them corrupted through hatred or favor, fear, inconstancy, envy, faction, lust, avarice, arrogance, sleep, sloth, (10) at last many against a few who advised well strove with insane counsels and obstinate zeal; among these the people of God and every best man was held in reproach and derision.