Livy: AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI

[1] Iam consules erant C. Plautius iterum L. Aemilius Mamercus, cum Setini Norbanique Romam nuntii defectionis Privernatium cum querimoniis acceptae cladis venerunt. Volscorum item exercitum duce Antiati populo consedisse ad Satricum allatum est. Utrumque bellum Plautio sorte evenit.

[1] Already the consuls were C. Plautius for the second time and L. Aemilius Mamercus, when messengers from Setia and Norba came to Rome with complaints about the defection of the Privernates, together with laments over the defeat they had sustained. Likewise it was reported that an army of the Volscians, under the leadership of the Antiates, had encamped near Satricum. Both wars fell by lot to Plautius.

Prius ad Privernum profectus extemplo acie conflixit; haud magno certamine devicti hostes; oppidum captum redditumque Privernatibus praesidio valido imposito; agri partes duae ademptae. Inde victor exercitus Satricum contra Antiates ductus. Ibi magna utrimque caede atrox proelium fuit; et cum tempestas eos neutro inclinata spe dimicantes diremisset, Romani nihil eo certamine tam ambiguo fessi in posterum diem proelium parant.

First, having set out to Privernum, he immediately joined battle in line; the enemies were conquered with no great struggle; the town was taken and returned to the Privernates with a strong garrison imposed; two parts of their territory were taken away. Thence the victorious army was led to Satricum against the Antiates. There a fierce battle took place, with great slaughter on both sides; and when a storm had separated them as they fought, with hope inclined to neither side, the Romans, by no means wearied by so ambiguous a contest, prepared for battle on the following day.

Volscis recensentibus quos viros in acie amisissent haudquaquam idem animus ad iterandum periculum fuit; nocte pro victis Antium agmine trepido sauciis ac parte impedimentorum relicta abierunt. Armorum magna vis cum inter caesa hostium corpora tum in castris inventa est. Ea Luae Matri dare se consul dixit finesque hostium usque ad oram maritimam est depopulatus.

As the Volscians were reckoning which men they had lost in the battle-line, by no means was there the same spirit for repeating the danger; by night, as if defeated, they withdrew to Antium in a fearful column, leaving behind the wounded and part of the impedimenta. A great mass of arms was found both among the bodies of the slain enemy and in the camp. The consul said that he would dedicate these to Lua Mater, and he devastated the enemy’s borders as far as the maritime shore.

Alteri consuli Aemilio ingresso Sabellum agrum non castra Samnitium, non legiones usquam oppositae; ferro ignique vastantem agros legati Samnitium pacem orantes adeunt. A quo reiecti ad senatum, potestate facta dicendi, positis ferocibus animis pacem sibi ab Romanis bellique ius adversus Sidicinos petierunt: quae se eo iustius petere, quod et in amicitiam populi Romani secundis suis rebus, non adversis ut Campani, venissent, et adversus Sidicinos sumerent arma, suos semper hostes, populi Romani nunquam amicos, qui nec ut Samnites in pace amicitiam nec ut Campani auxilium in bello petissent, nec in fide populi Romani nec in dicione essent.

Upon the other consul Aemilius’s entering the Sabellian land, neither camps of the Samnites nor legions were anywhere opposed; as he was laying waste the fields with iron and fire, legates of the Samnites approach, begging peace. Rejected by him to the senate, permission having been granted to speak, with their fierce spirits set aside they asked for peace for themselves from the Romans and the right of war against the Sidicini: that they sought this all the more justly because they had come into the friendship of the Roman people in their own prosperous circumstances, not in adverse ones like the Campanians, and because they were taking up arms against the Sidicini, their own perpetual enemies, never friends of the Roman people, who neither, like the Samnites, had sought friendship in peace nor, like the Campanians, aid in war, and were under neither the faith nor the dominion of the Roman people.

[2] Cum de postulatis Samnitium T. Aemilius praetor senatum consuluisset reddendumque iis foedus patres censuissent, praetor Samnitibus respondit nec, quo minus perpetua cum eis amicitia esset, per populum Romanum stetisse nec contradici quin, quoniam ipsos belli culpa sua contracti taedium ceperit, amicitia de integro reconcilietur; quod ad Sidicinos attineat, nihil intercedi quo minus Samniti populo pacis bellique liberum arbitrium sit. Foedere icto cum domum revertissent extemplo inde exercitus Romanus deductus annuo stipendio et trium mensum frumento accepto, quod pepigerat consul ut tempus indutiis daret quoad legati redissent.

[2] When T. Aemilius, the praetor, had consulted the senate about the demands of the Samnites, and the fathers had resolved that the treaty should be restored to them, the praetor replied to the Samnites that it had not depended on the Roman people that there was not perpetual friendship with them, nor was it denied that, since they themselves had conceived a weariness of the war contracted by their own fault, friendship should be reconciled afresh; as for the Sidicini, nothing intervened to prevent the Samnite people from having free discretion of peace and war. The treaty having been struck and when they had returned home, immediately the Roman army was led away from there, after receiving a year’s pay and grain for three months, because the consul had stipulated this, in order to grant a time of truce until the envoys returned.

Samnites copiis iisdem, quibus usi adversus Romanum bellum fuerant, contra Sidicinos profecti haud in dubia spe erant mature urbis hostium potiundae, cum ab Sidicinis deditio prius ad Romanos coepta fieri est. Dein, postquam patres ut seram eam ultimaque tandem necessitate expressam aspernabantur, ad Latinos iam sua sponte in arma motos facta est. Ne Campani quidem – adeo iniuriae Samnitium quam beneficii Romanorum memoria praesentior erat – his se armis abstinuere.

The Samnites, with the same forces which they had used in the war against the Romans, set out against the Sidicinians and were in no doubtful hope of speedily getting possession of the enemy’s city, when from the Sidicinians a surrender first began to be made to the Romans. Then, after the Fathers spurned it as belated and at last wrung out by extreme necessity, the surrender was made to the Latins, who were already of their own accord moved to arms. Not even the Campanians – so much more present was the memory of the Samnites’ injuries than of the Romans’ beneficium – kept themselves from these arms.

Ex his tot populis unus ingens exercitus duce Latino fines Samnitium ingressus plus populationibus quam proeliis cladium fecit; et quamquam superiores certaminibus Latini erant, haud inviti, ne saepius dimicandum foret, agro hostium excessere. Id spatium Samnitibus datum est Romam legatos mittendi; qui cum adissent senatum, conquesti eadem se foederatos pati quae hostes essent passi, precibus infimis petiere ut satis ducerent Romani victoriam quam Samnitibus ex Campano Sidicinoque hoste eripuissent; ne vinci etiam se ab ignavissimis populis sinerent; Latinos Campanosque, si sub dicione populi Romani essent, pro imperio arcerent Samniti agro: sin imperium abnuerent, armis coercerent. Adversus haec responsum anceps datum, quia fateri pigebat in potestate sua Latinos iam non esse timebantque ne arguendo abalienarent: Campanorum aliam condicionem esse, qui non foedere sed per deditionem in fidem venissent; itaque Campanos, seu velint seu nolint, quieturos; in foedere Latinos nihil esse quod bellare cum quibus ipsi velint prohibeant.

Out of all these peoples one huge army, under a Latin leader, entered the borders of the Samnites and made more disasters by depredations than by battles; and although the Latins were superior in the combats, they withdrew from the enemy’s land not unwillingly, so that there might not have to be fighting more often. That interval was given to the Samnites for sending legates to Rome; and when they had approached the senate, they complained that, though federates, they were suffering the same things that enemies had suffered, and with most humble prayers they begged that the Romans should consider sufficient the victory which they had wrested for the Samnites from the Campanian and Sidicinian foe; that they should not allow them to be conquered as well by the most slothful peoples; that the Latins and Campanians, if they were under the dominion of the Roman People, they should, by their imperium, keep away from Samnite territory; but if they disavowed that authority, restrain them by arms. Against these requests an ambiguous answer was given, because it irked them to confess that the Latins were now not in their power and they feared lest by reproaching they alienate them: that the condition of the Campanians was different, who had come into their protection not by treaty but by surrender; and so the Campanians, whether they wish it or not, would keep quiet; in the treaty with the Latins there was nothing to prevent them from warring with whom they themselves wished.

[3] Quod responsum sicut dubios Samnites quidnam facturum Romanum censerent dimisit, ita Campanos metu abalienavit, Latinos velut nihil iam non concedentibus Romanis ferociores fecit. Itaque per speciem adversus Samnites belli parandi crebra concilia indicentes omnibus consultationibus inter se principes occulte Romanum coquebant bellum. Huic quoque adversus servatores suos bello Campanos aderat.

[3] That response, just as it dismissed the Samnites uncertain what the Roman would do, so it alienated the Campanians through fear, and made the Latins more ferocious, as if the Romans now were conceding everything. Therefore, under the appearance of preparing a war against the Samnites, by proclaiming frequent councils, in all their consultations the leading men among themselves were secretly concocting a war against the Romans. To this war also, against their saviors, the Campanians were present.

Sed quamquam omnia de industria celabantur – priusquam moverentur Romani tolli ab tergo Samnitem hostem volebant – tamen per quosdam privatis hospitiis necessitudinibusque coniunctos indicia coniurationis eius Romam emanarunt; iussisque ante tempus consulibus abdicare se magistratu, quo maturius novi consules adversus tantam molem belli crearentur, religio incessit ab eis quorum imminutum imperium esset comitia haberi. Itaque interregnum initum. Duo interreges fuere, M. Valerius ac M. Fabius.

But although everything was concealed by design – before the Romans should be set in motion they wished the Samnite enemy to be removed from their rear – nevertheless through certain persons joined by private guest‑friendships and ties the indicia of that conjuration emanated to Rome; and, the consuls having been ordered to abdicate the magistracy before their time, in order that new consuls might be created more quickly against so great a mass of war, a religious scruple arose that the elections be held by those whose imperium would have been diminished. Accordingly an interregnum was entered upon. There were two interreges, M. Valerius and M. Fabius.

<is> creavit consules T. Manlium Torquatum tertium, P. Decium Murem.

He appointed as consuls T. Manlius Torquatus for the third time, and P. Decius Mus.

Eo anno Alexandrum Epiri regem in Italiam classem appulisse constat; quod bellum, si prima satis prospera fuissent, haud dubie ad Romanos pervenisset. Eadem aetas rerum magni Alexandri est, quem sorore huius ortum in alio tractu orbis, invictum bellis, iuvenem fortuna morbo exstinxit.

In that year it is established that Alexander, king of Epirus, brought his fleet to land in Italy; which war, if the initial outcomes had been sufficiently prosperous, would without doubt have reached the Romans. The same era is that of the affairs of great Alexander, who, born of this man’s sister, in another tract of the world, unconquered in wars, fortune extinguished him, a youth, by disease.

Ceterum Romani, etsi defectio sociorum nominisque Latini haud dubia erat, tamen tamquam de Samnitibus non de se curam agerent, decem principes Latinorum Romam evocaverunt, quibus imperarent quae vellent. Praetores tum duos Latium habebat, L. Annium Setinum et L. Numisium Circeiensem, ambo ex coloniis Romanis, per quos praeter Signiam Velitrasque et ipsas colonias Romanas Volsci etiam exciti ad arma erant; eos nominatim evocari placuit. Haud cuiquam dubium erat super qua re accirentur; itaque concilio prius habito praetores quam Romam proficiscerentur evocatos se ab senatu docent Romano et quae actum iri secum credant, quidnam ad ea responderi placeat, referunt.

However the Romans, although the defection of the allies and of the Latin name was not in doubt, yet, as if they were taking care about the Samnites and not about themselves, summoned to Rome ten princes of the Latins, upon whom to impose whatever commands they wished. At that time Latium had two praetors, L. Annius of Setia and L. Numisius of Circeii, both from Roman colonies, through whom, besides Signia and Velitrae and the Roman colonies themselves, even the Volsci had been aroused to arms; it was decided that these be summoned by name. To no one was it doubtful on account of what matter they were being called in; and so, a council having first been held, the praetors, before they set out for Rome, report that they have been summoned by the Roman senate and set forth what they believe will be transacted with them, and what it may be pleasing to answer to these things.

[4] Cum aliud alii censerent, tum Annius: 'quamquam ipse ego rettuli quid responderi placeret, tamen magis ad summam rerum nostrarum pertinere arbitror quid agendum nobis quam quid loquendum sit. Facile erit explicatis consiliis accommodare rebus verba. Nam si etiam nunc sub umbra foederis aequi servitutem pati possumus, quid abest quin proditis Sidicinis non Romanorum solum sed Samnitium quoque dicto pareamus respondeamusque Romanis nos, ubi innuerint, posituros arma?

[4] While one proposed one thing and another another, then Annius: 'Although I myself have reported what it would be pleasing to answer, yet I judge that it pertains more to the sum of our affairs what must be done by us than what must be said. It will be easy, with the plans unfolded, to accommodate words to the things. For if even now under the shadow of an equitable treaty we can endure servitude, what is lacking but that, with the Sidicini betrayed, we obey at command not Romans only but the Samnites as well, and reply to the Romans that we, whenever they give the nod, will lay down our arms?'

sin autem tandem libertatis desiderium remordet animos, si foedus [est], si societas aequatio iuris est, si consanguineos nos Romanorum esse, quod olim pudebat, nunc gloriari licet, si socialis illis exercitus is est quo adiuncto duplicent vires suas, quem secernere ab se consilia bellis propriis ponendis sumendisque nolint, cur non omnia aequantur? cur non alter ab Latinis consul datur? ubi pars virium, ibi et imperii pars est.

but if at last the desire for liberty gnaws again at our minds, if a treaty [is], if an alliance is an equalization of right, if it is now permitted to glory that we are consanguine with the Romans—what once it was shameful to admit—if that allied army is for them the one by the addition of which they double their forces, which they are unwilling to set apart from themselves when taking counsel on laying down and taking up their own wars, why are not all things equalized? why is not one consul given by the Latins? where there is a share of the forces, there is there also a share of command.

Est quidem nobis hoc per se haud nimis amplum quippe concedentibus Romam caput Latio esse; sed ut amplum videri posset, diuturna patientia fecimus. Atqui si quando unquam consociandi imperii, usurpandae libertatis tempus optastis, en hoc tempus adest et virtute vestra et deum benignitate vobis datum. Tempestatis patientiam negando militem; quis dubitat exarsisse eos, cum plus ducentorum annorum morem solveremus?

This indeed for us is in itself not overly ample, since we concede that Rome is the head for Latium; but that it might seem ample, we have made it so by long-suffering patience. And yet, if ever you have desired a time for consociating the imperium, for usurping liberty, lo, this time is present and, by your virtue and by the benignity of the gods, has been given to you. By denying the soldiery you have tested their patience; who doubts that they have flared up, when we were dissolving a custom of more than 200 years?

pertulerunt tamen hunc dolorem. Bellum nostro nomine cum Paelignis gessimus; qui ne nostrorum quidem finium nobis per nos tuendorum ius antea dabant, nihil intercesserunt. Sidicinos in fidem receptos, Campanos ab se ad nos descisse, exercitus nos parare adversus Samnites, foederatos suos, audierunt nec moverunt se ab urbe.

Nevertheless they endured this grief. We waged war in our own name against the Paeligni; who previously did not grant us even the right of defending our own borders by ourselves, they did not interpose at all. They heard that the Sidicini had been received into our fides, that the Campanians had defected from them to us, that we were preparing armies against the Samnites, their federates, and they did not move from the city.

Unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi a conscientia virium et nostrarum et suarum? idoneos auctores habeo querentibus de nobis Samnitibus ita responsum ab senatu Romano esse, ut facile appareret ne ipsos quidem iam postulare ut Latium sub Romano imperio sit. Usurpate modo postulando quod illi vobis taciti concedunt.

Whence comes in them this so great modesty, unless from a consciousness of the forces, both ours and their own? I have reliable authorities that, when the Samnites were complaining about us, it was thus answered by the Roman senate, so that it was easy to see that not even they themselves now demand that Latium be under the Roman imperium. Only usurp, by demanding, what they silently concede to you.

Si quem hoc metus dicere prohibet, en ego ipse audiente non populo Romano modo senatuque sed Iove ipso, qui Capitolium incolit, profiteor me dicturum, ut, si nos in foedere ac societate esse velint, consulem alterum ab nobis senatusque partem accipiant.' Haec ferociter non suadenti solum sed pollicenti clamore et adsensu omnes permiserunt, ut ageret diceretque quae e re publica nominis Latini fideque sua viderentur.

If fear prevents anyone from saying this, lo, I myself, with not only the Roman People and the Senate but Jupiter himself, who inhabits the Capitol, listening, profess that I will declare this: that, if they wish us to be in treaty and society, let them receive one consul from us and a part of the Senate.' These words, fiercely uttered, not only advising but promising, all permitted with clamor and assent, that he should act and speak what might seem to be for the commonwealth of the Latin name and in accordance with his own good faith.

[5] Ubi est Romam ventum, in Capitolio eis senatus datus est. Ibi cum T. Manlius consul egisset cum eis ex auctoritate patrum ne Samnitibus foederatis bellum inferrent, Annius, tamquam victor armis Capitolium cepisset, non legatus iure gentium tutus loqueretur, 'tempus erat' inquit, 'T. Manli vosque patres conscripti, tandem iam vos nobiscum nihil pro imperio agere, cum florentissimum deum benignitate [nunc] Latium armis virisque, Samnitibus bello victis, Sidicinis Campanisque sociis, nunc etiam Volscis adiunctis, videretis; colonias quoque vestras Latinum Romano praetulisse imperium. Sed quoniam vos regno impotenti finem ut imponatis non inducitis in animum, nos, quamquam armis possumus adserere Latium in libertatem, consanguinitati tamen hoc dabimus ut condiciones pacis feramus aequas utrisque, quoniam vires quoque aequari dis immortalibus placuit.

[5] When it was come to Rome, on the Capitol a session of the Senate was granted to them. There, when T. Manlius the consul had dealt with them, by the authority of the Fathers, that they should not bring war upon the federate Samnites, Annius—as though, a victor by arms, he had seized the Capitol, not speaking as a legate safe by the Law of Nations—said: 'It was time, T. Manlius and you Conscript Fathers, at last now to do nothing with us for sovereignty, since you saw Latium, now most flourishing by the benignity of the gods, in arms and men, the Samnites conquered in war, the Sidicini and Campanians as allies, now even the Volscians added; that your colonies too had preferred Latin to Roman imperium. But since you do not bring yourselves to set a limit to unbridled rule, we—although we can by arms vindicate Latium into liberty—will nevertheless grant this to consanguinity: that we bring forward conditions of peace equal for both parties, since it has also pleased the immortal gods that the forces be equalized.'

Consulem alterum Roma, alterum ex Latio creari oportet, senatus partem aequam ex utraque gente esse, unum populum, unam rem publicam fieri; et ut imperii eadem sedes sit idemque omnibus nomen, quoniam ab altera utra parte concedi necesse est, quod utrisque bene vertat, sit haec sane patria potior et Romani omnes vocemur'.

It is fitting that one consul be created from Rome, the other from Latium, that an equal part of the senate be from each people, that one people, one republic be made; and that there be the same seat of imperium and the same name for all, since by one side or the other it is necessary that concession be made: let that which turns out well for both be adopted; let this fatherland indeed be the superior, and let us all be called Romans'.

Forte ita accidit, ut parem ferociae huius et Romani consulem T. Manlium haberent, qui adeo non tenuit iram ut, si tanta dementia patres conscriptos cepisset ut ab Setino homine leges acciperent, gladio cinctum in senatum venturum se esse palam diceret et quemcumque in curia Latinum vidisset sua manu interempturum. Et conversus ad simulacrum Iovis, 'audi, Iuppiter, haec scelera' inquit; 'audite, Ius Fasque. Peregrinos consules et peregrinum senatum in tuo, Iuppiter, augurato templo captus atque ipse oppressus visurus es? haecine foedera Tullus, Romanus rex, cum Albanis, patribus vestris, Latini, haec L. Tarquinius vobiscum postea fecit?

By chance it so befell that they had as consul, equal to this ferocity and a Roman, T. Manlius, who so little held his anger in check that, if so great a madness had seized the senators that they should accept laws from a Setine man, he openly declared that he would come into the senate girded with a sword, and that he would slay with his own hand whatever Latin he saw in the Curia. And, turning to the statue of Jupiter, he said, 'hear, Jupiter, these crimes; hear, Right and Divine Law. Foreign consuls and a foreign senate in your augurally consecrated temple, Jupiter—will you, yourself captured and oppressed, look upon them? Are these the treaties that Tullus, the Roman king, made with the Albans, your fathers, Latins—these that L. Tarquinius later made with you?'

non venit in mentem pugna apud Regillum lacum? adeo et cladium veterum vestrarum et beneficiorum nostrorum erga vos obliti estis?'

does not the battle at Lake Regillus come to mind? have you so forgotten both your ancient disasters and our benefits toward you?'

[6] Cum consulis vocem subsecuta patrum indignatio esset, proditur memoriae adversus crebram implorationem deum, quos testes foederum saepius invocabant consules, vocem Anni spernentis numina Iovis Romani auditam. Certe, cum commotus ira se a vestibulo templi citato gradu proriperet, lapsus per gradus capite graviter offenso impactus imo ita est saxo ut sopiretur. Exanimatum auctores quoniam non omnes sunt, mihi quoque in incerto relictum sit, sicut inter foederum ruptorum testationem ingenti fragore caeli procellam effusam; nam et vera esse et apte ad repraesentandam iram deum ficta possunt.

[6] When the indignation of the Fathers had followed upon the consul’s voice, it is handed down to memory that, over against the frequent imploration of the gods—whom the consuls more often invoked as witnesses of treaties—the voice of Annius, spurning the numina of Roman Jupiter, was heard. Certainly, when, stirred by anger, he hurried himself from the vestibule of the temple at a quick pace, slipping down the steps, his head grievously struck, he was dashed against the lowest stone in such a way that he was stupefied. Since not all the authorities say he was dead, let it be left uncertain for me as well, just as (in witness of the broken treaties) a storm from the sky with a vast crash is said to have been poured out; for both things can be true, and fabrications can aptly represent the wrath of the gods.

Torquatus missus ab senatu ad dimittendos legatos, cum iacentem Annium vidisset, exclamat, ita ut populo patribusque audita vox pariter sit: 'Bene habet; di pium movere bellum. Est caeleste numen; es, magne Iuppiter; haud frustra te patrem deum hominum hac sede sacravimus. Quid cessatis, Quirites vosque patres conscripti, arma capere deis ducibus?

Torquatus, sent by the senate to dismiss the legates, when he saw Annius lying, exclaims, such that the voice was heard equally by the people and the senators: 'It is well; the gods have moved a pious war. There is a celestial numen; you are, great Jupiter; not in vain have we consecrated you, father of gods and men, in this seat. Why do you delay, Quirites and you enrolled fathers, to take up arms with the gods as leaders?'

sic stratas legiones Latinorum dabo, quemadmodum legatum iacentem videtis.' Adsensu populi excepta vox consulis tantum ardoris animis fecit ut legatos proficiscentes cura magistratuum magis, qui iussu consulis prosequebantur, quam ius gentium ab ira impetuque hominum tegeret. Consensit et senatus bellum; consulesque duobus scriptis exercitibus per Marsos Paelignosque profecti adiuncto Samnitium exercitu ad Capuam, quo iam Latini sociique convenerant, castra locant.

"Thus shall I lay low the legions of the Latins, just as you see the legate lying." The voice of the consul, received with the assent of the people, made such ardor in their spirits that the departing legates were protected more by the care of the magistrates—who, by order of the consul, escorted them—than by the law of nations from the anger and onset of men. The senate also agreed to war; and the consuls, with two levied armies, having set out through the Marsi and the Paeligni and, the army of the Samnites added, they pitch camp at Capua, where already the Latins and allies had assembled.

Ibi in quiete utrique consuli eadem dicitur visa species viri maioris quam pro humano habitu augustiorisque, dicentis ex una acie imperatorem, ex altera exercitum Deis Manibus Matrique Terrae deberi; utrius exercitus imperator legiones hostium superque eas se devovisset, eius populi partisque victoriam fore. Hos ubi nocturnos visus inter se consules contulerunt, placuit averruncandae deum irae victimas caedi; simul ut, si extis eadem quae somnio visa fuerant portenderentur, alter uter consulum fata impleret. Ubi responsa haruspicum insidenti iam animo tacitae religioni congruerunt, tum adhibitis legatis tribunisque et imperiis deum propalam expositis, ne mors voluntaria consulis exercitum in acie terreret, comparant inter se ut, ab utra parte cedere Romanus exercitus coepisset, inde se consul devoveret pro populo Romano Quiritibusque.

There, in quiet, to each consul the same apparition is said to have been seen, of a man greater than is fitting for human stature and more august, saying that from one battle-line the commander, from the other the army, was owed to the Divine Manes and to Mother Earth; whichever army’s commander should have devoted himself over the enemy legions and upon them, that people and that side would have the victory. When the consuls compared these nocturnal visions between themselves, it was resolved that victims be slain for averting the wrath of the gods; and, at the same time, that if by the entrails the same things that had been seen in the dream were portended, the one or the other of the consuls should fulfill the fates. When the responses of the haruspices agreed with the silent religion already settling upon the mind, then, the legates and tribunes being called in and the commands of the gods openly set forth, lest the voluntary death of a consul frighten the army in the battle-line, they arrange between themselves that, from whichever side the Roman army began to give way, from there the consul should devote himself on behalf of the Roman People and the Quirites.

Agitatum etiam in consilio est ut, si quando unquam severo ullum imperio bellum administratum esset, tunc uti disciplina militaris ad priscos redigeretur mores. Curam acuebat quod adversus Latinos bellandum erat, lingua, moribus, armorum genere, institutis ante omnia militaribus congruentes: milites militibus, centurionibus centuriones, tribuni tribunis compares collegaeque iisdem [in] praesidiis, saepe iisdem manipulis permixti fuerant. Per haec ne quo errore milites caperentur, edicunt consules ne quis extra ordinem in hostem pugnaret.

It was also debated in council that, if ever at any time a war had been administered under any severe command, then military discipline should be restored to the ancient mores. Their concern was sharpened by the fact that war had to be waged against the Latins, consonant in language, customs, kind of arms, and institutions—above all in military institutions: soldiers with soldiers, centurions with centurions, tribunes with tribunes, equals and colleagues in the same garrisons, often mixed in the same maniples. For these reasons, lest the soldiers be taken by any error, the consuls issue an edict that no one should engage the enemy out of line.

[7] Forte inter ceteros turmarum praefectos qui exploratum in omnes partes dimissi erant, T. Manlius consulis filius super castra hostium cum suis turmalibus evasit, ita ut vix teli iactu ab statione proxima abesset. Ibi Tusculani erant equites; praeerat Geminus Maecius, vir cum genere inter suos tum factis clarus. Is ubi Romanos equites insignemque inter eos praecedentem consulis filium – nam omnes inter se, utique illustres viri, noti erant – cognovit, 'unane' ait 'turma Romani cum Latinis sociisque bellum gesturi estis?

[7] By chance, among the other prefects of cavalry troops who had been sent out to reconnoiter in all directions, T. Manlius, the consul’s son, made his way over the enemy’s camp with his own cavalry troops, so that he was scarcely a javelin’s throw away from the nearest outpost. There the horsemen of Tusculum were; Geminus Maecius was in command, a man renowned among his own both by lineage and by deeds. When he recognized the Roman horsemen and, conspicuous among them, the consul’s son going before—for all were known to one another, especially illustrious men—he said, 'Will you Romans with a single troop conduct war against the Latins and the allies?'

quid interea consules, quid duo exercitus consulares agent?' 'aderunt in tempore' Manlius inquit, 'et cum illis aderit Iuppiter ipse, foederum a vobis violatorum testis, qui plus potest polletque. Si ad Regillum lacum ad satietatem vestram pugnavimus, hic quoque efficiemus profecto ne nimis acies vobis et conlata signa nobiscum cordi sint.' Ad ea Geminus paulum ab suis equo provectus: 'Visne igitur, dum dies ista venit qua magno conatu exercitus moveatis, interea tu ipse congredi mecum, ut nostro duorum iam hinc eventu cernatur quantum eques Latinus Romano praestet?' Movet ferocem animum iuvenis seu ira seu detractandi certaminis pudor seu inexsuperabilis vis fati. Oblitus itaque imperii patrii consulumque edicti, praeceps ad id certamen agitur, quo vinceret an vinceretur haud multum interesset.

'What meanwhile will the consuls do, what the two consular armies?' 'They will be there in time,' Manlius says, 'and with them Jupiter himself will be present, witness of the treaties violated by you, who has greater power and prevails. If at Lake Regillus we fought to your fill, here too we shall assuredly bring it about that battle-lines and standards joined with us will not be too much to your liking.' To this Geminus, having ridden his horse a little forward from his own men: 'Do you wish then, while that day is coming on which with great effort you set the armies in motion, in the meantime you yourself to meet me in combat, so that by the outcome of us two, from this point, it may be discerned how far the Latin horseman excels the Roman?' The young man’s fierce spirit is stirred, whether by anger, or by the shame of shrinking from the contest, or by the irresistible force of fate. And so, forgetful of his father’s command and the edict of the consuls, headlong he is driven to that bout, in which it would matter little whether he should conquer or be conquered.

Equitibus ceteris velut ad spectaculum submotis, spatio, quod vacui interiacebat campi, adversos concitant equos; et cum infestis cuspidibus concurrissent, Manli cuspis super galeam hostis, Maeci trans cervicem equi elapsa est. Circumactis deinde equis, cum prior ad iterandum ictum Manlius consurrexisset, spiculum inter aures equi fixit. Ad cuius volneris sensum cum equus prioribus pedibus erectis magna vi caput quateret, excussit equitem, quem cuspide parmaque innixum attollentem se ab gravi casu Manlius ab iugulo, ita ut per costas ferrum emineret, terrae adfixit; spoliisque lectis ad suos revectus cum ovante gaudio turma in castra atque inde ad praetorium ad patrem tendit, ignarus fati futurique, laus an poena merita esset.

With the other horsemen withdrawn as to a spectacle, in the space of empty field that lay between, they drive their horses against each other; and when they had clashed with hostile spear-points, Manlius’s point slipped over the enemy’s helmet, Maecius’s past the horse’s neck. Then, the horses having been wheeled about, when Manlius had risen first to repeat the blow, he fixed a dart between the horse’s ears. At the sense of that wound, when the horse, rearing on its forefeet, with great force shook its head, it cast off its rider; him, propping himself on spear-point and parma as he was lifting himself from the heavy fall, Manlius pinned to the ground by the throat, in such a way that the iron projected through the ribs; and, the spoils collected, carried back to his own, with the troop in exultant joy he makes for the camp and thence for the praetorium to his father, ignorant of fate and of what was to come, whether praise or punishment had been earned.

'Ut me omnes' inquit, 'pater, tuo sanguine ortum vere ferrent, provocatus equestria haec spolia capta ex hoste caeso porto.' Quod ubi audivit consul, extemplo filium aversatus contionem classico advocari iussit.

'So that all,' he says, 'father, might truly declare me sprung from your blood, when challenged I carry these equestrian spoils taken from a slain enemy.' When the consul heard this, immediately turning away from his son he ordered an assembly to be summoned by the trumpet.

Quae ubi frequens convenit, 'quandoque' inquit, 'tu, T. Manli, neque imperium consulare neque maiestatem patriam veritus, adversus edictum nostrum extra ordinem in hostem pugnasti et, quantum in te fuit, disciplinam militarem, qua stetit ad hanc diem Romana res, solvisti meque in eam necessitatem adduxisti, ut aut rei publicae mihi aut mei [meorum] obliviscendum sit, nos potius nostro delicto plectemur quam res publica tanto suo damno nostra peccata luat; triste exemplum sed in posterum salubre iuventuti erimus. Me quidem cum ingenita caritas liberum tum specimen istud virtutis deceptum vana imagine decoris in te movet; sed cum aut morte tua sancienda sint consulum imperia aut impunitate in perpetuum abroganda, nec te quidem, si quid in te nostri sanguinis est, recusare censeam, quin disciplinam militarem culpa tua prolapsam poena restituas – i, lictor, deliga ad palum'. Exanimati omnes tam atroci imperio nec aliter quam in se quisque destrictam cernentes securem metu magis quam modestia quievere. Itaque velut demerso ab admiratione animo cum silentio defixi stetissent, repente, postquam cervice caesa fusus est cruor, tam libero conquestu coortae voces sunt, ut neque lamentis neque exsecrationibus parceretur spoliisque contectum iuvenis corpus, quantum militaribus studiis funus ullum concelebrari potest, structo extra vallum rogo cremaretur, Manlianaque imperia non in praesentia modo horrenda sed exempli etiam tristis in posterum essent.

When the assembly had gathered in full numbers, he said: ‘Since you, T. Manli, neither having feared the consular imperium nor the paternal majesty, fought, contrary to our edict, out of order against the enemy, and, so far as was in you, dissolved the military discipline by which the Roman commonwealth has stood to this day, and you have brought me into such a necessity that I must be forgetful either of the republic or of myself [of my own], we would rather be punished for our own delict than that the republic should at so great a loss of its own pay for our sins; we shall be a sad exemplum, but for the youth in time to come a healthful one. Me indeed both the inborn love of children and that specimen of virtue, deceived by the empty image of honor, moves toward you; but since either by your death the imperia of the consuls must be sanctioned or by impunity forever abrogated, not even you, if there is anything of our blood in you, would I judge to refuse to restore by a penalty the military discipline, which by your fault has slipped—go, lictor, bind him to the stake.’ All were stupefied by so atrocious a command, and, perceiving the axe drawn as if against each one of themselves, they kept quiet more from fear than from modesty. And so, as if their spirit were sunk in astonishment, while they stood fixed in silence, suddenly, after the blood was poured out from the neck that had been cut, voices arose with so free a complaint that neither laments nor execrations were spared; and the body of the youth, covered with the spoils, so far as by military zeal any funeral can be thronged, a pyre having been built outside the rampart, was cremated; and the Manlian commands were not only dreadful for the present, but were an exemplum grim also for the future.

[8] Fecit tamen atrocitas poenae oboedientiorem duci militem; et praeterquam quod custodiae vigiliaeque et ordo stationum intentioris ubique curae erant, in ultimo etiam certamine, cum descensum in aciem est, ea severitas profuit. Fuit autem civili maxime bello pugna similis; adeo nihil apud Latinos dissonum ab Romana re praeter animos erat.

[8] Nevertheless, the atrocity of the punishment made the soldier more obedient to the leader; and besides the fact that guards and watches and the order of the posts were everywhere objects of more intent care, even in the final contest, when they descended into the battle line, that severity proved beneficial. Moreover, the battle was most like a civil war; to such a degree that among the Latins there was nothing dissonant from the Roman state except their spirits.

Clipeis antea Romani usi sunt, dein, postquam stipendiarii facti sunt, scuta pro clipeis fecere; et quod antea phalanges similes Macedonicis, hoc postea manipulatim structa acies coepit esse: postremi in plures ordines instruebantur [ordo sexagenos milites, duos centuriones, vexillarium unum habebat]. Prima acies hastati erant, manipuli quindecim, distantes inter se modicum spatium; manipulus leves vicenos milites, aliam turbam scutatorum habebat; leves autem, qui hastam tantum gaesaque gererent, vocabantur. Haec prima frons in acie florem iuvenum pubescentium ad militiam habebat. Robustior inde aetas totidem manipulorum, quibus principibus est nomen, hos sequebantur, scutati omnes, insignibus maxime armis.

The Romans previously used clipei, then, after they became stipendiary, they made scuta in place of clipei; and what before were phalanxes similar to the Macedonian, thereafter began to be a battle-line arranged by maniples: the rearmost were arrayed in several ranks [an ordo had sixty soldiers, two centurions, one standard-bearer]. The first line were the hastati, fifteen maniples, separated from one another by a small interval; each maniple had twenty light troops (leves), and another band of shield-bearers (scutatores); and the light troops, who carried only a spear and gaesa, were so called. This first front in the line had the flower of youths ripening for soldiery. A more robust age thereafter, of just as many maniples, to whom the name of principes belongs, followed these, all bearing shields, with very notable arms.

Hoc triginta manipulorum agmen antepilanos appellabant, quia sub signis iam alii quindecim ordines locabantur, ex quibus ordo unusquisque tres partes habebat – earum unam quamque primam pilum vocabant. Tribus ex vexillis constabat ordo; sexagenos milites, duos centuriones, vexillarium unum habebat vexillum; centum octoginta sex homines erant. Primum vexillum triarios ducebat, veteranum militem spectatae virtutis, secundum rorarios, minus roboris aetate factisque, tertium accensos, minimae fiduciae manum; eo et in postremam aciem reiciebantur.

This column of thirty maniples they called the antepilani, because beneath the standards there were now another fifteen ranks placed, each order of which had three parts — each first of these they called the primus pilus. An order consisted of three vexilla; each vexillum had sixty soldiers, two centurions, and one vexillarius; there were 186 men. The first vexillum was led by the triarii, veteran soldiers of proven virtus; the second, by the rorarii, of less robustness in age and deeds; the third, by the accensi, a band of the least confidence; and for that reason they were also thrown back into the rearmost battle line.

Ubi his ordinibus exercitus instructus esset, hastati omnium primi pugnam inibant. Si hastati profligare hostem non possent, pede presso eos retro cedentes in intervalla ordinum principes recipiebant. Tum principum pugna erat; hastati sequebantur; triarii sub vexillis considebant, sinistro crure porrecto, scuta innixa umeris, hastas suberecta cuspide in terra fixas, haud secus quam vallo saepta inhorreret acies, tenentes.

When the army had been arrayed in these ranks, the hastati were the first of all to enter battle. If the hastati could not rout the enemy, with foot planted the principes received them, as they retreated back into the intervals of the ranks. Then it was the fight of the principes; the hastati followed; the triarii sat down under the standards, with the left leg stretched out, their shields leaning on their shoulders, their spears, with point upraised, fixed in the ground, holding them, so that the battle line bristled, fenced as if by a palisade.

Si apud principes quoque haud satis prospere esset pugnatum a prima acie ad triarios se sensim referebant; inde rem ad triarios redisse, cum laboratur, proverbio increbruit. Triarii consurgentes, ubi in intervalla ordinum suorum principes et hastatos recepissent, extemplo compressis ordinibus velut claudebant vias unoque continenti agmine, iam nulla spe post relicta, in hostem incidebant; id erat formidolosissimum hosti, cum velut victos insecuti novam repente aciem exsurgentem, auctam numero, cernebant. Scribebantur autem quattuor fere legiones quinis milibus peditum, equitibus in singulas legiones trecenis.

If even among the principes the fighting had gone not quite prosperously, they would gradually withdraw from the first battle line to the triarii; hence “the affair has returned to the triarii,” when there is hard pressure, became frequent as a proverb. The triarii, rising up, once they had received the principes and the hastati into the intervals of their own ranks, straightway, their ranks compressed, would, as it were, close the passages, and in a single continuous formation, now with no hope left behind, would fall upon the enemy; this was most formidable to the foe, when, as they were pursuing men as if defeated, they suddenly beheld a new battle line rising up, increased in number. Moreover, there were enrolled nearly 4 legions with 5,000 infantry apiece, with 300 cavalry to each legion.

Alterum tantum ex Latino dilectu adiciebatur, qui ea tempestate hostes erant Romanis eodemque ordine instruxerant aciem; nec vexilla cum vexillis tantum, universi hastati cum hastatis, principes cum principibus, sed centurio quoque cum centurione, si ordines turbati non essent, concurrendum sibi esse sciebat. Duo primi pili ex utraque acie inter triarios erant, Romanus corpore haudquaquam satis validus, ceterum strenuus vir peritusque militiae, Latinus viribus ingens bellatorque primus, notissimi inter se, quia pares semper ordines duxerunt. Romano haud satis fidenti viribus iam Romae permissum erat ab consulibus, ut subcenturionem sibi quem vellet legeret qui tutaretur eum ab uno destinato hoste; isque iuvenis in acie oblatus ex centurione Latino victoriam tulit.

As much again from the Latin levy was added, who at that time were enemies to the Romans and had arrayed their battle line in the same order; and not standards with standards only, the whole hastati with the hastati, the principes with the principes, but a centurion also with a centurion—if the ranks had not been disturbed—knew that he must engage with his counterpart. The two primipili, one from each line, were among the triarii: the Roman was in body by no means sufficiently strong, but otherwise a strenuous man and skilled in soldiery; the Latin was immense in strength and a foremost warrior, very well known to each other, because they always led equal ranks. To the Roman, not sufficiently confident in his strength, it had already at Rome been permitted by the consuls that he should choose for himself whatever subcenturion he wished to protect him from one designated enemy; and this young man, brought forward in the battle line, carried off the victory over the Latin centurion.

Pugnatum est haud procul radicibus Vesuuii montis, qua via ad Veserim ferebat.

The battle was fought not far from the foothills of Mount Vesuvius, where the road led to the Veseris.

[9] Romani consules, priusquam educerent in aciem, immolaverunt. Decio caput iocineris a familiari parte caesum haruspex dicitur ostendisse: alioqui acceptam dis hostiam esse; Manlium egregie litasse. 'Atqui bene habet' inquit Decius, 'si ab collega litatum est.' Instructis, sicut ante dictum est, ordinibus processere in aciem; Manlius dextro, Decius laevo cornu praeerat.

[9] The Roman consuls, before they led out into the battle line, immolated. The haruspex is said to have shown to Decius that the head of the liver had been cut off on the familiar side; otherwise that the victim was acceptable to the gods; that Manlius had sacrificed in outstanding fashion. 'But that is well,' says Decius, 'if it has been favorable from my colleague.' With the ranks drawn up, as was said before, they advanced into line; Manlius commanded the right wing, Decius the left.

Primo utrimque aequis viribus, eodem ardore animorum gerebatur res; deinde ab laevo cornu hastati Romani, non ferentes impressionem Latinorum, se ad principes recepere. In hac trepidatione Decius consul M. Valerium magna voce inclamat. 'Deorum' inquit, 'ope, M. Valeri, opus est; agedum, pontifex publicus populi Romani, praei verba quibus me pro legionibus devoveam.' Pontifex eum togam praetextam sumere iussit et velato capite, manu subter togam ad mentum exserta, super telum subiectum pedibus stantem sic dicere: 'Iane, Iuppiter, Mars pater, Quirine, Bellona, Lares, Divi Nouensiles, Di Indigetes, Divi, quorum est potestas nostrorum hostiumque, Dique Manes, vos precor veneror, veniam peto feroque, uti populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriam prosperetis hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidine morteque adficiatis.

At first on both sides with equal forces, with the same ardor of spirits, the matter was carried on; then on the left wing the Roman hastati, not bearing the impression of the Latins, withdrew themselves back to the principes. In this trepidation the consul Decius calls out in a great voice to M. Valerius. 'By the help of the gods,' he says, 'there is need, M. Valerius; come then, public pontifex of the Roman people, dictate the words by which I may devote myself for the legions.' The pontifex ordered him to take the toga praetexta and, with head veiled, with his hand thrust out under the toga up to the chin, standing upon a spear placed beneath his feet, to speak thus: 'Janus, Jupiter, Father Mars, Quirinus, Bellona, the Lares, the Divi Novensiles, the Di Indigetes, the Gods whose is the power of our men and of our enemies, and ye Manes, I pray you, I venerate you, I ask and I bring that you may prosper strength and victory to the Roman people the Quirites, and that you may afflict the enemies of the Roman people the Quirites with terror, dread, and death.

Sicut verbis nuncupavi, ita pro re publica [populi Romani] Quiritium, exercitu, legionibus, auxiliis populi Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium mecum Deis Manibus Tellurique devoveo.'

Just as I have declared in words, so, for the republic [of the Roman People] of the Quirites, the army, the legions, the auxiliaries of the Roman People of the Quirites, I devote the legions and auxiliaries of the enemy together with myself to the Divine Manes and to Tellus.'

Haec ita precatus lictores ire ad T. Manlium iubet matureque collegae se devotum pro exercitu nuntiare; ipse incinctus cinctu Gabino, armatus in equum insiluit ac se in medios hostes immisit, conspectus ab utraque acie, aliquanto augustior humano visu, sicut caelo missus piaculum omnis deorum irae qui pestem ab suis aversam in hostes ferret. Ita omnis terror pavorque cum illo latus signa primo Latinorum turbavit, deinde in totam penitus aciem peruasit. Euidentissimum id fuit quod, quacumque equo invectus est, ibi haud secus quam pestifero sidere icti pavebant; ubi vero corruit obrutus telis, inde iam haud dubie consternatae cohortes Latinorum fugam ac vastitatem late fecerunt.

Having thus prayed, he orders the lictors to go to T. Manlius and promptly to announce to his colleague that he had devoted himself for the army; he himself, girded with the Gabine girding, armed, leaped onto his horse and hurled himself into the midst of the enemies, seen by both battle-lines, considerably more august to human sight, as if sent from heaven, an expiatory victim of all the gods’ wrath, to carry a pest, turned away from his own men, against the enemies. Thus all terror and panic, moving with him along the line, at first threw the standards of the Latins into turmoil, then pervaded deep into the whole battle-line. This was most evident from the fact that, wherever he rode his horse, there they quailed as if struck by a pestiferous star; but when he indeed fell, overwhelmed with missiles, from that point the cohorts of the Latins, now without doubt dismayed, produced flight and devastation far and wide.

Simul et Romani exsolutis religione animis, velut tum primum signo dato coorti pugnam integram ediderunt; nam et rorarii procurrerant inter antepilanos addiderantque vires hastatis ac principibus et triarii genu dextro innixi nutum consulis ad consurgendum exspectabant.

At the same time the Romans, their spirits released from the religious obligation, as if then for the first time, when the signal had been given, sprang up and delivered a full engagement; for the rorarii had run forward among the antepilani and had added strength to the hastati and the principes, and the triarii, resting on the right knee, were awaiting the consul’s nod to rise.

[10] Procedente deinde certamine cum aliis partibus multitudo superaret Latinorum, Manlius consul audito eventu collegae, cum, ut ius fasque erat, lacrimis non minus quam laudibus debitis prosecutus tam memorabilem mortem esset, paulisper addubitavit an consurgendi iam triariis tempus esset; deinde melius ratus integros eos ad ultimum discrimen servari, accensos ab novissima acie ante signa procedere iubet. Qui ubi subiere, extemplo Latini, tamquam idem adversarii fecissent, triarios suos excitaverunt; qui aliquamdiu pugna atroci cum et semet ipsi fatigassent et hastas aut praefregissent aut hebetassent, pellerent [vi] tamen hostem, debellatum iam rati perventumque ad extremam aciem, tum consul triariis 'consurgite nunc' inquit, 'integri adversus fessos, memores patriae parentumque et coniugum ac liberorum, memores consulis pro vestra victoria morte occubantis'. Ubi triarii consurrexerunt integri refulgentibus armis, nova ex improviso exorta acies, receptis in intervalla ordinum antepilanis, clamore sublato principia Latinorum perturbant hastisque ora fodientes primo robore virorum caeso per alios manipulos velut inermes prope intacti evasere tantaque caede perrupere cuneos ut vix quartam partem relinquerent hostium. Samnites quoque sub radicibus montis procul instructi praebuere terrorem Latinis.

[10] Then, as the contest proceeded, since in other sectors the multitude of the Latins was prevailing, Manlius the consul, when, as right and divine law required, he had accompanied so memorable a death with tears no less than with the praises due to it after hearing his colleague’s outcome, hesitated for a little whether it was now the time for the triarii to rise; then, thinking it better that they, intact, be kept for the ultimate crisis, he orders them, fired up from the rearmost battle line, to advance before the standards. When they came up, immediately the Latins, as if the adversaries had done the same, roused their own triarii; who, after for some time in savage fighting they had both wearied themselves and had either broken or dulled their spears, yet were driving the enemy, thinking the war already finished and that it had come to the last line, then the consul said to the triarii, ‘Rise now, fresh against the weary, mindful of the fatherland and of your parents and wives and children, mindful of the consul falling in death for your victory.’ When the triarii rose up, fresh, with arms glittering, a new battle line sprang up unexpectedly, the antepilani being received into the gaps of the ranks; with a shout raised they threw the front ranks of the Latins into confusion, and, stabbing faces with their spears, with the first strength of men cut down, they passed through other maniples almost unscathed, as if against unarmed men, and with such slaughter they burst through the wedges that they left scarcely a fourth part of the enemy. The Samnites too, drawn up at the foot of the mountain at a distance, supplied terror to the Latins.

Ceterum inter omnes cives sociosque praecipua laus eius belli penes consules fuit, quorum alter omnes minas periculaque ab deis superis inferisque in se unum vertit, alter ea virtute eoque consilio in proelio fuit ut facile convenerit inter Romanos Latinosque, qui eius pugnae memoriam posteris tradiderunt, utrius partis T. Manlius dux fuisset, eius futuram haud dubie fuisse victoriam. Latini ex fuga se Minturnas contulerunt. Castra secundum proelium capta multique mortales ibi vivi oppressi, maxime Campani.

However, among all the citizens and allies the preeminent praise of that war lay with the consuls: one turned all the threats and perils from the gods above and below onto himself alone; the other showed such valor and such counsel in the battle that there was easy agreement between Romans and Latins—who handed down the memory of that fight to posterity—that whichever side T. Manlius had been commander of, that side, without doubt, would have had the victory. The Latins, in flight, betook themselves to Minturnae. The camp was taken after the battle, and many mortals there were seized alive, especially the Campanians.

Decii corpus ne eo die inveniretur, nox quaerentes oppressit; postero die inventum inter maximum hostium stragem, coopertum telis, funusque ei par morti celebrante collega factum est.

The body of Decius was not found that day; night overtook those searching. On the following day it was found amid the very great slaughter of the enemy, covered with missiles, and a funeral equal to his death was celebrated for him by his colleague.

Illud adiciendum videtur licere consuli dictatorique et praetori, cum legiones hostium devoveat, non utique se sed quem velit ex legione Romana scripta civem devovere; si is homo qui devotus est moritur, probe factum videri; ni moritur, tum signum septem pedes altum aut maius in terram defodi et piaculum [hostia] caedi; ubi illud signum defossum erit, eo magistratum Romanum escendere fas non esse. Sin autem sese devovere volet, sicuti Decius devovit, ni moritur, neque suum neque publicum divinum pure faciet, sive hostia sive quo alio volet. Qui sese devoverit, Volcano arma sive cui alii divo vovere volet ius est.

It seems proper to add this: it is permitted to the consul, the dictator, and the praetor, when he devotes the legions of the enemy, not necessarily to devote himself, but to devote whatever citizen he wishes from the Roman enrolled legion; if the man who has been devoted dies, it is deemed rightly done; if he does not die, then a marker seven feet high or higher is to be buried in the ground, and a piacular [victim] is to be slain; where that marker has been buried, it is not lawful for a Roman magistrate to ascend. But if he wishes to devote himself, just as Decius devoted himself, if he does not die, he will neither duly make pure his own divine obligation nor the public one, whether with a victim or with whatever else he wishes. He who has devoted himself has the right to vow his arms to Vulcan, or to whatever other god he wishes.

Telo, super quod stans consul precatus est, hostem potiri fas non est; si potiatur, Marti suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri.

As for the weapon, upon which, standing, the consul prayed, it is not lawful for the enemy to obtain possession; if he does obtain it, a piacular offering with suovetaurilia is to be made to Mars.

[11] Haec, etsi omnis divini humanique moris memoria abolevit nova peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre.

[11] These things, although the memory of every divine and human custom has abolished them by preferring all things new and peregrine to the ancient and ancestral, I judged it not out of place to report them also in the very words, as they have been handed down and named.

Romanis post proelium demum factum Samnites venisse subsidio exspectato eventu pugnae apud quosdam auctores invenio. Latinis quoque ab Lavinio auxilium, dum deliberando terunt tempus, victis demum ferri coeptum; et, cum iam portis prima signa et pars agminis esset egressa, nuntio allato de clade Latinorum cum conversis signis retro in urbem rediretur, praetorem eorum nomine Milionium dixisse ferunt pro paulula via magnam mercedem esse Romanis solvendam. Qui Latinorum pugnae superfuerant, multis itineribus dissipati cum se in unum conglobassent, Vescia urbs eis receptaculum fuit.

I find in certain authors that the Samnites came to the Romans as a subsidy only after the battle had at last been fought, the outcome of the fight having been awaited. Aid for the Latins too from Lavinium—while they wear away time by deliberating—began at last to be brought to the vanquished; and, when already the first standards and part of the column had gone out through the gates, a report having been brought of the disaster of the Latins, as, with standards reversed, they were returning back into the city, they say their praetor, by the name Milionius, said that for a very little march a great price was to be paid to the Romans. Those who had survived the battle of the Latins, scattered by many routes, when they had massed themselves into one, the city of Vescia was a refuge for them.

Ibi in conciliis Numisius imperator eorum, adfirmando communem vere Martem belli utramque aciem pari caede prostravisse victoriaeque nomen tantum penes Romanos esse, ceteram pro victis fortunam et illos gerere; funesta duo consulum praetoria, alterum parricidio filii, alterum consulis devoti caede; trucidatum exercitum omnem, caesos hastatos principesque, stragem et ante signa et post signa factam; triarios postremo rem restituisse. Latinorum etsi pariter accisae copiae sint, tamen supplemento vel Latium propius esse vel Volscos quam Romam; itaque si videatur eis, se ex Latinis et ex Volscis populis iuventute propere excita rediturum infesto exercitu Capuam esse Romanosque nihil tum minus quam proelium exspectantes necopinato adventu perculsurum. Fallacibus litteris circa Latium nomenque Volscum missis, quia qui non interfuerant pugnae ad credendum temere faciliores erant, tumultuarius undique exercitus raptim conscriptus convenit.

Ibi, in the councils, Numisius, their commander, by asserting that the common Mars of war had truly laid low both battle-lines with equal slaughter and that only the name of victory was with the Romans, while the rest of the condition of the defeated even they were bearing: the two consular praetoria were funereal, the one by the parricidal killing of a son, the other by the slaughter of the devoted consul; the whole army butchered, the hastati and the principes cut down, a carnage made both before the standards and behind the standards; at last the triarii restored the matter. Although the forces of the Latins likewise were cut down, nevertheless, for a supplement, either Latium is nearer or the Volsci than Rome; and so, if it seem good to them, he, with the youth speedily aroused from the Latin and from the Volscian peoples, would return to Capua with a hostile army and, by an unlooked-for arrival, would strike the Romans, then expecting nothing less than a battle. With fallacious letters sent around Latium and the Volscian name, because those who had not taken part in the battle were more recklessly ready for believing, a tumultuary army from every side, hastily levied, assembled.

Huic agmini Torquatus consul ad Trifanum – inter Sinuessam Minturnasque is locus est – occurrit. Priusquam castris locus caperetur, sarcinis utrimque in aceruum coniectis pugnatum debellatumque est; adeo enim accisae res sunt ut consuli victorem exercitum ad depopulandos agros eorum ducenti dederent se omnes Latini deditionemque eam Campani sequerentur. Latium Capuaque agro multati.

To this column Torquatus the consul met at Trifanum – that place is between Sinuessa and Minturnae. Before a site for a camp could be seized, with the baggage on both sides thrown into a heap, there was fighting and the war was brought to an end; for their fortunes were so cut down that all the Latins surrendered themselves to the consul as he was leading the victorious army to ravage their fields, and the Campanians followed that surrender. Latium and Capua were mulcted of land.

Latinus ager Privernati addito agro et Falernus, qui populi Campani fuerat, usque ad Volturnum flumen plebi Romanae dividitur. Bina in Latino iugera ita ut dodrante ex Privernati complerent data, terna in Falerno quadrantibus etiam pro longinquitate adiectis. Extra poenam fuere Latinorum Laurentes Campanorumque equites, quia non desciverant; cum Laurentibus renovari foedus iussum renovaturque ex eo quotannis post diem decimum Latinarum.

The Latin land, with the Privernate land added, and the Falernian, which had been of the Campanian people, as far as the river Volturnus, is divided to the Roman plebs. Two iugera in the Latin land were granted, in such a way that they might be completed by three-quarters (a dodrans) from the Privernate; three in the Falernian, with quarters (quadrants) also added on account of the remoteness. Outside the penalty were the Laurentes among the Latins and the Campanian horsemen, because they had not defected; with the Laurentes it was ordered that the treaty be renewed, and from that time it is renewed every year after the tenth day of the Latin festival.

Equitibus Campanis civitas Romana data, monumentoque ut esset, aeneam tabulam in aede Castoris Romae fixerunt. Vectigal quoque eis Campanus populos iussus pendere in singulos quotannis – fuere autem mille et sexcenti – denarios nummos quadringenos quinquagenos.

Roman citizenship was given to the Campanian horsemen, and, that there might be a monument of it, they fastened a bronze tablet in the temple of Castor at Rome. A tax also the Campanian people were ordered to pay to them per head annually – for they were 1,600 – of 450 denarii each.

[12] Ita bello gesto, praemiis poenaque pro cuiusque merito persolutis T. Manlius Romam rediit; cui venienti seniores tantum obviam exisse constat, iuventutem et tunc et omni vita deinde aversatam eum exsecratamque.

[12] Thus, the war having been carried on, with rewards and punishment paid out according to each one’s deserts, T. Manlius returned to Rome; it is established that only the elders went out to meet him as he came, the youth both then and for all the rest of his life thereafter shunning and execrating him.

Antiates in agrum Ostiensem Ardeatem Solonium incursiones fecerunt. Manlius consul quia ipse per valetudinem id bellum exsequi nequierat, dictatorem L. Papirium Crassum, qui tum forte erat praetor, dixit; ab eo magister equitum L. Papirius Cursor dictus. Nihil memorabile adversus Antiates ab dictatore gestum est, cum aliquot menses stativa in agro Antiati habuisset.

The Antiates made incursions into the Ostian, Ardeate, and Solonian countryside. Manlius the consul, because he himself, by reason of ill-health, had been unable to prosecute that war, named L. Papirius Crassus, who then by chance was praetor, as dictator; by him L. Papirius Cursor was named Master of the Horse. Nothing memorable was accomplished against the Antiates by the dictator, although he held fixed quarters for several months in the Antiate territory.

Anno insigni victoria de tot ac tam potentibus populis, ad hoc consulum alterius nobili morte, alterius sicut truci ita claro ad memoriam imperio, successere consules Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus <q.> Publilius Philo, neque in similem materiam rerum, et ipsi aut suarum rerum aut partium in re publica magis quam patriae memores. Latinos ob iram agri amissi rebellantes in campis Fenectanis fuderunt castrisque exuerunt. Ibi Publilio, cuius ductu auspicioque res gestae erant, in deditionem accipiente Latinos populos, quorum ibi iuventus caesa erat, Aemilius ad Pedum exercitum duxit.

In a year distinguished by victory over so many and so powerful peoples, and, in addition, by the noble death of one consul, and of the other by a command as savage as it was renowned to memory, there succeeded as consuls Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus <q.> Publilius Philo, nor did they enter upon a similar material of affairs, and they themselves were more mindful of their own concerns or of their party in the commonwealth than of their fatherland. They routed the Latins—rebelling on account of wrath for the land lost—in the Fenectanian plains and stripped them of their camp. There, while Publilius, under whose leadership and auspices the deeds had been done, was receiving into surrender the Latin peoples, whose youth had there been cut down, Aemilius led the army to Pedum.

Pedanos tuebatur Tiburs Praenestinus Veliternusque populus; venerant et ab Lanuuio Antioque auxilia. Ubi cum proeliis quidem superior Romanus esset, ad urbem ipsam Pedum castraque sociorum populorum, quae urbi adiuncta erant, integer labor restaret, bello infecto repente omisso consul, quia collegae decretum triumphum audivit, ipse quoque triumphi ante victoriam flagitator Romam rediit. Qua cupiditate offensis patribus negantibusque nisi Pedo capto aut dedito triumphum, hinc alienatus ab senatu Aemilius seditiosis tribunatibus similem deinde consulatum gessit.

The Pedans were being supported by the Tiburtine, Praenestine, and Veliternian peoples; auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and Antium. Though in the battles the Roman was indeed superior, yet, as to the city Pedum itself and the camps of the allied peoples, which were adjoining the city, the entire task remained; with the war unfinished and suddenly abandoned, the consul, because he heard that a triumph had been decreed for his colleague, he too returned to Rome, a clamorer for a triumph before victory. By this desire the Fathers being offended and denying a triumph unless Pedum were taken or surrendered, from this alienated from the Senate Aemilius thereafter conducted a consulship like to seditious tribunates.

Nam neque, quoad fuit consul, criminari apud populum patres destitit, collega haudquaquam adversante quia et ipse de plebe erat – materiam autem praebebat criminibus ager in Latino Falernoque agro maligne plebei divisus – et postquam senatus finire imperium consulibus cupiens dictatorem adversus rebellantes Latinos dici iussit, Aemilius, [tum] cuius fasces erant, collegam dictatorem dixit; ab eo magister equitum Iunius Brutus dictus. Dictatura popularis et orationibus in patres criminosis fuit, et quod tres leges secundissimas plebei, adversas nobilitati tulit: unam, ut plebi scita omnes Quirites tenerent; alteram, ut legum quae comitiis centuriatis ferrentur ante initum suffragium patres auctores fierent; tertiam, ut alter utique ex plebe – cum eo ventum sit ut utrumque plebeium fieri liceret – censor crearetur. Plus eo anno domi acceptum cladis ab consulibus ac dictatore quam ex victoria eorum bellicisque rebus foris auctum imperium patres credebant.

For neither, so long as he was consul, did he cease to criminari against the senators before the people, his colleague by no means opposing, because he too was of the plebs – and the land furnished material for the accusations: the land in the Latin and Falerian territory malignly divided to the plebs – and after the senate, wishing to finish the consuls’ imperium, ordered that a dictator be named against the rebelling Latins, Aemilius, [then] the one whose fasces it was, named his colleague dictator; by him Iunius Brutus was named Master of the Horse. The dictatorship was popular and was marked by speeches incriminating the senators, and because it brought in three laws most favorable to the plebs, adverse to the nobility: one, that plebiscites should bind all Quirites; a second, that, for laws which were carried in the comitia centuriata, before the suffrage was entered upon the senators should become auctores; a third, that one of the two censors in any case – when it had come to this, that it was permitted that both be plebeian – should be created from the plebs. The senators believed that in that year more disaster was received at home from the consuls and the dictator than the imperium was augmented abroad by their victory and warlike affairs.

[13] Anno insequenti, L. Furio Camillo C. Maenio consulibus, quo insignitius omissa res Aemilio, superioris anni consuli, exprobraretur, Pedum armis virisque et omni vi expugnandum ac delendum senatus fremit coactique novi consules omnibus eam rem praeverti proficiscuntur. Iam Latio is status erat rerum ut neque bellum neque pacem pati possent; ad bellum opes deerant; pacem ob agri adempti dolorem aspernabantur. Mediis consiliis standum videbatur ut oppidis se tenerent – ne lacessitus Romanus causam belli haberet – et, si cuius oppidi obsidio nuntiata esset, undique ex omnibus populis auxilium obsessis ferretur.

[13] In the following year, with L. Furius Camillus and C. Maenius as consuls, in order that the affair neglected by Aemilius, the consul of the former year, might be more conspicuously reproached, the senate clamored that Pedum must be stormed and destroyed with arms, manpower, and every force; and the new consuls, being compelled, set out to give that matter precedence over everything. By now in Latium the status of affairs was such that they could tolerate neither war nor peace: resources for war were lacking; peace they spurned on account of the pain of land taken away. It seemed that a middle course must be stood by, namely that they should keep to their towns—lest a provoked Roman have a cause of war—and, if the siege of any town were reported, aid should be brought to the besieged from all the peoples on every side.

Neque tamen nisi admodum a paucis populis Pedani adiuti sunt. Tiburtes Praenestinique, quorum ager propior erat, Pedum pervenere; Aricinos Lanuuinosque et Veliternos Antiatibus Volscis se coniungentes ad Asturae flumen Maenius improviso adortus fudit. Camillus ad Pedum cum Tiburtibus, maxime valido exercitu, maiore mole quamquam aeque prospero eventu pugnat.

Nor, however, were the Pedani aided except by a very few peoples. The Tiburtines and Praenestines, whose territory was nearer, reached Pedum; the Aricines, the Lanuvinians, and the Veliternians, joining themselves to the Antiates Volsci, Maenius, attacking them unexpectedly at the river Astura, routed them. Camillus at Pedum fights against the Tiburtines, a very powerful army, on a larger scale, though with an equally prosperous outcome.

Tumultum maxime repentina inter proelium eruptio oppidanorum fecit; in quos parte exercitus conversa Camillus non compulit solum eos intra moenia sed eodem etiam die, cum ipsos auxiliaque eorum perculisset, oppidum scalis cepit. Placuit inde iam maiore conatu animoque ab unius expugnatione urbis ad perdomandum Latium victorem circumducere exercitum; nec quievere antequam expugnando aut in deditionem accipiendo singulas urbes Latium omne subegere. Praesidiis inde dispositis per recepta oppida Romam ad destinatum omnium consensu triumphum decessere.

The greatest tumult was caused by a sudden sally of the townspeople during the battle; against them, with a part of the army turned, Camillus not only drove them within the walls, but on that same day, when he had struck panic into them and their auxiliaries, he took the town by ladders. It was then resolved, with greater effort and spirit, to lead the victorious army around from the storming of a single city to the thorough subjugation of Latium; nor did they rest before they had subdued all Latium, by storming or by receiving the several cities into surrender. With garrisons then stationed throughout the recovered towns, they withdrew to Rome for the triumph appointed by the consent of all.

Additus triumpho honos ut statuae equestres eis, rara illa aetate res, in foro ponerentur.

There was added to the triumph the honor that equestrian statues for them, a thing rare in that age, should be set up in the Forum.

Priusquam comitiis in insequentem annum consules rogarent, Camillus de Latinis populis ad senatum rettulit atque ita disseruit: 'Patres conscripti, quod bello armisque in Latio agendum fuit, id iam deum benignitate ac virtute militum ad finem venit. Caesi ad Pedum Asturamque sunt exercitus hostium; oppida Latina omnia et Antium ex Volscis aut vi capta aut recepta in deditionem praesidiis tenentur vestris. Reliqua consultatio est, quoniam rebellando saepius nos sollicitant, quonam modo perpetua pace quietos obtineamus.

Before the consuls for the ensuing year were elected at the comitia, Camillus reported to the senate concerning the Latin peoples and spoke thus: 'Conscript Fathers, that which had to be done by war and arms in Latium has now, by the benignity of the gods and the valor of the soldiers, come to an end. The armies of the enemy have been cut down at Pedum and at Astura; all the Latin towns and Antium from the Volsci, whether taken by force or received in surrender, are held by your garrisons. What remains is deliberation, since by rebelling they too often disturb us, by what method we may secure them quiet in a perpetual peace.'

Di immortales ita vos potentes huius consilii fecerunt ut, sit Latium deinde an non sit, in vestra manu posuerint; itaque pacem vobis, quod ad Latinos attinet, parare in perpetuum vel saeviendo vel ignoscendo potestis. Uoltis crudeliter consulere in deditos victosque? licet delere omne Latium, vastas inde solitudines facere, unde sociali egregio exercitu per multa bella magnaque saepe usi estis.

The immortal gods have thus made you potent for this counsel, that they have placed in your hand whether Latium shall thereafter exist or not; and so, as far as concerns the Latins, you can prepare peace for yourselves in perpetuity either by raging or by forgiving. Do you wish to take counsel cruelly concerning the surrendered and the conquered? it is permitted to destroy all Latium, to make from there vast solitudes, whence you have often employed an allied, distinguished army through many and great wars.

Voltis exemplo maiorum augere rem Romanam victos in civitatem accipiendo? materia crescendi per summam gloriam suppeditat. Certe id firmissimum longe imperium est quo oboedientes gaudent.

Do you wish, after the example of the ancestors, to augment the Roman commonwealth by receiving the conquered into citizenship? The material for growth is supplied with highest glory. Surely that dominion is by far the firmest in which the obedient rejoice.

Sed maturato opus est quidquid statuere placet; tot populos inter spem metumque suspensos animi habetis; et vestram itaque de eis curam quam primum absolvi et illorum animos, dum exspectatione stupent, seu poena seu beneficio praeoccupari oportet. Nostrum fuit efficere ut omnium rerum vobis ad consulendum potestas esset; vestrum est decernere quod optimum vobis reique publicae sit.'

But there is need to make haste in whatever it pleases you to determine; you have so many peoples’ spirits suspended between hope and fear; and therefore your concern regarding them ought to be brought to completion as soon as possible, and their minds, while they are stupefied by expectation, ought to be forestalled either by punishment or by benefit. It was our part to bring it about that the power in all matters for deliberation should be yours; it is yours to decree what is best for you and for the commonwealth.'

[14] Principes senatus relationem consulis de summa rerum laudare sed, cum aliorum causa alia esset, ita expediri posse consilium dicere, [si] ut pro merito cuiusque statueretur, [si] de singulis nominatim referrent populis. Relatum igitur de singulis decretumque. Lanuuinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita, cum eo ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Iunonis communis Lanuuinis municipibus cum populo Romano esset.

[14] The leading men of the senate praised the consul’s report on the sum of affairs, but, since the case of some was different from that of others, said that the counsel could be settled thus: [if] it were determined according to each one’s merit, [if] reports were made concerning each people by name. Accordingly, it was reported on each and decreed. To the Lanuvinians citizenship was given and their own sacred rites were restored, with this proviso: that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be common to the Lanuvinian municipes together with the Roman people.

Aricini Nomentanique et Pedani eodem iure quo Lanuvini in civitatem accepti. Tusculanis servata civitas quam habebant crimenque rebellionis a publica fraude in paucos auctores versum. In Veliternos, veteres cives Romanos, quod totiens rebellassent, graviter saevitum: et muri deiecti et senatus inde abductus iussique trans Tiberim habitare, ut eius qui cis Tiberim deprehensus esset usque ad mille pondo assium clarigatio esset nec priusquam aere persoluto is qui cepisset extra vincula captum haberet.

Aricians, Nomentans, and Pedans were received into citizenship on the same right as the Lanuvinians. For the Tusculans the citizenship which they had was preserved, and the charge of rebellion was shifted from public guilt onto a few authors. Against the people of Velitrae, ancient Roman citizens, because they had so often rebelled, there was heavy severity: both the walls were cast down and the senate was led away from there, and they were ordered to live across the Tiber, to the effect that, if anyone of them were apprehended on this side of the Tiber, there should be a clarigation up to one thousand pounds’ weight of asses, and that not before the bronze was paid should he who had seized have the captive out of chains.

In agrum senatorum coloni missi, quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae frequentiae Velitrae receperunt. Et Antium nova colonia missa, cum eo ut Antiatibus permitteretur, si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent; naves inde longae abactae interdictumque mari Antiati populo est et civitas data. Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen sed quod taedio imperii Romani cum Gallis, gente efferata, arma quondam consociassent.

Colonists were sent into the land of the senators; and, these being enrolled, Velitrae recovered the appearance of its ancient populousness. And to Antium a new colony was sent, with this proviso that it be permitted to the Antiates, if they too should wish to be enrolled as colonists; the long ships were driven off from there, and the Antiatic people were interdicted from the sea, and Roman citizenship was granted. The Tiburtines and the Praenestines were mulcted of land, not only on account of the recent charge of rebellion common with the other Latins, but because, out of loathing for the Roman imperium, they had once joined arms with the Gauls, a savage nation.

Ceteris Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt. Campanis equitum honoris causa, quia cum Latinis rebellare noluissent, Fundanisque et Formianis, quod per fines eorum tuta pacataque semper fuisset via, civitas sine suffragio data. Cumanos Suessulanosque eiusdem iuris condicionisque cuius Capuam esse placuit.

They took away from the other Latin peoples intermarriage, commerce, and the right to hold councils among themselves. To the Campanians, in honor of the horsemen, because they had been unwilling to rebel with the Latins, and to the Fundani and Formiani, because through their borders the road had always been safe and pacified, citizenship without suffrage was given. It was decreed that the Cumaeans and Suessulans should be of the same right and condition as Capua.

Naves Antiatium partim in navalia Romae subductae, partim incensae, rostrisque earum suggestum in foro exstructum adornari placuit, Rostraque id templum appellatum.

The ships of the Antiates were partly hauled up into the dockyards at Rome, partly burned, and it was resolved that with their prows a platform erected in the Forum be adorned, and that platform was called the Rostra.

[15] C. Sulpicio Longo P. Aelio Paeto consulibus, cum omnia non opes magis Romanae quam beneficiis parta gratia bona pace obtineret, inter Sidicinos Auruncosque bellum ortum. Aurunci, T. Manlio consule in deditionem accepti, nihil deinde moverant; eo petendi auxilii ab Romanis causa iustior fuit. Sed priusquam consules ab urbe – iusserat enim senatus defendi Auruncos – exercitum educerent, fama adfertur Auruncos metu oppidum deseruisse profugosque cum coniugibus ac liberis Suessam communisse, quae nunc Aurunca appellatur, moenia antiqua eorum urbemque ab Sidicinis deletam.

[15] In the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius Longus and Publius Aelius Paetus, when in good peace all things were being held, the goodwill acquired not so much by Roman resources as by benefactions, a war arose between the Sidicini and the Aurunci. The Aurunci, having been received into surrender in the consulship of T. Manlius, had thereafter attempted nothing; for that reason the cause of seeking assistance from the Romans was more just. But before the consuls should lead the army out from the city—for the senate had ordered that the Aurunci be defended—a report is brought that the Aurunci, from fear, had deserted their town and, as fugitives with their wives and children, had fortified Suessa, which is now called Aurunca; that their ancient walls and their city had been destroyed by the Sidicini.

Ob ea infensus consulibus senatus, quorum cunctatione proditi socii essent, dictatorem dici iussit. Dictus C. Claudius Inregillensis magistrum equitum C. Claudium Hortatorem dixit. Religio inde iniecta de dictatore et, cum augures vitio creatum videri dixissent, dictator magisterque equitum se magistratu abdicarunt.

On account of these things the senate, enraged at the consuls—because by their delay the allies had been betrayed—ordered a dictator to be named. C. Claudius Inregillensis, having been named, appointed C. Claudius Hortator as master of horse. Thereupon a religious scruple was raised about the dictator, and when the augurs said that he seemed to have been created with a flaw (vitio), the dictator and the master of horse abdicated their magistracy.

Eo anno Minucia Vestalis, suspecta primo propter mundiorem iusto cultum, insimulata deinde apud pontifices ab indice servo, cum decreto eorum iussa esset sacris abstinere familiamque in potestate habere, facto iudicio viva sub terram ad portam Collinam dextra viam stratam defossa Scelerato campo; credo ab incesto id ei loco nomen factum.

In that year the Vestal Minucia, suspected at first on account of a more-than-fittingly elegant attire, then accused before the pontiffs by an informer slave, when by their decree she had been ordered to abstain from the sacred rites and to have her household under her authority, the trial having been held, was buried alive beneath the earth at the Colline Gate, on the right of the paved road, in the Sceleratus Field; I believe that place got its name from the incest.

Eodem anno Q. Publilius Philo praetor primum de plebe adversante Sulpicio consule, qui negabat rationem eius se habiturum, est factus senatu, cum in summis imperiis id non obtinuisset, minus in praetura tendente.

In the same year Quintus Publilius Philo was made praetor, the first from the plebs, with Sulpicius the consul opposing, who said he would not have his candidacy under consideration; the senate, since it had not obtained this in the highest commands, was less intent upon it in the praetorship.

[16] Insequens annus, L. Papirio Crasso K. Duillio consulibus, Ausonum magis novo quam magno bello fuit insignis. Ea gens Cales urbem incolebat; Sidicinis finitimis arma coniunxerat; unoque proelio haud sane memorabili duorum populorum exercitus fusus, propinquitate urbium et ad fugam pronior et in fuga ipsa tutior fuit. Nec tamen omissa eius belli cura patribus, quia totiens iam Sidicini aut ipsi moverant bellum aut moventibus auxilium tulerant aut causa armorum fuerant.

[16] The following year, with L. Papirius Crassus and K. Duilius as consuls, was marked by a war of the Ausonians, more new than great. That nation inhabited the city of Cales; it had joined arms with their neighbors the Sidicini; and in a single battle, by no means memorable, the armies of the two peoples were routed, and by the nearness of the cities they were both more prone to flight and, in the flight itself, safer. Nor, however, was the concern for that war omitted by the Fathers, because so often already the Sidicini either themselves had stirred up war, or had brought aid to those stirring it, or had been the cause of arms.

Itaque omni ope adnisi sunt, ut maximum ea tempestate imperatorem M. Valerium Corvum consulem quartum facerent; collega additus Corvo M. Atilius Regulus; et ne forte casu erraretur, petitum ab consulibus ut extra sortem Corvi ea provincia esset. Exercitu victore a superioribus consulibus accepto ad Cales, unde bellum ortum erat, profectus, cum hostes ab superioris etiam certaminis memoria pavidos clamore atque impetu primo fudisset, moenia ipsa oppugnare est adgressus. Et militum quidem is erat ardor ut iam inde cum scalis succedere ad muros vellent evasurosque contenderent; Corvus, quia id arduum factu erat, labore militum potius quam periculo peragere inceptum voluit.

Therefore they strove with every aid to make M. Valerius Corvus, the greatest general of that time, consul for the fourth time; a colleague was added to Corvus, M. Atilius Regulus; and, lest perchance by chance there be a mistake, it was requested from the consuls that, outside the lot, that province should be Corvus’s. Having received from the previous consuls the victorious army, he set out to Cales, whence the war had arisen; and when, with a shout and at the first onset, he had routed the enemy, fearful even from the memory of the earlier engagement, he proceeded to assault the walls themselves. And such indeed was the ardor of the soldiers that straightway they wanted to advance to the walls with ladders and contended that they would get over; Corvus, because that was arduous to do, preferred to accomplish the undertaking by the labor of the soldiers rather than by peril.

Itaque aggerem et vineas egit turresque muro admovit, quarum usum forte oblata opportunitas praevertit. Namque M. Fabius, captivus Romanus, cum per neglegentiam custodum festo die vinculis ruptis per murum inter opera Romanorum, religata ad pinnam muri reste suspensus, manibus se demisisset, perpulit imperatorem ut vino epulisque sopitos hostes adgrederetur; nec maiore certamine capti cum urbe Ausones sunt quam acie fusi erant. Praeda capta ingens est praesidioque imposito Calibus reductae Romam legiones.

Therefore he drove up a ramp and vineae (mantlets) and brought towers up to the wall; but a chance opportunity forestalled their use. For M. Fabius, a Roman captive, through the negligence of the guards on a festival day, after breaking his bonds, over the wall into the area among the Roman works—having tied a rope to the battlement of the wall and, hanging, let himself down by his hands—prevailed upon the commander to assault the enemy, lulled asleep by wine and feasting; and the Ausones, together with their city, were taken with no greater struggle than that with which they had been routed in the battle line. An immense booty was taken, and, a garrison having been imposed at Cales, the legions were led back to Rome.

Consul ex senatus consulto triumphavit et, ne Atilius expers gloriae esset, iussi ambo consules adversus Sidicinos ducere exercitum. Dictatorem ante ex senatus consulto comitiorum habendorum causa dixerunt L. Aemilium Mamercinum; is magistrum equitum Q. Publilium Philonem dixit. Dictatore comitia habente consules creati sunt T. Veturius Sp. Postumius.

By decree of the senate the consul triumphed; and, lest Atilius be without a share of glory, both consuls were ordered to lead the army against the Sidicini. Previously, by decree of the senate, for the purpose of holding the elections, they named a dictator L. Aemilius Mamercinus; he named Q. Publilius Philo master of the horse. With the dictator holding the comitia, T. Veturius and Sp. Postumius were created consuls.

<ei> etsi belli pars cum Sidicinis restabat, tamen, ut beneficio praevenirent desiderium plebis, de colonia deducenda Cales rettulerunt; factoque senatus consulto ut duo milia quingenti homines eo scriberentur, tres viros coloniae deducendae agroque dividundo creaverunt K. Duillium T. Qvinctium M. Fabium.

although part of the war with the Sidicini remained, nevertheless, that they might forestall by a benefit the desire of the plebs, they brought forward a motion about leading out a colony to Cales; and, a senatus consultum having been made that 2,500 men be enrolled thither, they appointed triumvirs for leading out the colony and dividing the land: K. Duilius, T. Quinctius, M. Fabius.

[17] Novi deinde consules a veteribus exercitu accepto ingressi hostium fines populando usque ad moenia atque urbem pervenerunt. Ibi quia ingenti exercitu comparato Sidicini et ipsi pro extrema spe dimicaturi enixe videbantur et Samnium fama erat conciri ad bellum, dictator ab consulibus ex auctoritate senatus dictus P. Cornelius Rufinus, magister equitum M. Antonius. Religio deinde incessit vitio eos creatos magistratuque se abdicaverunt; et quia pestilentia insecuta est, velut omnibus eo vitio contactis auspiciis res ad interregnum rediit.

[17] Then the new consuls, after receiving the army from their predecessors, entered the enemies’ borders, and by ravaging reached even to the walls and the city. There, because, with a huge army assembled, the Sidicini themselves seemed earnestly about to fight for their last hope, and there was a report that Samnium was being stirred up to war, a dictator, by authority of the senate, was named by the consuls: P. Cornelius Rufinus; master of the horse, M. Antonius. Then a religious scruple arose that they had been created with a flaw, and they abdicated their magistracy; and because a pestilence followed, as if the auspices had been tainted for all by that flaw, the matter returned to an interregnum.

Ab interregno inito per quintum demum interregem, M. Valerium Corvum, creati consules A. Cornelius iterum et Cn. Domitius. Tranquillis rebus fama Gallici belli pro tumultu valuit ut dictatorem dici placeret; dictus M. Papirius Crassus et magister equitum P. Valerius Publicola. A quibus cum dilectus intentius quam adversus finitima bella haberetur, exploratores missi attulerunt quieta omnia apud Gallos esse.

After the interregnum had been entered upon, only under the fifth interrex, M. Valerius Corvus, were consuls created: A. Cornelius a second time and Cn. Domitius. With affairs tranquil, the rumor of a Gallic war prevailed as for a tumult, so that it was decided that a dictator be named; M. Papirius Crassus was named, and P. Valerius Publicola master of horse. And when by them the levy was being conducted more strictly than for wars with neighbors, scouts sent reported that all was quiet among the Gauls.

Samnium quoque iam alterum annum turbari novis consiliis suspectum erat; eo ex agro Sidicino exercitus Romanus non deductus. Ceterum Samnites bellum Alexandri Epirensis in Lucanos traxit; qui duo populi adversus regem escensionem a Paesto facientem signis conlatis pugnaverunt. Eo certamine superior Alexander – incertum qua fide culturus, si perinde cetera processissent – pacem cum Romanis fecit.

Samnium, too, was already for a second year suspected of being disturbed by new designs; to that end the Roman army was not drawn off from the Sidicine territory. Moreover, the Samnites dragged the war of Alexander of Epirus onto the Lucanians; and those two peoples fought, with standards joined, against the king as he was making a disembarkation from Paestum. In that contest Alexander was the superior—uncertain with what good faith he would have cultivated it, if the rest had proceeded similarly—he made peace with the Romans.

Eodem anno census actus novique cives censi. Tribus propter eos additae Maecia et Scaptia; censores addiderunt Q. Publilius Philo Sp. Postumius. Romani facti Acerrani lege ab L. Papirio praetore lata, qua civitas sine suffragio data.

In the same year the census was held and new citizens were enrolled. On their account the Maecian and Scaptian tribes were added; the censors were Quintus Publilius Philo and Spurius Postumius. The Acerrani were made Romans by a law carried by Lucius Papirius, praetor, by which citizenship without suffrage was granted.

Haec eo anno domi militiaeque gesta.

These things were done that year, at home and in the field.

[18] Foedus insequens annus seu intemperie caeli seu humana fraude fuit, M. Claudio Marcello C. Valerio consulibus. – Flaccum Potitumque varie in annalibus cognomen consulis invenio; ceterum in eo parui refert quid veri sit –. Illud peruelim – nec omnes auctores sunt – proditum falso esse venenis absumptos quorum mors infamem annum pestilentia fecerit; sicut proditur tamen res, ne cui auctorum fidem abrogaverim, exponenda est. Cum primores civitatis similibus morbis eodemque ferme omnes eventu morerentur, ancilla quaedam ad Q. Fabium Maximum aedilem curulem indicaturam se causam publicae pestis professa est, si ab eo fides sibi data esset haud futurum noxae indicium.

[18] The following year was foul, whether from the intemperance of the sky or from human fraud, under the consuls M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Valerius. – Flaccus and Potitus I find variously in the annals as the consul’s cognomen; however, in that it matters little what the truth is –. This I would very much prefer – nor are all the authors in agreement – to have been transmitted as false: that those whose death made the year infamous with pestilence were carried off by poisons; yet as the matter is reported, lest I abrogate the credibility of any author, it must be set forth. When the foremost men of the state were dying of similar diseases and almost all with the same outcome, a certain maidservant came to Q. Fabius Maximus, curule aedile, declaring that she would indicate the cause of the public plague, if he would give his pledge that there would be no charge of wrongdoing.

Fabius confestim rem ad consules, consules ad senatum referunt consensuque ordinis fides indici data. Tum patefactum muliebri fraude civitatem premi matronasque ea venena coquere et, si sequi extemplo velint, manifesto deprehendi posse. Secuti indicem et coquentes quasdam medicamenta et recondita alia invenerunt; quibus in forum delatis et ad viginti matronis, apud quas deprehensa erant, per viatorem accitis duae ex eis, Cornelia ac Sergia, patriciae utraque gentis, cum ea medicamenta salubria esse contenderent, ab confutante indice bibere iussae ut se falsum commentam arguerent, spatio ad conloquendum sumpto, cum submoto populo [in conspectu omnium] rem ad ceteras rettulissent, haud abnuentibus et illis bibere, epoto [in conspectu omnium] medicamento suamet ipsae fraude omnes interierunt.

Fabius immediately reported the matter to the consuls; the consuls to the senate; and by the consensus of the order credit was given to the informer. Then it was laid open that the state was being pressed by feminine fraud, and that matrons were cooking those poisons, and that, if they should be willing to follow at once, they could be caught in manifest flagrancy. Following the informant they found certain women brewing medicaments and other things stowed away; these having been brought into the forum, and with about twenty matrons, at whose houses they had been discovered, summoned by a messenger, two of them, Cornelia and Sergia, both of patrician clan, since they contended that those medicaments were salubrious, were ordered by the confuting informer to drink, so that they might prove her to have invented a falsehood; time having been taken for conference, when, the crowd removed, [in the sight of all] they had referred the matter to the others, and those too not refusing to drink, after the medicament had been quaffed [in the sight of all] they all perished by their own deceit.

Comprehensae extemplo earum comites magnum numerum matronarum indicaverunt; ex quibus ad centum septuaginta damnatae; neque de veneficiis ante eam diem Romae quaesitum est. Prodigii ea res loco habita captisque magis mentibus quam consceleratis similis visa; itaque memoria ex annalibus repetita in secessionibus quondam plebis clauum ab dictatore fixum alienatas[que] discordia mentes hominum eo piaculo compotes sui fecisse, dictatorem clavi figendi causa creari placuit. Creatus Cn. Qvinctilius magistrum equitum L. Valerium dixit, qui fixo clauo magistratu se abdicaverunt.

Immediately their attendants, having been apprehended, informed on a great number of matrons; of these about 170 were condemned; nor before that day had inquiry at Rome been made concerning poisonings. This matter was held as in the place of a prodigy and seemed more like minds possessed than criminal; and so, the remembrance taken from the annals that in former secessions of the plebs a nail had been fixed by a dictator, and that the minds of men, alienated and at variance by discord, had by that expiation been made self-possessed, it was decided that a dictator be created for the sake of fixing the nail. Created, Cn. Qvinctilius named L. Valerius Master of the Horse, and, the nail having been fixed, they abdicated their magistracy.

[19] Creati consules L. Papirius Crassus iterum L. Plautius Venox; cuius principio anni legati ex Volscis Fabraterni et Lucani Romam venerunt, orantes ut in fidem reciperentur: si a Samnitium armis defensi essent, se sub imperio populi Romani fideliter atque oboedienter futuros. Missi tum ab senatu legati denuntiatumque Samnitibus, ut eorum populorum finibus vim abstinerent; valuitque ea legatio, non tam quia pacem volebant Samnites quam quia nondum parati erant ad bellum.

[19] The consuls were elected, L. Papirius Crassus, for the second time, and L. Plautius Venox; at the beginning of whose year envoys from the Volsci, the Fabraterni, and the Lucanians came to Rome, begging to be received into protection: if they were defended from the arms of the Samnites, they would be under the imperium of the Roman people faithfully and obediently. Then envoys were sent by the senate, and it was notified to the Samnites to refrain from violence within the borders of those peoples; and that embassy had effect, not so much because the Samnites desired peace as because they were not yet prepared for war.

Eodem anno Privernas bellum initum, cuius socii Fundani, dux etiam fuit Fundanus, Vitruvius Vaccus, vir non domi solum sed etiam Romae clarus; aedes fuere in Palatio eius, quae Vacci prata diruto aedificio publicatoque solo appellata. Adversus hunc vastantem effuse Setinum Norbanumque et Coranum agrum L. Papirius profectus haud procul castris eius consedit. Vitruvio nec ut vallo se teneret adversus validiorem hostem sana constare mens, nec ut longius a castris dimicaret animus suppetere; vix tota extra portam castrorum explicata acie, fugam magis retro quam proelium aut hostem spectante milite, sine consilio, sine audacia depugnat.

In the same year a Privernate war was undertaken, in which the Fundani were allies; the leader too was a Fundanian, Vitruvius Vaccus, a man renowned not only at home but also at Rome; he had a house on the Palatine, which, the building having been torn down and the ground made public, was called the Meadows of Vaccus. Against this man, who was ravaging without restraint the fields of Setia, Norba, and Cora, L. Papirius set out and encamped not far from his camp. For Vitruvius, neither did a sound mind stand fast to keep himself by the rampart against a stronger foe, nor did spirit suffice to fight farther from the camp; with the battle line scarcely fully deployed outside the gate of the camp, the soldiers looking more to flight backward than to battle or the enemy, he fights without plan, without audacity.

Ut et levi momento nec ambigue est victus, ita brevitate ipsa loci facilique receptu in tam propinqua castra haud aegre militem a multa caede est tutatus; nec fere quisquam in ipso certamine, pauci in turba fugae extremae, cum in castra ruerent, caesi; primisque tenebris Privernum inde petitum agmine trepido, ut muris potius quam vallo sese tutarentur.

Just as he was beaten in a light moment and without ambiguity, so by the very brevity of the ground and the easy retreat into a camp so near he safeguarded the soldiery from much slaughter without difficulty; scarcely anyone fell in the combat itself—only a few in the turmoil of the final rout, as they were rushing into the camp, were cut down; and at the first darkness they made from there for Privernum in a trembling column, that they might defend themselves by walls rather than by a rampart.

A Priverno Plautius alter consul pervastatis passim agris praedaque abacta in agrum Fundanum exercitum inducit. Ingredienti fines senatus Fundanorum occurrit; negant se pro Vitruvio sectamque eius secutis precatum venisse sed pro Fundano populo; quem extra culpam belli esse ipsum Vitruvium iudicasse, cum receptaculum fugae Privernum habuerit non patriam [Fundanos]. Priverni igitur hostes populi Romani quaerendos persequendosque esse, qui simul a Fundanis ac Romanis utriusque patriae immemores defecerint: Fundis pacem esse et animos Romanos et gratam memoriam acceptae civitatis. Orare se consulem ut bellum ab innoxio populo abstineat; agros, urbem, corpora ipsorum coniugumque ac liberorum suorum in potestate populi Romani esse futuraque.

At Privernum the other consul, Plautius, after the fields had everywhere been thoroughly devastated and the booty driven off, leads his army into the Fundanian territory. As he was entering the borders, the senate of the Fundani met him; they say that they have not come to beg for Vitruvius and those who followed his faction, but for the Fundanian people; whom Vitruvius himself judged to be outside the blame of the war, since he had Privernum as a refuge of flight, not his fatherland [the Fundani]. Therefore the enemies of the Roman people are to be sought out and pursued at Privernum, those who at the same time have defected from both the Fundani and the Romans, forgetful of either fatherland: at Fundi there is peace, Roman spirits, and a grateful memory of the citizenship received. They beg the consul to abstain from war against an innocent people; their fields, their city, the bodies of themselves and of their wives and children are and will be in the power of the Roman people.

Conlaudatis Fundanis consul litterisque Romam missis in officio Fundanos esse ad Privernum flexit iter. Prius animadversum in eos qui capita coniurationis fuerant a consule scribit Claudius: ad trecentos quinquaginta ex coniuratis vinctos Romam missos eamque deditionem ab senatu non acceptam, quod egentium atque humilium poena defungi velle Fundanum populum censuerint. Privernum.

With the Fundani praised and letters sent to Rome that the Fundani were in their duty, the consul turned his route toward Privernum. Claudius writes that earlier punishment had been inflicted by the consul upon those who had been the heads of the conspiracy: about 350 of the conspirators, bound, were sent to Rome, and that surrender was not accepted by the senate, because they judged that the people of Fundi wished to discharge the punishment by the penalty of the needy and humble. Privernum.

[20] Duobus consularibus exercitibus cum obsideretur, alter consul comitiorum causa Romam revocatus. Carceres eo anno in circo primum statuti.

[20] While it was being besieged by two consular armies, one consul was recalled to Rome for the sake of the elections. The starting-gates (carceres) were that year for the first time set up in the Circus.

Nondum perfunctos cura Privernatis belli tumultus Gallici fama atrox invasit, haud ferme unquam neglecta patribus. Extemplo igitur consules novi, L. Aemilius Mamercinus et C. Plautius, eo ipso die, Kalendis Qvinctilibus, quo magistratum inierunt, comparare inter se provincias iussi, Mamercinus, cui Gallicum bellum evenerat, scribere exercitum sine ulla vacationis venia; quin opificum quoque volgus et sellularii, minime militiae idoneum genus, exciti dicuntur; Veiosque ingens exercitus contractus, ut inde obviam Gallis iretur; longius discedi, ne alio itinere hostis falleret ad urbem incedens, non placuit. Paucos deinde post dies satis explorata temporis eius quiete a Gallis Privernum omnis conversa vis.

Not yet discharged from the care of the Privernate war, a dire report of a Gallic tumult burst in—scarcely ever disregarded by the Fathers. Forthwith, therefore, the new consuls, L. Aemilius Mamercinus and C. Plautius, on that very day, the Kalends of Quinctilis, on which they entered upon office, were ordered to apportion the provinces between themselves; Mamercinus, upon whom the Gallic war had fallen, to enroll an army without any leave of exemption; indeed the common crowd of artisans also and chair‑makers, a class least fit for military service, are said to have been called out; and a vast army was assembled to Veii, that from there they might go to meet the Gauls; it did not please to withdraw farther away, lest the enemy, advancing toward the city by another route, should deceive. Then, after a few days, when the quiet from the Gauls at that time had been sufficiently ascertained, the whole force was turned against Privernum.

Duplex inde fama est: alii vi captam urbem Vitruviumque vivum in potestatem venisse: alii priusquam ultima adhiberetur vis, ipsos se in deditionem consuli caduceum praeferentes permisisse auctores sunt Vitruviumque ab suis traditum. Senatus de Vitruvio Privernatibusque consultus consulem Plautium dirutis Priverni muris praesidioque valido imposito ad triumphum accersit: Vitruvium in carcere adservari iussit quoad consul redisset, tum verberatum necari: aedes eius, quae essent in Palatio, diruendas, bona Semoni Sango censuerunt consecranda. Quodque aeris ex eis redactum est, ex eo aenei orbes facti positi in sacello Sangus adversus aedem Quirini.

From there the report is twofold: some say the city was taken by force and that Vitruvius came alive into their power; others are authorities that, before the ultimate violence was applied, they themselves, bearing the caduceus, permitted themselves into surrender to the consul, and that Vitruvius was handed over by his own people. The Senate, when consulted about Vitruvius and the Privernates, summoned the consul Plautius to a triumph, once the walls of Privernum had been torn down and a strong garrison imposed; it ordered Vitruvius to be kept in prison until the consul had returned, then to be scourged and executed; his house, which was on the Palatine, to be demolished; his goods they decreed to be consecrated to Semo Sango. And the bronze that was realized from these was used to make bronze discs, which were placed in the little shrine of Sangus opposite the temple of Quirinus.

De senatu Privernate ita decretum, ut qui senator Priverni post defectionem ab Romanis mansisset trans Tiberim lege eadem qua Veliterni habitaret. His ita decretis usque ad triumphum Plauti silentium de Privernatibus fuit; post triumphum consul necato Vitruvio sociisque eius noxae apud satiatos iam suppliciis nocentium tutam mentionem de Privernatibus ratus, 'quoniam auctores defectionis' inquit, 'meritas poenas et ab dis immortalibus et a vobis habent, patres conscripti, quid placet de innoxia multitudine fieri? equidem, etsi meae partes exquirendae magis sententiae quam dandae sunt, tamen, cum videam Privernates vicinos Samnitibus esse, unde nunc nobis incertissima pax est, quam minimum irarum inter nos illosque relinqui velim'.

Concerning the Privernate senate it was decreed thus: that any senator of Privernum who had remained after the defection from the Romans should dwell across the Tiber under the same law as the Veliternians. With these things thus decreed, there was silence about the Privernates until the triumph of Plautius; after the triumph, the consul—Vitruvius and his associates in guilt having been put to death—judging, among men now sated with the punishments of the guilty, that it was safe to raise the matter of the Privernates, said: 'since the authors of the defection have received their deserved penalties both from the immortal gods and from you, Conscript Fathers, what is your pleasure to be done concerning the blameless multitude? For my part, although my role is rather to solicit opinions than to give them, nevertheless, since I see that the Privernates are neighbors to the Samnites, whence for us now there is a most uncertain peace, I would wish that as little anger as possible be left between us and them.'

[21] Cum ipsa per se res anceps esset, prout cuiusque ingenium erat atrocius mitiusue suadentibus, tum incertiora omnia unus ex Privernatibus legatis fecit, magis condicionis in qua natus esset quam praesentis necessitatis memor; qui interrogatus a quodam tristioris sententiae auctore quam poenam meritos Privernates censeret, 'eam' inquit 'quam merentur qui se libertate dignos censent'. Cuius cum feroci responso infestiores factos videret consul eos qui ante Privernatium causam impugnabant, ut ipse benigna interrogatione mitius responsum eliceret, 'quid si poenam' inquit, 'remittimus vobis, qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus?' 'si bonam dederitis,' inquit 'et fidam et perpetuam; si malam, haud diuturnam.' Tum vero minari nec id ambigue Privernatem quidam et illis vocibus ad rebellandum incitari pacatos populos; pars melior senatus ad molliora responsa trahere et dicere viri et liberi vocem auditam: an credi posse ullum populum aut hominem denique in ea condicione, cuius eum paeniteat, diutius quam necesse sit mansurum? Ibi pacem esse fidam ubi voluntarii pacati sint, neque eo loco ubi servitutem esse velint fidem sperandam esse.

[21] Since the matter in and of itself was precarious, with men urging courses more harsh or more mild according to each one’s disposition, then one of the envoys from Privernum made everything more uncertain, being mindful more of the condition in which he had been born than of the present necessity; when asked by a certain sponsor of the gloomier opinion what penalty he judged the Privernates to have deserved, he said, ‘that which those deserve who deem themselves worthy of liberty.’ When the consul saw that by his fierce reply those who had before been attacking the cause of the Privernates were made more hostile, in order that he himself might draw forth a gentler answer by a benign questioning, he said, ‘what if we remit the penalty to you—what sort of peace ought we to hope to have with you?’ ‘If you give a good one,’ he said, ‘both faithful and perpetual; if a bad one, not long-lasting.’ Then indeed some declared that the Privernate was threatening—and not ambiguously—and that by those words even pacified peoples were being incited to rebel; but the better part of the senate drew matters toward milder responses and said that the voice of a man and a free man had been heard: can anyone believe that any people, or finally any man, will remain in a condition which he repents of longer than he must? Trustworthy peace exists where men are pacified of their own will, nor in that place where they would have servitude is trust to be hoped for.

In hanc sententiam maxime consul ipse inclinavit animos, identidem ad principes sententiarum consulares, uti exaudiri posset a pluribus, dicendo eos demum qui nihil praeterquam de libertate cogitent dignos esse qui Romani fiant. Itaque et in senatu causam obtinuere et ex auctoritate patrum latum ad populum est ut Privernatibus civitas daretur.

Into this opinion the consul himself especially inclined minds, repeatedly, addressing the leading men of consular rank as they gave their opinions, in order that he might be heard by more, declaring that those—and those only—who think of nothing except liberty are worthy to become Romans. And so they prevailed in the senate, and by the authority of the fathers it was brought to the people that citizenship be given to the Privernates.

Eodem anno Anxur trecenti in coloniam missi sunt; bina iugera agri acceperunt.

In the same year, three hundred were sent as a colony to Anxur; they received two iugera of land each.

[22] Secutus est annus nulla re belli domiue insignis, P. Plautio Proculo P. Cornelio Scapula consulibus, praeterquam quod Fregellas – Segninorum is ager, deinde Volscorum fuerat – colonia deducta et populo visceratio data a M. Flavio in funere matris. Erant qui per speciem honorandae parentis meritam mercedem populo solutam interpretarentur, quod eum die dicta ab aedilibus crimine stupratae matrisfamiliae absolvisset. Data visceratio in praeteritam iudicii gratiam honoris etiam ei causa fuit tribunatuque plebei proximis comitiis absens petentibus praefertur.

[22] The year that followed was remarkable by no matter of war or of home, with P. Plautius Proculus and P. Cornelius Scapula as consuls, except that at Fregellae – that land had been of the Segnini, then of the Volsci – a colony was settled, and a distribution of meats was given to the people by M. Flavius at his mother’s funeral. There were those who interpreted it as, under the appearance of honoring his parent, a merited recompense paid out to the people, because on the appointed day he had been acquitted by the aediles of the charge of debauching a matron. The distribution of meats, in gratitude for the past judgment, was also a cause of honor for him, and in the next elections he, though absent, is preferred over those seeking the tribunate of the plebs.

Palaepolis fuit haud procul inde ubi nunc Neapolis sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat. Cumis erant oriundi; Cumani Chalcide Euboica originem trahunt. Classe, qua advecti ab domo fuerant, multum in ora maris eius quod accolunt potuere, primo [in] insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes transferre.

Palaepolis was not far from the place where now Neapolis is situated; one and the same people inhabited two cities. They were originating from Cumae; the Cumaeans trace their origin from Chalcis in Euboea. With the fleet by which they had been conveyed from home, they were able to do much along the shore of the sea which they inhabit, first disembarking upon the islands Aenaria and Pithecusae, then they ventured to transfer their seats to the continent.

Haec civitas cum suis viribus tum Samnitium infidae adversus Romanos societati freta, sive pestilentiae quae Romanam urbem adorta nuntiabatur fidens, multa hostilia adversus Romanos agrum Campanum Falernumque incolentes fecit. Igitur L. Cornelio Lentulo Q. Publilio Philone iterum consulibus, fetialibus Palaepolim ad res repetendas missis cum relatum esset a Graecis, gente lingua magis strenua quam factis, ferox responsum, ex auctoritate patrum populus Palaepolitanis bellum fieri iussit. Inter consules provinciis comparatis bello Graeci persequendi Publilio evenerunt; Cornelius altero exercitu Samnitibus, si qua se moverent, oppositus – fama autem erat defectioni Campanorum imminentes admoturos castra – ; ibi optimum visum Cornelio stativa habere.

This state, relying both on its own forces and on the unfaithful alliance of the Samnites against the Romans, or trusting in the pestilence which was reported to have attacked the Roman city, did many hostile acts against the Romans dwelling in the Campanian and Falernian countryside. Therefore, with L. Cornelius Lentulus and Q. Publilius Philo consul for the second time, the fetials having been sent to Palaepolis to demand restitution, when a fierce answer had been reported back from the Greeks—a people more strenuous in tongue than in deeds—, by authority of the Fathers the people ordered war to be made upon the Palaepolitans. Between the consuls, the provinces having been apportioned for the war, it fell to Publilius to pursue the Greeks; Cornelius, with the other army, was opposed to the Samnites, if in any way they should move—moreover there was a report that, threatening a defection of the Campanians, they would bring up their camp— ; there it seemed best to Cornelius to hold a fixed camp.

[23] Ab utroque consule exiguam spem pacis cum Samnitibus esse certior fit senatus: Publilius duo milia Nolanorum militum et quattuor Samnitium magis Nolanis cogentibus quam voluntate Graecorum recepta Palaepoli; [miserat; Romae compertum,] Cornelius dilectum indictum a magistratibus universumque Samnium erectum ac vicinos populos, Privernatem Fundanumque et Formianum, haud ambigue sollicitari. Ob haec cum legatos mitti placuisset prius ad Samnites quam bellum fieret, responsum redditur ab Samnitibus ferox. Ultro incusabant iniurias Romanorum, neque eo neglegentius ea quae ipsis obicerentur purgabant: haud ullo publico consilio auxilioue iuuari Graecos nec Fundanum Formianumue a se sollicitatos; quippe minime paenitere se virium suarum, si bellum placeat.

[23] The senate is informed by both consuls that there is scant hope of peace with the Samnites: Publilius [reports] that two thousand Nolan soldiers and four thousand Samnites were admitted into Palaepolis, more by the Nolans compelling than by the will of the Greeks; [he had sent; it was discovered at Rome,] Cornelius [reports] that a levy had been proclaimed by the magistrates and that all Samnium was aroused, and that the neighboring peoples—the Privernian, the Fundanian, and the Formian—were being, unequivocally, incited. On account of these things, since it was resolved that envoys be sent first to the Samnites before war should be made, a fierce reply is returned by the Samnites. Of their own accord they arraigned the injustices of the Romans, nor did they the less carefully purge the things that were being alleged against themselves: that the Greeks were not being aided by any public counsel or assistance, nor were the Fundanian or the Formian being solicited by them; indeed, they in no way repent of their own strength, if war should please.

Ceterum non posse dissimulare aegre pati civitatem Samnitium quod Fregellas ex Volscis captas dirutasque ab se restituerit Romanus populus coloniamque in Samnitium agro imposuerint, quam coloni eorum Fregellas appellent; eam se contumeliam iniuriamque, ni sibi ab iis qui fecerint dematur, ipsos omni vi depulsuros esse. Cum Romanus legatus ad disceptandum eos ad communes socios atque amicos vocaret, 'quid perplexe agimus?' inquit; 'nostra certamina, Romani, non verba legatorum nec hominum quisquam disceptator sed campus Campanus, in quo concurrendum est, et arma et communis Mars belli decernet. Proinde inter Capuam Suessulamque castra castris conferamus et Samnis Romanusne imperio Italiam regat decernamus.' Legati Romanorum cum se non quo hostis vocasset sed quo imperatores sui duxissent ituros esse respondissent * * * *

Moreover, they could not dissimulate that the state of the Samnites took it hard that the Roman people had restored Fregellae—taken from the Volsci and demolished by themselves—and had imposed a colony in the territory of the Samnites, which their colonists call Fregellae; that insult and injury, unless it be removed for them by those who have done it, they themselves would repel with all force. When the Roman legate was calling them to dispute the matter before common allies and friends, “why do we go about it in a roundabout way?” he says; “our contests, Romans, will be decided not by the words of envoys nor by any man as arbitrator, but by the Campanian plain, on which we must clash, and by arms and by the common Mars of war. Therefore, between Capua and Suessula let us bring camp against camp and determine whether a Samnite or a Roman shall rule Italy by imperium.” When the envoys of the Romans replied that they would go not where the enemy had summoned but where their own commanders had led them, * * * *

Iam Publilius inter Palaepolim Neapolimque loco opportune capto diremerat hostibus societatem auxilii mutui qua, ut quisque locus premeretur, inter se usi fuerant. Itaque cum et comitiorum dies instaret et Publilium imminentem hostium muris avocari ab spe capiendae in dies urbis haud e re publica esset, actum cum tribunis est ad populum ferrent ut, cum Q. Publilius Philo consulatu abisset, pro consule rem gereret quoad debellatum cum Graecis esset.

Now Publilius, by opportunely seizing a position between Palaepolis and Neapolis, had cut off from the enemies the alliance of mutual aid which they had employed among themselves, as each place was pressured. And so, since both the day of the comitia was at hand and it was not for the commonwealth that Publilius, imminent at the enemy’s walls, be called away from the hope—growing day by day—of capturing the city, it was arranged with the tribunes that they should bring before the people a measure that, when Q. Publilius Philo had departed from the consulship, he should conduct affairs as proconsul until the war with the Greeks was brought to an end.

L. Cornelio, quia ne eum quidem in Samnium iam ingressum revocari ab impetu belli placebat, litterae missae ut dictatorem comitiorum causa diceret. Dixit M. Claudium Marcellum; ab eo magister equitum dictus Sp. Postumius. Nec tamen ab dictatore comitia sunt habita, quia vitione creatus esset in disquisitionem venit.

To L. Cornelius, because it did not seem good that even he, now already entered into Samnium, be recalled from the impulse of the war, letters were sent that he should name a dictator for the sake of the elections. He named M. Claudius Marcellus; by him Sp. Postumius was named master of the horse. And yet the elections were not held by the dictator, because it came into disquisition that he had been elected with a flaw (vitio).

Consulti augures vitiosum videri dictatorem pronuntiaverunt. Eam rem tribuni suspectam infamemque criminando fecerunt: nam neque facile fuisse id vitium nosci, cum consul oriens de nocte silentio diceret dictatorem, neque ab consule cuiquam publice privatimue de ea re scriptum esse nec quemquam mortalium exstare qui se vidisse aut audisse quid dicat quod auspicium dirimeret, neque augures divinare Romae sedentes potuisse quid in castris consuli vitii obuenisset; cui non apparere, quod plebeius dictator sit, id vitium auguribus visum? Haec aliaque ab tribunis nequiquam iactata; tamen ad interregnum res redit, dilatisque alia atque alia de causa comitiis quartus decimus demum interrex L. Aemilius consules creat C. Poetelium L. Papirium Mugillanum; Cursorem in aliis annalibus invenio.

Consulted, the augurs pronounced that the dictator seemed vitiated. The tribunes, by criminating, rendered that matter suspect and infamous: for neither would that flaw have been easy to be known, since the consul, rising by night, named the dictator in silence; nor had anything been written by the consul to anyone, publicly or privately, about this matter; nor does there exist any mortal who says that he saw or heard anything that would dissolve the auspice; nor could the augurs, sitting at Rome, divine what flaw had befallen the consul in the camp; is it not apparent that, because the dictator is a plebeian, that is the flaw which seemed so to the augurs? These and other things were vainly bandied about by the tribunes; nevertheless the matter returns to an interregnum, and the elections, having been deferred for one reason and another, at last the fourteenth interrex, L. Aemilius, creates as consuls C. Poetelius and L. Papirius Mugillanus; I find “Cursor” in other annals.

[24] Eodem anno Alexandream in Aegypto proditum conditam Alexandrumque Epiri regem ab exsule Lucano interfectum sortes Dodonaei Iovis eventu adfirmasse. Accito ab Tarentinis in Italiam data dictio erat, caveret Acherusiam aquam Pandosiamque urbem: ibi fatis eius terminum dari. Eoque ocius transmisit in Italiam ut quam maxime procul abesset urbe Pandosia in Epiro et Acheronte amni, quem ex Molosside fluentem in Stagna Inferna accipit Thesprotius sinus.

[24] In the same year it has been handed down that Alexandria in Egypt was founded, and that Alexander, king of Epirus, was slain by a Lucanian exile; the lots of Dodonaean Jove affirmed the outcome. Having been summoned by the Tarentines into Italy, a dictum had been given that he should beware the Acherusian water and the city Pandosia: there the limit of his fates would be set. And for that reason he crossed over the more swiftly into Italy, so that he might be as far as possible from the city Pandosia in Epirus and the river Acheron, which, flowing from Molossia, the Thesprotian gulf receives into the Infernal Stagnations.

Ceterum ut ferme fugiendo in media fata ruitur, cum saepe Bruttias Lucanasque legiones fudisset, Heracleam, Tarentinorum coloniam, ex Lucanis Sipontumque, Bruttiorum Consentiam ac Terinam, alias inde Messapiorum ac Lucanorum cepisset urbes et trecentas familias illustres in Epirum quas obsidum numero haberet misisset, haud procul Pandosia urbe, imminente Lucanis ac Bruttiis finibus, tres tumulos aliquantum inter se distantes insedit, ex quibus incursiones in omnem partem agri hostilis faceret; et ducentos ferme Lucanorum exsules circa se pro fidis habebat, ut pleraque eius generis ingenia sunt, cum fortuna mutabilem gerentes fidem.

But, as commonly by fleeing one rushes into the very midst of one’s fates, although he had often routed the Bruttian and Lucanian legions, after he had taken Heraclea, a colony of the Tarentines, from the Lucanians, and Sipontum, and—of the Bruttians—Consentia and Terina, and from there other cities of the Messapians and Lucanians, and had sent into Epirus three hundred illustrious families to have them in the number of hostages, not far from the city of Pandosia, looming over the borders of the Lucanians and Bruttians, he occupied three hills, somewhat distant from one another, from which he might make incursions into every part of the enemy’s land; and he kept about him nearly two hundred exiles of the Lucanians as trusty men, as most dispositions of that kind are, carrying a fidelity changeable with fortune.

Imbres continui campis omnibus inundatis cum interclusissent trifariam exercitum a mutuo inter se auxilio, duo praesidia quae sine rege erant improviso hostium adventu opprimuntur; deletisque eis ad ipsius obsidionem omnes conversi. Inde ab Lucanis exsulibus ad suos nuntii missi sunt pactoque reditu promissum est regem aut vivum aut mortuum in potestatem daturos. Ceterum cum delectis ipse egregium facinus ausus per medios erumpit hostes et ducem Lucanorum comminus congressum obtruncat; contrahensque suos ex fuga palatos pervenit ad amnem ruinis recentibus pontis, quem vis aequae abstulerat, indicantem iter.

With continuous rains, as all the fields were inundated and they had intercluded the army in three parts from mutual aid among themselves, two garrisons which were without the king were overwhelmed by the unforeseen advent of the enemies; and with these destroyed, all turned to the siege of the man himself. Then from the Lucanian exiles messengers were sent to their own people, and with return bargained it was promised that they would deliver the king, alive or dead, into their power. But he himself, with chosen men, daring a distinguished exploit, bursts through the midst of the enemies and hews down the leader of the Lucanians, having engaged him at close quarters; and drawing together his men, scattered by flight, he came to a river, the recent ruins of a bridge—which the force of the water had carried away—pointing out the way.

Quem cum incerto vado transiret agmen, fessus metu ac labore miles, increpans nomen abominandum fluminis, 'iure Acheros vocaris' inquit. Quod ubi ad aures accidit regis, adiecit extemplo animum fatis suis substititque dubius an transiret. Tum Sotimus, minister ex regiis pueris, quid in tanto discrimine periculi cunctaretur interrogans indicat Lucanos insidiis quaerere locum.

When the column was crossing it at an uncertain ford, a soldier, wearied by fear and toil, rebuking the abominable name of the river, said, “Rightly you are called Acheron.” When this reached the king’s ears, he straightway steeled his mind to his destined fates and halted, doubtful whether to cross. Then Sotimus, an attendant from the royal pages, asking why he delayed in so great a crisis of peril, points out that the Lucanians are seeking a place for an ambush.

Quos ubi respexit rex procul grege facto venientes, stringit gladium et per medium amnem transmittit equum; iamque in vadum egressum eminus veruto Lucanus exsul transfigit. Lapsum inde cum inhaerente telo corpus exanime detulit amnis in hostium praesidia. Ibi foeda laceratio corporis facta.

When the king looked back and saw them coming from afar with a band formed, he draws his sword and drives his horse through the middle of the river; and now, as he came out into the ford, a Lucanian exile transfixed him from a distance with a javelin. Fallen thereupon, with the weapon sticking fast, the stream bore his lifeless body into the enemy’s outposts. There a foul mutilation of the body was done.

Namque praeciso medio partem Consentiam misere, pars ipsis retenta ad ludibrium; quae cum iaculis saxisque procul incesseretur, mulier una ultra humanarum irarum fidem saevienti turbae immixta, ut parumper sustinerent precata, flens ait virum sibi liberosque captos apud hostes esse; sperare corpore regio utcumque mulcato se suos redempturam. Is finis laceratione fuit, sepultumque Consentiae quod membrorum reliquum fuit cura mulieris unius, ossaque Metapontum ad hostes remissa, inde Epirum devecta ad Cleopatram uxorem sororemque Olympiadem, quarum mater magni Alexandri altera, soror altera fuit. Haec de Alexandri Epirensis tristi eventu, quamquam Romano bello fortuna eum abstinuit, tamen, quia in Italia bella gessit, paucis dixisse satis sit.

For indeed, the middle having been cut away, they sent part to Consentia, and part was kept by themselves for mockery; and when this was assailed from afar with javelins and stones, a woman, mingled with the raging crowd beyond belief of human wrath, having begged that they hold back for a little while, said through tears that her husband and children were captives among the enemy; she hoped that, with the royal body however maltreated, she would redeem her own. That was the end of the mutilation, and what remained of the limbs was buried at Consentia by the care of one woman; and the bones were sent to Metapontum to the enemies, from there conveyed to Epirus to Cleopatra his wife and to Olympias his sister—of whom the one was the mother, the other the sister, of great Alexander. So much about the grim outcome of Alexander of Epirus; although Fortune kept him away from a Roman war, nevertheless, because he waged wars in Italy, let it be enough to have said this briefly.

[25] Eodem anno lectisternium Romae quinto post conditam urbem iisdem quibus ante placandis habitum est dies. Noui deinde consules iussu populi cum misissent qui indicerent Samnitibus bellum, ipsi maiore conatu quam adversus Graecos cuncta parabant; et alia nova nihil tum animo tale agitantibus accesserunt auxilia. Lucani atque Apuli, quibus gentibus nihil ad eam diem cum Romano populo fuerat, in fidem venerunt, arma virosque ad bellum pollicentes; foedere ergo in amicitiam accepti.

[25] In the same year a lectisternium at Rome was held, a day for appeasing the same deities as before, for the fifth time since the city was founded. Then the new consuls, by order of the people, when they had sent envoys to declare war on the Samnites, themselves prepared everything with greater exertion than against the Greeks; and other new auxiliaries came in, though at that time they were contemplating nothing of the sort. The Lucanians and the Apulians, peoples with whom up to that day there had been nothing with the Roman people, came into allegiance, promising arms and men for the war; by a treaty, therefore, they were received into friendship.

Eodem tempore etiam in Samnio res prospere gesta. Tria oppida in potestatem venerunt, Allifae, Callifae, Rufrium, aliusque ager primo adventu consulum longe lateque est pervastatus.

At the same time also in Samnium the affair went prosperously. Three towns came into power—Allifae, Callifae, Rufrium—and other land, at the consuls’ first arrival, was devastated far and wide.

Hoc bello tam prospere commisso, alteri quoque bello quo Graeci obsidebantur iam finis aderat. Nam praeterquam quod intersaeptis munimentis hostium pars parti abscisa erat, foediora aliquanto intra muros iis quibus hostis territabat patiebantur et velut capti a suismet ipsis praesidiis indigna iam liberis quoque ac coniugibus et quae captarum urbium extrema sunt [patiebantur]. Itaque cum et a Tarento et a Samnitibus fama esset nova auxilia ventura, Samnitium plus quam vellent intra moenia esse rebantur, Tarentinorum iuventutem, Graeci Graecos, haud minus per quos Samniti Nolanoque quam ut Romanis hostibus resisterent, exspectabant. Postremo levissimum malorum deditio ad Romanos visa: Charilaus et Nymphius principes civitatis communicato inter se consilio partes ad rem agendam divisere, ut alter ad imperatorem Romanorum transfugeret, alter subsisteret ad praebendam opportunam consilio urbem.

With this war having been so prosperously set on foot, an end was now at hand also for the other war in which the Greeks were being besieged. For, besides the fact that, with the enemy’s fortifications thrown across as partitions, part had been cut off from part, they were suffering things somewhat more foul inside the walls than those with which the enemy was terrifying them, and, as though captured by their very own garrisons, they were now enduring indignities even for their children and wives, and the things which are the last extremities of captured cities [they were suffering]. And so, since there was a report that from Tarentum and from the Samnites new auxiliaries were coming, they reckoned that there were more Samnites within the walls than they wanted; the youth of the Tarentines—Greeks for Greeks—they were awaiting, by whom they might withstand the Samnite and the Nolan no less than their Roman enemies. At last, surrender to the Romans seemed the lightest of evils: Charilaus and Nymphius, leading men of the state, after sharing counsel between themselves, divided the parts for carrying out the affair, to wit, that the one should desert to the commander of the Romans, the other should remain to offer the city, opportune to the plan.

Charilaus fuit qui ad Publilium Philonem venit et, quod bonum faustum felix Palaepolitanis populoque Romano esset, tradere se ait moenia statuisse. Eo facto utrum ab se prodita an servata patria videatur, in fide Romana positum esse. Sibi privatim nec pacisci quicquam nec petere; publice petere quam pacisci magis ut, si successisset inceptum, cogitaret populus Romanus potius cum quanto studio periculoque reditum in amicitiam suam esset quam qua stultitia et temeritate de officio decessum.

It was Charilaus who came to Publilius Philo and declared that, in order that it be good, auspicious, and fortunate for the Palaepolitans and for the Roman people, he had resolved to hand over the walls. With that done, whether the fatherland would seem by him to have been betrayed or preserved depended on Roman good faith. For himself privately he neither bargained for anything nor asked; on public grounds he asked rather than bargained that, if the enterprise should have succeeded, the Roman people would consider rather with how much zeal and peril the return into their friendship had been made than with what folly and temerity duty had been abandoned.

Conlaudatus ab imperatore tria milia militum ad occupandam eam partem urbis quam Samnites insidebant accepit; praesidio ei L. Qvinctius tribunus militum praepositus.

Commended by the general, he received 3,000 soldiers to occupy that part of the city which the Samnites were holding; as a guard for him, L. Quinctius, a military tribune, was put in command.

[26] Eodem tempore et Nymphius praetorem Samnitium arte adgressus perpulerat, ut, quoniam omnis Romanus exercitus aut circa Palaepolim aut in Samnio esset, sineret se classe circumvehi ad Romanum agrum, non oram modo maris sed ipsi urbi propinqua loca depopulaturum; sed ut falleret, nocte proficiscendum esse extemploque naves deducendas. Quod quo maturius fieret, omnis iuventus Samnitium praeter necessarium urbis praesidium ad litus missa. Ubi dum Nymphius in tenebris et multitudine semet ipsa impediente, sedulo aliis alia imperia turbans, terit tempus, Charilaus ex composito ab sociis in urbem receptus, cum summa urbis Romano milite implesset, tolli clamorem iussit; ad quem Graeci signo accepto a principibus quievere, Nolani per aversam partem urbis via Nolam ferente effugiunt.

[26] At the same time Nymphius too, having approached the praetor of the Samnites by artifice, had prevailed upon him that, since the whole Roman army was either around Palaepolis or in Samnium, he should allow him to be conveyed by fleet around to the Roman territory, to devastate not only the sea-shore but the places near to the city itself; but, in order to deceive, that they must set out by night and the ships be launched immediately. And that this might be done the more quickly, all the youth of the Samnites, except the garrison necessary for the city, was sent to the shore. There, while Nymphius, in the darkness and with the multitude hindering itself, busily throwing into confusion different commands to different men, wastes time, Charilaus, according to the plan, being admitted into the city by the allies, when he had filled the key points of the city with Roman soldiery, ordered a shout to be raised; at which the Greeks, the signal having been received from their chiefs, kept quiet, and the Nolans escape through the back part of the city by a road leading to Nola.

Samnitibus exclusis ab urbe ut expeditior in praesentia fuga, ita foedior postquam periculo evaserunt visa, quippe qui inermes nulla rerum suarum non relicta inter hostes, ludibrium non externis modo sed etiam popularibus, spoliati atque egentes domos rediere. Haud ignarus opinionis alterius, qua haec proditio ab Samnitibus facta traditur, cum auctoribus hoc dedi, quibus dignius credi est, tum foedus Neapolitanum – eo enim deinde summa rei Graecorum venit – similius vero facit ipsos in amicitiam redisse. Publilio triumphus decretus, quod satis credebatur obsidione domitos hostes in fidem venisse.

With the Samnites shut out from the city, although their flight was more unencumbered for the moment, yet it seemed the more shameful after they had escaped the danger, since, unarmed, having left none of their possessions not among the enemies, a laughingstock not only to foreigners but even to their own compatriots, despoiled and destitute they returned home. Not unaware of another opinion, according to which this treachery is handed down as having been done by the Samnites, I have both set this down on the authority of those to whom it is more worthy to give credence, and the Neapolitan treaty – for to that thereafter the management of the Greeks’ affair came – makes it more like the truth that they themselves returned into friendship. A triumph was decreed to Publilius, because it was believed sufficient that the enemies, subdued by the siege, had come into allegiance.

Duo singularia haec ei viro primum contigere, prorogatio imperii non ante in ullo facta et acto honore triumphus.

Two singular things first befell this man: the prorogation of imperium, not previously done in the case of any, and a triumph after his magistracy had been completed.

[27] Aliud subinde bellum cum alterius orae Graecis exortum. Namque Tarentini cum rem Palaepolitanam vana spe auxilii aliquamdiu sustinuissent, postquam Romanos urbe potitos accepere, velut destituti ac non qui ipsi destituissent, increpare Palaepolitanos, ira atque invidia in Romanos furere, eo etiam quod Lucanos et Apulos – nam utraque eo anno societas coepta est – in fidem populi Romani venisse allatum est: quippe propemodum perventum ad se esse iamque in eo rem fore ut Romani aut hostes aut domini habendi sint. Discrimen profecto rerum suarum in bello Samnitium eventuque eius verti; eam solam gentem restare nec eam ipsam satis validam, quando Lucanus defecerit; quem revocari adhuc impellique ad abolendam societatem Romanam posse, si qua ars serendis discordiis adhibeatur.

[27] Another war thereupon arose with the Greeks of the other coast. For the Tarentines, since for some time they had sustained the Palaepolitan affair by a vain hope of aid, after they learned that the Romans had gotten possession of the city, as though they were the ones forsaken, and not those who themselves had forsaken, began to upbraid the Palaepolitans; they raged with anger and envy against the Romans, for this reason also, that it was reported the Lucanians and Apulians — for with both peoples in that year a league was begun — had come into the faith of the Roman People: indeed, that it had well-nigh reached to themselves, and that the situation would now be such that the Romans must be held either as enemies or as masters. Assuredly the crisis of their affairs was turning on the Samnite war and its outcome; that that sole nation remained, nor was that one itself strong enough, since the Lucanian had defected; that that people could still be called back and driven to abolish the Roman alliance, if any art for sowing discords were applied.

Haec consilia cum apud cupidos rerum novandarum valuissent, ex iuventute quidam Lucanorum pretio adsciti, clari magis inter populares quam honesti, inter se mulcati ipsi virgis, cum corpora nuda intulissent in civium coetum, vociferati sunt se, quod castra Romana ingredi ausi essent, a consulibus virgis caesos ac prope securi percussos esse. Deformis suapte natura res cum speciem iniuriae magis quam doli prae se ferret, concitati homines cogunt clamore suo magistratus senatum vocare; et alii circumstantes concilium bellum in Romanos poscunt, alii ad concitandam in arma multitudinem agrestium discurrunt, tumultuque etiam sanos consternante animos decernitur ut societas cum Samnitibus renovaretur, legatique ad eam rem mittuntur. Repentina res quia quam causam nullam tam ne fidem quidem habebat, coacti a Samnitibus et obsides dare et praesidia in loca munita accipere, caeci fraude et ira nihil recusarunt.

When these counsels had prevailed among those eager for innovations, certain men of the Lucanian youth, enlisted for a price—more notable among their countrymen than reputable—having themselves been beaten with rods, after they had brought their naked bodies into the assembly of citizens, shouted that, because they had dared to enter the Roman camp, they had been flogged by the consuls and almost struck with the axe. Since the thing, hideous by its own nature, bore before it the appearance of injury rather than of trickery, the men, stirred up, by their shouting compel the magistrates to call the senate; and some, standing around the council, demand war against the Romans, others run about to rouse to arms the multitude of country folk; and as the tumult confounded even sound minds, it is decreed that the alliance with the Samnites be renewed, and legates are sent for that purpose. Because the affair was sudden and had not so much as a cause, nor even credibility, they, compelled by the Samnites both to give hostages and to receive garrisons into fortified places, blind through fraud and anger, refused nothing.

Dilucere deinde brevi fraus coepit postquam criminum falsorum auctores Tarentum commigravere; sed amissa omni de se potestate nihil ultra quam ut paeniteret frustra restabat.

Then shortly the fraud began to come to light after the authors of the false accusations migrated to Tarentum; but, with all authority over themselves lost, nothing remained beyond a vain repentance.

[28] Eo anno plebi Romanae velut aliud initium libertatis factum est quod necti desierunt; mutatum autem ius ob unius feneratoris simul libidinem, simul crudelitatem insignem. L. Papirius is fuit, cui cum se C. Publilius ob aes alienum paternum nexum dedisset, quae aetas formaque misericordiam elicere poterant, ad libidinem et contumeliam animum accenderunt. [ut] florem aetatis eius fructum adventicium crediti ratus, primo perlicere adulescentem sermone incesto est conatus; dein, postquam aspernabantur flagitium aures, minis territare atque identidem admonere fortunae; postremo, cum ingenuitatis magis quam praesentis condicionis memorem videret, nudari iubet verberaque adferri.

[28] In that year, for the Roman plebs, as it were another beginning of liberty was made, in that to be bound in nexum ceased; moreover the law was changed on account of a single usurer’s both libido and conspicuous cruelty. It was L. Papirius, to whom, when C. Publilius had given himself into nexum on account of his father’s alien-debt, the age and beauty which could have elicited mercy instead kindled his mind to lust and contumely. [ut] Thinking the flower of his youth to be an adventitious profit on the credit, at first he tried to entice the young man with unchaste speech; then, after his ears spurned the shame, he began to terrify him with threats and again and again to remind him of his lot; finally, when he saw him mindful more of his freeborn condition than of his present state, he orders him to be stripped and the rods to be brought.

Quibus laceratus iuvenis cum se in publicum proripuisset, libidinem crudelitatemque conquerens feneratoris, ingens vis hominum cum aetatis miseratione atque indignitate iniuriae accensa, tum suae condicionis liberumque suorum respectu, in forum atque inde agmine facto ad curiam concurrit; et cum consules tumultu repentino coacti senatum vocarent, introeuntibus in curiam patribus laceratum iuvenis tergum procumbentes ad singulorum pedes ostentabant. Victum eo die ob impotentem iniuriam unius ingens vinculum fidei iussique consules ferre ad populum ne quis, nisi qui noxam meruisset, donec poenam lueret in compedibus aut in neruo teneretur; pecuniae creditae bona debitoris, non corpus obnoxium esset. Ita nexi soluti, cautumque in posterum ne necterentur.

When, lacerated by these blows, the young man had rushed out into public, complaining of the moneylender’s lust and cruelty, an immense throng of people, fired both by pity for his age and by the indignity of the injury, and also out of regard for their own condition and for the freedom of their children, ran into the Forum and from there, a column having been formed, to the Curia; and when the consuls, compelled by the sudden tumult, were summoning the Senate, as the senators were entering the Curia they, prostrating themselves at the feet of each, were displaying the young man’s lacerated back. On that day, on account of the unbridled injustice of one man, the immense bond of credit was overcome, and the consuls were ordered to bring before the people that no one, unless he had deserved guilt, should be held in fetters or in the stocks until he paid the penalty; for money lent the goods of the debtor, not his body, should be liable. Thus those bound by nexum were released, and provision was made that thereafter they should not be bound by nexum.

[29] Eodem anno cum satis per se ipsum Samnitium bellum et defectio repens Lucanorum auctoresque defectionis Tarentini sollicitos haberent patres, accessit ut et Vestinus populus Samnitibus sese coniungeret. Quae res sicut eo anno sermonibus magis passim hominum iactata quam in publico ullo concilio est, ita insequentis anni consulibus, L. Furio Camillo iterum Iunio Bruto Scaeuae, nulla prior potiorque visa est de qua ad senatum referrent. Et quamquam [non] nova res erat, tamen tanta cura patres incessit ut pariter eam susceptam neglectamque timerent, ne aut impunitas eorum lascivia superbiaque aut bello poenae expetitae metu propinquo atque ira concirent finitimos populos; et erat genus omne abunde bello Samnitibus par, Marsi Paelignique et Marrucini, quos, si Vestinus attingeretur, omnes habendos hostes.

[29] In the same year, when the senators were kept sufficiently anxious by the Samnite war in and of itself and by the sudden defection of the Lucanians, and by the Tarentines as the authors of the defection, there was added that the Vestine people also joined themselves to the Samnites. Which affair, just as in that year it was tossed about more in the conversations of men everywhere than in any public council, so to the consuls of the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus for the second time, and Junius Brutus Scaeva, nothing seemed earlier or more preferable about which to refer to the senate. And although [not] a new matter, nevertheless so great a concern seized the fathers that they equally feared it whether taken up or neglected, lest either their impunity, through wantonness and arrogance, or punishments sought by war, with fear and anger close at hand, should stir up the neighboring peoples; and there was every kind abundantly equal in war to the Samnites—the Marsi and the Paeligni and the Marrucini—whom, if the Vestine were touched, all would have to be reckoned as enemies.

Vicit tamen pars quae in praesentia videri potuit maioris animi quam consilii; sed eventus docuit fortes fortunam iuuare. Bellum ex auctoritate patrum populus adversus Vestinos iussit. Provincia ea Bruto, Samnium Camillo sorte evenit.

Nevertheless, the party prevailed which for the moment could seem of greater spirit than of counsel; but the outcome taught that Fortune aids the brave. By the authority of the fathers the people decreed war against the Vestini. That province fell by lot to Brutus; Samnium to Camillus.

Exercitus utroque ducti et cura tuendorum finium hostes prohibiti coniungere arma. Ceterum alterum consulem L. Furium, cui maior moles rerum imposita erat, morbo gravi implicitum fortuna bello subtraxit; iussusque dictatorem dicere rei gerendae causa longe clarissimum bello ea tempestate dixit, L. Papirium Cursorem, a quo Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus magister equitum est dictus, par nobile rebus in eo magistratu gestis, discordia tamen, qua prope ad ultimum dimicationis ventum est, nobilius.

The armies were led on both sides, and by care for guarding the boundaries the enemies were prevented from joining arms. But Fortune withdrew from the war the other consul, L. Furius—upon whom a greater mass of affairs had been imposed—entangling him in a grave illness; and, being ordered to appoint a dictator for the purpose of conducting the affair, he named as by far the most illustrious in war at that time L. Papirius Cursor, by whom Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus was named Master of the Horse—an equal, noble in the deeds performed in that magistracy—yet more renowned for the discord, by which they came almost to the last extremity of combat.

Ab altero consule in Vestinis multiplex bellum nec usquam vario eventu gestum est. Nam et pervastavit agros et populando atque urendo tecta hostium sataque in aciem invitos extraxit; et ita proelio uno accidit Vestinorum res, haudquaquam tamen incruento milite suo, ut non in castra solum refugerent hostes sed iam ne vallo quidem ac fossis freti dilaberentur in oppida, situ urbium moenibusque se defensuri. Postremo oppida quoque vi expugnare adortus, primo Cutinam ingenti ardore militum a volnerum ira quod haud fere quisquam integer proelio excesserat, scalis cepit, deinde Cingiliam.

By the other consul among the Vestini a manifold war was waged, and nowhere with a variable outcome. For he both thoroughly devastated the fields and, by plundering and burning the houses and the sown lands of the enemy, drew them, unwilling, into the battle line; and thus, by a single battle, it befell the fortunes of the Vestini—by no means, however, with his own soldiery unbloodied—that the foes not only fled back into their camp, but now, not even relying on the rampart and ditches, slipped away into their towns, intending to defend themselves by the site of the cities and their walls. Finally, when he also set about to storm the towns by force, first he took Cutina by ladders, with the immense ardor of the soldiers from the wrath of their wounds—since scarcely anyone had left the battle unhurt—then Cingilia.

Utriusque urbis praedam militibus, quod eos neque portae nec muri hostium arcuerant, concessit.

He granted to the soldiers the plunder of both cities, because neither the gates nor the enemy walls had warded them off.

[30] In Samnium incertis itum auspiciis est; cuius rei vitium non in belli eventum, quod prospere gestum est, sed in rabiem atque iras imperatorum vertit. Namque Papirius dictator a pullario monitus cum ad auspicium repetendum Romam proficisceretur, magistro equitum denuntiavit ut sese loco teneret neu absente se cum hoste manum consereret. Q. Fabius cum post profectionem dictatoris per exploratores comperisset perinde omnia soluta apud hostes ac si nemo Romanus in Samnio esset, seu ferox adulescens indignitate accensus quod omnia in dictatore viderentur reposita esse seu occasione bene gerendae rei inductus, exercitu instructo paratoque profectus ad Imbrinium – ita vocant locum – acie cum Samnitibus conflixit.

[30] Into Samnium the march was made under uncertain auspices; the fault of this matter told not upon the outcome of the war, which was conducted prosperously, but turned into the frenzy and wrath of the commanders. For Papirius the dictator, warned by the pullarius, when he was setting out to Rome to repeat the auspices, gave formal notice to the master of the horse to hold his position and not, in his absence, to join battle with the enemy. Q. Fabius, when after the dictator’s departure he had learned through scouts that everything on the enemy’s side was as lax as if no Roman were in Samnium, whether as a fierce young man inflamed by the indignity that everything seemed to be reposed in the dictator, or induced by the opportunity of managing the affair well, with the army drawn up and ready set out to Imbrinium – so they call the place – and in battle line engaged with the Samnites.

Ea fortuna pugnae fuit ut nihil relictum sit quo, si adfuisset dictator, res melius geri potuerit; non dux militi, non miles duci defuit. Eques etiam auctore L. Cominio tribuno militum, qui aliquotiens impetu capto perrumpere non poterat hostium agmen, detraxit frenos equis atque ita concitatos calcaribus permisit ut sustinere eos nulla vis posset; per arma, per viros late stragem dedere; secutus pedes impetum equitum turbatis hostibus intulit signa. Viginti milia hostium caesa eo die traduntur.

Such was the fortune of the battle that nothing was left whereby, if the dictator had been present, the affair could have been conducted better; neither did the commander fail the soldier, nor the soldier the commander. The cavalry too, on the authority of L. Cominius, a tribune of the soldiers, who several times, having seized the impetus, had not been able to break through the enemy column, pulled the bridles off their horses and thus, the beasts stirred, let them go under the spurs so that no force could withstand them; through arms, through men, they dealt slaughter far and wide; the infantry, following the onset of the cavalry, with the enemy thrown into disorder, bore in the standards. It is reported that 20,000 of the enemy were cut down that day.

Auctores habeo bis cum hoste signa conlata dictatore absente, bis rem egregie gestam; apud antiquissimos scriptores una haec pugna invenitur; in quibusdam annalibus tota res praetermissa est.

I have authorities that twice the standards were joined with the enemy, the dictator being absent, and twice the matter was conducted in distinguished fashion; among the most ancient writers this one battle is found; in certain annals the whole affair has been passed over.

Magister equitum ut ex tanta caede multis potitus spoliis congesta in ingentem aceruum hostilia arma subdito igne concremavit, seu votum id deorum cuipiam fuit seu credere libet Fabio auctori eo factum ne suae gloriae fructum dictator caperet nomenque ibi scriberet aut spolia in triumpho ferret. Litterae quoque de re prospere gesta ad senatum non ad dictatorem missae argumentum fuere minime cum eo communicantis laudes. Ita certe dictator id factum accepit, ut laetis aliis victoria parta prae se ferret iram tristitiamque.

The Master of the Horse, after from so great a slaughter having gotten possession of many spoils, burned the hostile arms, piled into a huge heap, by placing fire beneath—whether this was a vow to some god, or, with Fabius as authority, one prefers to believe it was done lest the Dictator should reap the fruit of his glory and inscribe his name there or carry the spoils in a triumph. Letters also about the affair successfully accomplished were sent to the Senate, not to the Dictator, evidence that he was by no means sharing praises with him. Thus indeed the Dictator took that deed, in such a way that, while others were glad at the victory won, he openly bore anger and sadness.

Misso itaque repente senatu se ex curia proripuit, tum vero non Samnitium magis legiones quam maiestatem dictatoriam et disciplinam militarem a magistro equitum victam et eversam dictitans, si illi impune spretum imperium fuisset. Itaque plenus minarum iraeque profectus in castra, cum maximis itineribus isset, non tamen praevenire famam adventus sui potuit; praecucurrerant enim ab urbe qui nuntiarent dictatorem avidum poenae venire, alternis paene verbis T. Manli factum laudantem.

Having therefore suddenly dismissed the senate, he rushed out of the curia; then indeed asserting that not so much the legions of the Samnites as the dictatorial majesty and military discipline had been conquered and overthrown by the master of horse, if his command had been scorned with impunity. And so, full of threats and wrath, he set out for the camp; although he had gone with the greatest speed, he still could not outstrip the rumor of his arrival; for there had run ahead from the city men to announce that the dictator, avid for punishment, was coming, almost with alternate words lauding the deed of T. Manlius.

[31] Fabius contione extemplo advocata obtestatus milites est ut, qua virtute rem publicam ab infestissimis hostibus defendissent, eadem se cuius ductu auspicioque vicissent ab impotenti crudelitate dictatoris tutarentur: venire amentem invidia, iratum virtuti alienae felicitatique; furere quod se absente res publica egregie gesta esset; malle, si mutare fortunam posset, apud Samnites quam Romanos victoriam esse; imperium dictitare spretum, tamquam non eadem mente pugnari vetuerit qua pugnatum doleat. Et tunc invidia impedire virtutem alienam voluisse cupidissimisque arma ablaturum fuisse militibus, ne se absente moveri possent; et nunc id furere, id aegre pati, quod sine L. Papirio non inermes, non manci milites fuerint, quod se Q. Fabius magistrum equitum duxerit ac non accensum dictatoris. Quid illum facturum fuisse, si, quod belli casus ferunt Marsque communis, adversa pugna evenisset, qui sibi devictis hostibus, re publica bene gesta ita ut non ab illo unico duce melius geri potuerit, supplicium magistro equitum tunc victori minetur?

[31] Fabius, an assembly having been summoned at once, implored the soldiers that, with the same valor by which they had defended the commonwealth from most hostile enemies, they would protect himself—under whose leadership and auspices they had conquered—from the unbridled cruelty of the dictator: that he was coming mad with envy, angered at another’s virtue and felicity; that he raged because, in his absence, the commonwealth had been conducted excellently; that he preferred, if he could change fortune, that the victory be with the Samnites rather than the Romans; that he kept saying the imperium had been scorned, as though he had not forbidden fighting with the very mind with which he now is pained that they fought. And that then, out of envy, he had wished to impede another’s virtue and would have taken the arms from soldiers most eager, so that they could not move in his absence; and that now he raves, now he takes it hard, that without L. Papirius the soldiers had not been unarmed, not maimed, that Q. Fabius had led them as Master of the Horse and not as the dictator’s orderly. What would that man have done, if, as the chances of war and impartial Mars bring, an adverse battle had occurred—he who, with the enemies defeated, the commonwealth well managed in such a way that it could not have been managed better even by that single general, now threatens punishment to the Master of the Horse, then the victor?

neque illum magistro equitum infestiorem quam tribunis militum, quam centurionibus, quam militibus esse. Si posset, in omnes saeviturum fuisse: quia id nequeat, in unum saevire. Etenim invidiam tamquam ignem summa petere; in caput consilii, in ducem incurrere; si se simul cum gloria rei gestae exstinxisset, [tunc victorem] velut in capto exercitu dominantem quidquid licuerit in magistro equitum in militibus ausurum.

nor is he more hostile to the master of the horse than to the tribunes of the soldiers, than to the centurions, than to the soldiers. If he could, he would have raged against all; because he cannot, he rages against one. For envy, like fire, seeks the highest; it rushes upon the head of the counsel, upon the leader; if it had extinguished itself together with the glory of the accomplishment, [then the victor], as one lordly in a captured army, would dare whatever is permitted against the master of the horse and the soldiers.

Proinde adessent in sua causa omnium libertati. Si consensum exercitus eundem qui in proelio fuerit in tuenda victoria videat et salutem unius omnibus curae esse, inclinaturum ad clementiorem sententiam animum. Postremo se vitam fortunasque suas illorum fidei virtutique permittere.

Therefore, let them be present in his cause, for the liberty of all. If he sees the same consensus of the army as there was in battle in guarding the victory, and that the safety of one man is a care to all, he will incline his mind to a more clement sentence. Finally, he commits his life and his fortunes to their good faith and valor.

[32] Clamor e tota contione ortus, uti bonum animum haberet: neminem illi vim allaturum saluis legionibus Romanis.

[32] A clamor arose from the whole assembly, that he should keep good courage: that no one would offer him violence, so long as the Roman legions were safe.

Haud multo post dictator advenit classicoque extemplo ad contionem advocavit. Tum silentio facto praeco Q. Fabium magistrum equitum citavit; qui simul ex inferiore loco ad tribunal accessit, tum dictator 'quaero' inquit 'de te, Q. Fabi, cum summum imperium dictatoris sit pareantque ei consules, regia potestas, praetores, iisdem auspiciis quibus consules creati, aequum censeas necne magistrum equitum dicto audientem esse; itemque illud interrogo, cum me incertis auspiciis profectum ab domo scirem, utrum mihi turbatis religionibus res publica in discrimen committenda fuerit an auspicia repetenda ne quid dubiis dis agerem; simul illud, quae dictatori religio impedimento ad rem gerendam fuerit, num ea magister equitum solutus ac liber potuerit esse. Sed quid ego haec interrogo, cum, si ego tacitus abissem, tamen tibi ad voluntatis interpretationem meae dirigenda tua sententia fuerit?

Not long after the dictator arrived and forthwith by the trumpet-signal summoned an assembly. Then, silence having been made, the herald cited Q. Fabius, the master of horse; and as soon as he approached the tribunal from the lower place, then the dictator said, 'I ask,' quoth he, 'about you, Q. Fabius: since the supreme imperium is the dictator’s and the consuls, the kingly power, the praetors—created by the same auspices as the consuls—obey him, do you judge it equitable or not that the master of horse be obedient to the command; and likewise I ask this, since I knew that I had set out from home under uncertain auspices, whether, with religious obligations disturbed, the commonwealth ought to have been committed by me into peril, or the auspices ought to have been repeated, that I might not do anything with the gods in doubt; at the same time this: that religious scruple which was an impediment to the dictator in conducting the affair—could the master of horse have been exempt and free from it? But why do I ask these things, since, if I had gone away in silence, nevertheless your opinion ought to have been directed to the interpretation of my will?'

quin tu respondes vetuerimne te quicquam rei me absente agere, vetuerimne signa cum hostibus conferre? quo tu imperio meo spreto, incertis auspiciis, turbatis religionibus, adversus morem militarem disciplinamque maiorum et numen deorum ausus es cum hoste confligere. Ad haec quae interrogatus es responde; at extra ea caue vocem mittas.

Why don’t you answer whether I forbade you to do anything in my absence, whether I forbade you to join battle with the enemy? Whereupon you, my imperium despised, with the auspices uncertain and the religious rites disturbed, against military custom and the discipline of the ancestors and the numen of the gods, dared to clash with the enemy. To these matters about which you are questioned, answer; but beyond them beware of uttering a word.

Accede, lictor.'

Come forward, lictor.'

Adversus [quae] singula cum respondere haud facile esset, et nunc quereretur eundem accusatorem capitis sui ac iudicem esse, modo vitam sibi eripi citius quam gloriam rerum gestarum posse vociferaretur purgaretque se in vicem atque ultro accusaret, tunc Papirius redintegrata ira spoliari magistrum equitum ac virgas et secures expediri iussit. Fabius fidem militum implorans lacerantibus vestem lictoribus ad triarios tumultum iam [in contione] miscentes sese recepit.

As it was by no means easy to respond to [each] of these points individually, and now he complained that the same man was both the accuser of his life and the judge, at one moment he was shouting that his life could be snatched from him sooner than the glory of his deeds, and he was clearing himself in turn and moreover accusing in return; then Papirius, his anger renewed, ordered the master of the horse to be stripped and the rods and axes to be made ready. Fabius, imploring the faith of the soldiers, while the lictors were tearing his garment, betook himself to the triarii, who were already stirring up a tumult [in the assembly].

Inde clamor in totam contionem est perlatus; alibi preces, alibi minae audiebantur. Qui proximi forte tribunali steterant, quia subiecti oculis imperatoris noscitari poterant, orabant ut parceret magistro equitum neu cum eo exercitum damnaret; extrema contio et circa Fabium globus increpabant inclementem dictatorem nec procul seditione aberant. Ne tribunal quidem satis quietum erat; legati circumstantes sellam orabant ut rem in posterum diem differret et irae suae spatium et consilio tempus daret: satis castigatam adulescentiam Fabi esse, satis deformatam victoriam; ne ad extremum finem supplicii tenderet neu unico iuveni neu patri eius, clarissimo viro, neu Fabiae genti eam iniungeret ignominiam.

Thence a clamor was carried through the whole assembly; in one place prayers, in another threats were being heard. Those who by chance had stood nearest the tribunal, because, being under the commander’s eyes, they could be recognized, were begging that he spare the master of the horse and not condemn the army along with him; the furthest part of the assembly and the throng around Fabius were reproaching the un-clement dictator and were not far from sedition. Not even the tribunal was sufficiently quiet; the legates standing around the chair were begging that he defer the matter to the following day and give space to his anger and time to counsel: that the youth of Fabius had been chastised enough, that the victory had been disfigured enough; that he should not press on to the extreme end of punishment, nor fasten that ignominy upon the sole young man, nor upon his father, a most illustrious man, nor upon the Fabian clan.

Cum parum precibus, parum causa proficerent, intueri saevientem contionem iubebant: ita inritatis militum animis subdere ignem ac materiam seditioni non esse aetatis, non prudentiae eius; neminem id Q. Fabio poenam deprecanti suam vitio versurum sed dictatori, si occaecatus ira infestam multitudinem in se pravo certamine movisset. Postremo, ne id se gratiae dare Q. Fabi crederet, se ius iurandum dare paratos esse non videri e re publica in Q. Fabium eo tempore animadverti.

When they were making little progress by prayers and little by argument, they bade him look at the raging assembly: that, with the soldiers’ minds thus provoked, to supply fire and fuel to sedition was befitting neither his age nor his prudence; that no one would impute this to Q. Fabius, who was deprecating his own punishment, but to the dictator, if, blinded by anger, he should, by a perverse contest, have stirred a hostile multitude against himself. Finally, lest he think they were granting this as a favor to Q. Fabius, they declared themselves ready to give an oath that it did not seem to be in the interest of the Republic to take action against Q. Fabius at that time.

[33] His vocibus cum in se magis incitarent dictatorem quam magistro equitum placarent, iussi de tribunali descendere legati; et silentio nequiquam per praeconem temptato, prae strepitu ac tumultu [cum] nec ipsius dictatoris nec apparitorum eius vox audiretur, nox velut in proelio certamini finem fecit.

[33] With these voices, since they were inciting the dictator against themselves rather than placating the master of horse, the legates were ordered to descend from the tribunal; and, silence having been attempted in vain by the herald, because of the din and tumult, [when] neither the voice of the dictator himself nor of his apparitors could be heard, night, as in a battle, made an end to the contest.

Magister equitum, iussus postero die adesse, cum omnes adfirmarent infestius Papirium exarsurum, agitatum contentione ipsa exacerbatumque, clam ex castris Romam profugit; et patre auctore M. Fabio, qui ter iam consul dictatorque fuerat, vocato extemplo senatu, cum maxime conquereretur apud patres vim atque iniuriam dictatoris, repente strepitus ante curiam lictorum summoventium auditur et ipse infensus aderat, postquam comperit profectum ex castris, cum expedito equitatu secutus. Iteratur deinde contentio et prendi Fabium Papirius iussit. Ubi cum deprecantibus primoribus patrum atque universo senatu perstaret in incepto immitis animus, tum pater M. Fabius 'quando quidem' inquit 'apud te nec auctoritas senatus nec aetas mea, cui orbitatem paras, nec virtus nobilitasque magistri equitum a te ipso nominati valet nec preces, quae saepe hostem mitigavere, quae deorum iras placant, tribunos plebis appello et prouoco ad populum eumque tibi, fugienti exercitus tui, fugienti senatus iudicium, iudicem fero, qui certe unus plus quam tua dictatura potest polletque.

The master of the horse, ordered to be present on the next day, when all affirmed that Papirius would blaze up more hostilely, stirred by the very contention and exacerbated, secretly fled from the camp to Rome; and with his father M. Fabius as author, who had already been consul and dictator three times, the senate having been summoned at once, when he was at the height of complaining before the fathers about the force and injustice of the dictator, suddenly a clamor is heard before the Curia of lictors clearing the way, and he himself, hostile, was present—after he learned that he had set out from the camp—having followed with light-armed cavalry. Then the contention is renewed, and Papirius ordered Fabius to be seized. When, with the foremost of the fathers and the whole senate interceding, his harsh spirit persisted in the undertaken course, then the father, M. Fabius, said: ‘Since indeed with you neither the authority of the senate nor my age, for which you prepare bereavement, nor the valor and nobility of the master of the horse nominated by yourself avails, nor prayers, which have often softened an enemy, which appease the wrath of the gods, I appeal to the tribunes of the plebs and I call to the people; and I bring him to you as judge—you who flee the judgment of your army, who flee the judgment of the senate—who surely alone has more power and prevails more than your dictatorship.’

Videro cessurusne provocationi sis, cui rex Romanus Tullus Hostilius cessit.'

I shall see whether you will yield to the appeal (provocation), to which the Roman king Tullus Hostilius yielded.'

Ex curia in contionem itur. Quo cum paucis dictator, cum omni agmine principum magister equitum [cum] escendisset, deduci eum de rostris Papirius in partem inferiorem iussit. Secutus pater 'bene agis' inquit, 'cum eo nos deduci iussisti unde et privati vocem mittere possemus.' Ibi primo non tam perpetuae orationes quam altercatio exaudiebantur; vicit deinde strepitum vox et indignatio Fabi senis increpantis superbiam crudelitatemque Papiri: se quoque dictatorem Romae fuisse nec a se quemquam, ne plebis quidem hominem, non centurionem, non militem, violatum; Papirium tamquam ex hostium ducibus, sic ex Romano imperatore victoriam et triumphum petere.

They proceed from the curia into the assembly. When the dictator had mounted there with a few, and the master of the horse with the whole column of the leading men had mounted, Papirius ordered him to be led down from the rostra into the lower part. The father followed: “You do well,” he said, “since you have ordered us to be led down to a place from which even private persons could send forth their voice.” There at first not so much continuous speeches as an altercation were heard; then the voice and indignation of old Fabius, rebuking the pride and cruelty of Papirius, overcame the din: that he too had been dictator at Rome, and that by him no one had been violated—no, not even a man of the plebs, not a centurion, not a soldier; that Papirius, as if from the leaders of the enemy, so from a Roman imperator, seeks a victory and a triumph.

Quantum interesse inter moderationem antiquorum et novam superbiam crudelitatemque. Dictatorem Qvinctium Cincinnatum in L. Minucium consulem ex obsidione a se ereptum non ultra saevisse quam ut legatum eum ad exercitum pro consule relinqueret. M. Furium Camillum in L. Furio, qui contempta sua senectute et auctoritate foedissimo cum eventu pugnasset, non solum in praesentia moderatum irae esse ne quid de collega secus populo aut senatui scriberet, sed cum revertisset potissimum ex tribunis consularibus habuisse quem ex collegis optione ab senatu data socium sibi imperii deligeret.

How great the difference between the moderation of the ancients and the new arrogance and cruelty. The dictator Quinctius Cincinnatus, in the case of Lucius Minucius the consul, whom he himself had snatched from a siege, did not rage further than to leave him as a legate to the army, acting in place of a consul (pro consule). Marcus Furius Camillus, in the case of Lucius Furius, who, his old age and authority being contemned, had fought with a most foul outcome, not only at the time restrained his anger so as to write nothing adverse about his colleague to the people or the senate, but, when he had returned, he held him as the most preferred among the consular tribunes, and, the option having been granted by the senate, chose him from his colleagues as a partner of his imperium.

Nam populi quidem, penes quem potestas omnium rerum esset, ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent quam ut pecunia eos multaret: capite anquisitum ob rem bello male gestam de imperatore nullo ad eam diem esse. Nunc ducibus populi Romani, quae ne victis quidem bello fas fuerit, virgas et secures victoribus et iustissimos meritis triumphos intentari. Quid enim tandem passurum fuisse filium suum, si exercitum amisisset, si fusus, fugatus, castris exutus fuisset?

For as to the people, in whose hands was the power of all things, not even in wrath had they ever been more atrocious toward those who by temerity and ignorance had lost armies than to mulct them with money: up to that day there had been no capital inquest upon a commander on account of a war ill-conducted. Now, against leaders of the Roman people, things which would not have been lawful even against those conquered in war—the rods and axes against victors—and triumphs most justly merited are being threatened. For what, pray, would his son have been destined to suffer, if he had lost the army, if routed, put to flight, stripped of his camp?

quo ultra iram violentiamque eius excessuram fuisse quam ut verberaret necaretque? quam conveniens esse propter Q. Fabium civitatem in laetitia victoria supplicationibus ac gratulationibus esse, eum propter quem deum delubra pateant, arae sacrificiis fument, honore donis cumulentur, nudatum virgis lacerari in conspectu populi Romani, intuentem Capitolium atque arcem deosque ab se duobus proeliis haud frustra advocatos. Quo id animo exercitum, qui eius ductu auspiciisque vicisset, laturum?

How much further would his anger and violence have gone than to scourge and kill? How fitting is it that, on account of Q. Fabius, the commonwealth should be in the joy of victory, in supplications and thanksgivings; that he, on account of whom the shrines of the gods stand open, the altars smoke with sacrifices, and are heaped with honor and gifts, should be stripped and lacerated with rods in the sight of the Roman people, as he looks upon the Capitol and the citadel and the gods whom he had invoked in two battles not in vain. With what mind would the army, which had conquered under his leadership and auspices, bear that?

quem luctum in castris Romanis, quam laetitiam inter hostes fore. Haec simul iurgans, querens, deum hominumque fidem obtestans, et complexus filium plurimis cum lacrimis agebat.

what mourning in the Roman camp, what joy among the enemies would there be. These things he urged, at once wrangling, complaining, obtesting the faith of gods and men, and, embracing his son, with very many tears.

[34] Stabat cum eo senatus maiestas, favor populi, tribunicium auxilium, memoria absentis exercitus; ex parte altera imperium invictum populi Romani et disciplina rei militaris et dictatoris edictum pro numine semper observatum et Manliana imperia et posthabita filii caritas publicae utilitati iactabantur: hoc etiam L. Brutum, conditorem Romanae libertatis, antea in duobus liberis fecisse; nunc patres comes et senes faciles de alieno imperio spreto, tamquam rei parvae, disciplinae militaris eversae iuventuti gratiam facere. Se tamen perstaturum in incepto nec ei, qui adversus edictum suum turbatis religionibus ac dubiis auspiciis pugnasset, quicquam ex iusta poena remissurum. Maiestas imperii perpetuane esset non esse in sua potestate: L. Papirium nihil eius deminuturum; optare ne potestas tribunicia, inviolata ipsa, violet intercessione sua Romanum imperium neu populus in se potissimum dictatore vim et ius dictaturae exstinguat.

[34] On his side stood the majesty of the senate, the favor of the people, tribunician aid, the memory of the absent army; on the other side the unconquered imperium of the Roman people and the discipline of the military art and the edict of the dictator, always observed as a numen, and the Manlian commands, and the love for a son postponed to public utility, were being vaunted: that even Lucius Brutus, the founder of Roman liberty, had formerly done this in the case of his two sons; now fathers, affable, and old men easy to please, by scorning another’s imperium, as though a small matter, are doing a favor to youth that has overturned military discipline. He, however, would persist in his undertaking, nor would he remit anything of the just punishment to him who had fought against his edict, with sacred observances disturbed and with doubtful auspices. Whether the majesty of imperium be perpetual is not in his power: Lucius Papirius will diminish nothing of it; he prays that the tribunician power, inviolable in itself, may not by its intercession violate the Roman imperium, and that the people do not extinguish, in himself above all, as dictator, the force and right of the dictatorship.

Quod si fecisset, non L. Papirium sed tribunos, sed pravum populi iudicium nequiquam posteros accusaturos, cum polluta semel militari disciplina non miles centurionis, non centurio tribuni, non tribunus legati, non legatus consulis, non magister equitum dictatoris pareat imperio, nemo hominum, nemo deorum verecundiam habeat, non edicta imperatorum, non auspicia obseruentur, sine commeatu vagi milites in pacato, in hostico errent, immemores sacramenti licentia sua se ubi velint exauctorent, infrequentia deserantur signa, neque conveniatur ad edictum, nec discernatur interdiu nocte, aequo iniquo loco, [iussu] iniussu imperatoris pugnent, et non signa, non ordines servent, latrocinii modo caeca et fortuita pro sollemni et sacrata militia sit. – 'Horum criminum vos reos in omnia saecula offerte, tribuni plebi; vestra obnoxia capita pro licentia Q. Fabi obicite.'

But if he had done this, it would not be L. Papirius but the tribunes—nay, the depraved judgment of the people—that posterity would accuse to no purpose; since, once military discipline has been polluted, the soldier would not obey the centurion, the centurion the tribune, the tribune the legate, the legate the consul, the master of horse the dictator’s command; no one would have any reverence for men or for gods; neither the edicts of commanders nor the auspices would be observed; without leave, roving soldiers would wander in pacified and in hostile country; unmindful of their oath, by their own license they would discharge themselves wherever they wish; the standards would be deserted through thin attendance; there would be no assembling at the edict; nor would day be distinguished from night, nor level from uneven ground; they would fight [by order] or without order of the commander; and neither standards nor ranks would be kept; after the manner of brigandage, blind and fortuitous things would take the place of a solemn and consecrated soldiery. – 'Of these crimes make yourselves the accused for all ages, tribunes of the plebs; set your liable heads in pledge for the license of Q. Fabius.'

[35] Stupentes tribunos et suam iam vicem magis anxios quam eius cui auxilium ab se petebatur, liberavit onere consensus populi Romani ad preces et obtestationem versus ut sibi poenam magistri equitum dictator remitteret. Tribuni quoque inclinatam rem in preces subsecuti orare dictatorem insistunt ut veniam errori humano, veniam adulescentiae Q. Fabi daret; satis eum poenarum dedisse. Iam ipse adulescens, iam pater M. Fabius contentionis obliti procumbere ad genua et iram deprecari dictatoris.

[35] The tribunes, astonished and now more anxious for their own turn than for his on whose behalf aid was being sought from them, were freed of the burden by the consensus of the Roman people, turned to prayers and adjuration that the dictator would remit the penalty of the Master of the Horse. The tribunes too, following the matter now inclined toward prayers, persist in beseeching the dictator to grant pardon to human error, pardon to the youth of Q. Fabius; that he had paid penalties enough. Already the youth himself, already his father M. Fabius, forgetful of the contention, were prostrating themselves at his knees and deprecating the anger of the dictator.

Tum dictator silentio facto 'bene habet' inquit, 'Quirites; vicit disciplina militaris, vicit imperii maiestas, quae in discrimine fuerunt an ulla post hanc diem essent. Non noxae eximitur Q. Fabius, qui contra edictum imperatoris pugnavit, sed noxae damnatus donatur populo Romano, donatur tribuniciae potestati precarium non iustum auxilium ferenti. Vive, Q. Fabi, felicior hoc consensu civitatis ad tuendum te quam qua paulo ante insultabas victoria; vive, id facinus ausus, cuius tibi ne parens quidem, si eodem loco fuisset quo fuit L. Papirius, veniam dedisset.

Then the dictator, silence having been made, said, 'It is well, Quirites; military discipline has prevailed, the majesty of the imperium has prevailed, which were in peril whether they would exist at all after this day. Q. Fabius is not exempted from guilt, who fought against the edict of the commander; but, condemned for the fault, he is granted to the Roman People, he is granted to the tribunician power bringing a petitionary, not a rightful, aid. Live, Q. Fabius, happier by this consensus of the citizenry for your protection than by the victory with which a little before you were exulting; live, having dared that deed, for which not even a parent, if he had been in the same position in which L. Papirius was, would have granted you pardon.'

Mecum, ut voles, reverteris in gratiam; populo Romano, cui vitam debes, nihil maius praestiteris quam si hic tibi dies satis documenti dederit ut bello ac pace pati legitima imperia possis.' Cum se nihil morari magistrum equitum pronuntiasset, degressum eum templo laetus senatus, laetior populus, circumfusi ac gratulantes hinc magistro equitum, hinc dictatori, prosecuti sunt, firmatumque imperium militare haud minus periculo Q. Fabi quam supplicio miserabili adulescentis Manli videbatur.

'You will return into favor with me, as you will; to the Roman people, to whom you owe your life, you will have rendered nothing greater than if this day shall have given you sufficient proof that in war and in peace you can endure legitimate imperia.' When he had declared that he did not at all detain the master of the horse, as he descended from the temple the Senate happy, the people happier, surrounding and congratulating—here the master of the horse, there the dictator—escorted him; and the military imperium seemed to have been strengthened no less by the peril of Q. Fabi than by the pitiable punishment of the young Manlius.

Forte ita eo anno evenit ut, quotienscumque dictator ab exercitu recessisset, hostes in Samnio moverentur. Ceterum in oculis exemplum erat Q. Fabius M. Valerio legato, qui castris praeerat, ne quam vim hostium magis quam trucem dictatoris iram timeret. Itaque frumentatores cum circumuenti ex insidiis caesi loco iniquo essent, creditum volgo est subueniri eis ab legato potuisse, ni tristia edicta exhorruisset.

By chance it so befell that year that, whenever the dictator had withdrawn from the army, the enemies in Samnium would bestir themselves. Moreover, the example of Q. Fabius was before the eyes of M. Valerius the legate, who was in command of the camp, not to fear any force of the enemy more than the grim wrath of the dictator. And so, when the foragers, surrounded by ambush, were cut down in unfavorable ground, it was the common belief that help could have been brought to them by the legate, had he not shuddered at the dour edicts.

Ea quoque ira alienavit a dictatore militum animos iam ante infensos quod implacabilis Q. Fabio fuisset et, quod suis precibus negasset, eius populo Romano veniam dedisset.

That anger too alienated from the dictator the minds of the soldiers, already previously hostile, because he had been implacable toward Q. Fabius and, what he had denied to his own prayers, had granted his pardon to the Roman people.

[36] Postquam dictator praeposito in urbe L. Papirio Crasso, magistro equitum Q. Fabio vetito quicquam pro magistratu agere, in castra rediit, neque civibus satis laetus adventus eius fuit nec hostibus quicquam attulit terroris. Namque postero die, seu ignari venisse dictatorem seu adesset an abesset parvi facientes, instructa acie ad castra accesserunt. Ceterum tantum momenti in uno viro L. Papirio fuit ut, si ducis consilia favor subsecutus militum foret, debellari eo die cum Samnitibus potuisse pro haud dubio habitum sit; ita instruxit aciem [loco ac subsidiis], ita omni arte bellica firmavit; cessatum a milite ac de industria, ut obtrectaretur laudibus ducis, impedita victoria est.

[36] After the dictator, having put L. Papirius Crassus in charge in the city, had forbidden Q. Fabius, the master of horse, to do anything in the capacity of a magistrate, he returned to the camp; and neither was his arrival sufficiently welcome to the citizens, nor did it bring any terror to the enemies. For on the next day, whether unaware that the dictator had come, or making little of whether he was present or absent, they approached the camp with their battle-line drawn up. However, there was so much weight in the single man L. Papirius that, if the soldiers’ favor had followed up the counsels of the leader, it was accounted as not at all in doubt that the war with the Samnites could have been finished that day; so he arrayed the line [by position and by reserves], so he strengthened it by every art of war; the soldiery held back, and deliberately, so that the praises of the leader might be disparaged, and victory was impeded.

Plures Samnitium cecidere, plures Romani volnerati sunt. Sensit peritus dux quae res victoriae obstaret: temperandum ingenium suum esse et severitatem miscendam comitati. Itaque adhibitis legatis ipse circuit saucios milites inserens in tentoria caput, singulosque ut sese haberet rogitans curam eorum nominatim legatis tribunisque et praefectis demandabat.

More of the Samnites fell, more Romans were wounded. The expert leader perceived what stood in the way of victory: that his own temperament must be tempered, and severity must be mixed with comity. And so, with the legates summoned, he himself went round the wounded soldiers, thrusting his head into the tents, and asking each man how he was faring; he entrusted the care of them, by name, to the legates, the tribunes, and the prefects.

Rem per se popularem ita dextere egit, ut medendis corporibus animi multo prius militum imperatori reconciliarentur nec quicquam ad salubritatem efficacius fuerit quam quod grato animo ea cura accepta est. Refecto exercitu cum hoste congressus haud dubia spe sua militumque ita fudit fugavitque Samnites ut ille ultimus eis dies conferendi signa cum dictatore fuerit. Incessit deinde qua duxit praedae spes victor exercitus perlustravitque hostium agros, nulla arma, nullam vim nec apertam nec insidiis expertus.

He handled a matter in itself popular so dexterously that, by tending to bodies, the spirits of the soldiers were reconciled to their commander much sooner; nor was anything more efficacious for salubrity than that this care was received with a grateful mind. With the army refreshed, he met the enemy with hope by no means dubious—his own and the soldiers’—and so routed and put to flight the Samnites that that day was their last of joining standards with the dictator. Then the victorious army advanced wherever the hope of booty led, and traversed the enemy’s fields, encountering no arms, no force either open or by ambush.

Addebat alacritatem quod dictator praedam omnem edixerat militibus; nec ira magis publica quam privatum compendium in hostem acuebat. His cladibus subacti Samnites pacem a dictatore petiere; cum quo pacti ut singula vestimenta militibus et annuum stipendium darent, cum ire ad senatum iussi essent, secuturos se dictatorem responderunt, unius eius fidei virtutique causam suam commendantes. Ita deductus ex Samnitibus exercitus.

It added alacrity that the dictator had by edict assigned all the plunder to the soldiers; nor did public wrath so much as private profit whet them against the enemy. The Samnites, subdued by these disasters, sought peace from the dictator; with whom they agreed that they would give a garment apiece to the soldiers and a year’s stipend; and when they were ordered to go to the senate, they replied that they would follow the dictator, commending their cause to the good faith and virtue of that one man. Thus the army was led away from the Samnites.

[37] Dictator triumphans urbem est ingressus; et cum se dictatura abdicare vellet, iussu patrum priusquam abdicaret consules creavit C. Sulpicium Longum iterum Q. Aemilium Cerretanum. Samnites infecta pace quia de condicionibus agebatur indutias annuas ab urbe rettulerunt; nec earum ipsarum sancta fides fuit; adeo, postquam Papirium abisse magistratu nuntiatum est, arrecti ad bellandum animi sunt.

[37] The dictator, triumphing, entered the city; and when he wished to abdicate the dictatorship, by order of the senate, before he abdicated, he created the consuls: C. Sulpicius Longus, again, and Q. Aemilius Cerretanus. The Samnites, the peace unfinished because terms were being negotiated, brought back from the city a truce for one year; nor was the sacred good faith of those truces itself kept; to such a degree that, after it was announced that Papirius had left office, their spirits were aroused for waging war.

C. Sulpicio Q. Aemilio – Aulium quidam annales habent – consulibus ad defectionem Samnitium Apulum novum bellum accessit. Utroque exercitus missi. Sulpicio Samnites, Apuli Aemilio sorte evenerunt.

Under the consulship of C. Sulpicius and Q. Aemilius — some annals have “Aulius” — a new Apulian war was added to the defection of the Samnites. Armies were sent to each. By lot, the Samnites fell to Sulpicius, the Apulians to Aemilius.

Sunt qui non ipsis Apulis bellum inlatum sed socios eius gentis populos ab Samnitium vi atque iniuriis defensos scribant; ceterum fortuna Samnitium, vix a se ipsis eo tempore propulsantium bellum, propius ut sit vero facit non Apulis ab Samnitibus arma inlata sed cum utraque simul gente bellum Romanis fuisse. Nec tamen res ulla memorabilis acta; ager Apulus Samniumque evastatum; hostes nec hic nec illic inventi.

There are those who write that the war was not brought upon the Apulians themselves, but that the peoples allied with that nation were defended from the force and injuries of the Samnites; however, the condition of the Samnites, who at that time were scarcely repelling war from themselves, makes it nearer to the truth that arms were not brought by the Samnites upon the Apulians, but that the war was with both nations at once for the Romans. And yet no memorable deed was done; the Apulian countryside and Samnium were devastated; the enemies were found neither here nor there.

Romae nocturnus terror ita ex somno trepidam repente civitatem excivit ut Capitolium atque arx moeniaque et portae plena armatorum fuerint; et cum concursatum clamatumque ad arma omnibus locis esset, prima luce nec auctor nec causa terroris comparvit.

At Rome a nocturnal terror so suddenly roused the city, trembling from sleep, that the Capitol and the citadel and the walls and the gates were full of armed men; and although there was running together and shouting to arms in all places, at first light neither the author nor the cause of the terror appeared.

Eodem anno de Tusculanis Flavia rogatione populi fuit iudicium. M. Flavius tribunus plebis tulit ad populum ut in Tusculanos animadverteretur, quod eorum ope ac consilio Veliterni Privernatesque populo Romano bellum fecissent. Populus Tusculanus cum coniugibus ac liberis Romam venit.

In the same year there was a judgment of the people concerning the Tusculans by the Flavian rogation. M. Flavius, tribune of the plebs, brought before the people that punishment be inflicted upon the Tusculans, because by their help and counsel the Veliterni and the Privernates had made war on the Roman people. The Tusculan people came to Rome with wives and children.

Ea multitudo veste mutata et specie reorum tribus circuit genibus se omnium advolvens; plus itaque misericordia ad poenae veniam impetrandam quam causa ad crimen purgandum valuit. Tribus omnes praeter Polliam antiquarunt legem: Polliae sententia fuit puberes verberatos necari, coniuges liberosque sub corona lege belli venire. Memoriam eius irae Tusculanis in poenae tam atrocis auctores mansisse ad patrum aetatem constat nec quemquam ferme ex Pollia tribu candidatum Papiriam ferre solitum.

That multitude, with clothing changed and in the guise of defendants, goes round the tribes, throwing itself at the knees of all; accordingly compassion had more weight to obtain pardon from penalty than the case had to purge the crime. All the tribes except the Pollia rejected the bill: the vote of the Pollia was that the puberes, after being scourged, be put to death, and that the wives and children be sold “under the spear” by the law of war. It is agreed that among the Tusculans the memory of that wrath against the authors of so atrocious a penalty persisted down to the fathers’ age, and that hardly any candidate from the Pollian tribe was wont to carry the Papirian tribe.

[38] Insequenti anno, Q. Fabio L. Fuluio consulibus, A. Cornelius Aruina dictator et M. Fabius Ambustus magister equitum, metu gravioris in Samnio belli – conducta enim pretio a finitimis iuventus dicebatur – intentiore dilectu habito egregium exercitum adversus Samnites duxerunt. Castra in hostico incuriose ita posita tamquam procul abesset hostis, cum subito advenere Samnitium legiones tanta ferocia ut vallum usque ad stationem Romanam inferrent. Nox iam appetebat; id prohibuit munimenta adoriri; nec dissimulabant orta luce postero die facturos.

[38] In the following year, with Quintus Fabius and Lucius Fulvius as consuls, Aulus Cornelius Arvina as dictator and Marcus Fabius Ambustus as master of horse, from fear of a more serious war in Samnium—for it was said that youth had been hired for pay from the neighboring peoples—after a more intent levy had been held they led an excellent army against the Samnites. The camp in hostile territory was pitched carelessly, as though the enemy were far off, when suddenly the legions of the Samnites arrived with such ferocity that they bore in upon the rampart right up to the Roman outpost. Night was now approaching; that prevented them from assaulting the fortifications; nor did they dissemble that, with light risen, on the next day they would do it.

Dictator ubi propiorem spe dimicationem vidit, ne militum virtuti damno locus esset, ignibus crebris relictis qui conspectum hostium frustrarentur, silentio legiones educit; nec tamen fallere propter propinquitatem castrorum potuit. Eques extemplo insecutus ita institit agmini ut, donec lucesceret, proelio abstineret; ne pedestres quidem copiae ante lucem castris egressae. Eques luce demum ausus incursare in hostem carpendo novissimos premendoque iniquis ad transitum locis agmen detinuit.

When the dictator saw that the combat was nearer than he had expected, so that there might be no occasion for harm to the soldiers’ valor, he left frequent fires behind to frustrate the enemy’s view and led the legions out in silence; yet he could not deceive them because of the proximity of the camps. The cavalry, immediately pursuing, pressed the column in such a way that it refrained from battle until it grew light; nor, indeed, did the foot forces leave their camp before dawn. Only at daylight did the cavalry dare to make charges upon the enemy, and by harrying the rearmost and by pressing the column in places unfavorable for passage, they held it back.

Interim pedes equitem adsecutus et totis iam copiis Samnis urgebat. Tum dictator, postquam sine magno incommodo progredi non poterat, eum ipsum in quo constiterat locum castris dimetari iussit. Id vero circumfuso undique equitatu – ut vallum peteretur opusque inciperet – fieri non poterat.

Meanwhile, when the infantry had caught up with the cavalry, the Samnite was now pressing with all his forces. Then the dictator, after he could not advance without great disadvantage, ordered the very place in which he had halted to be measured out for a camp. That, however, with the cavalry poured round on every side—so that the rampart might be reached and the work begun—could not be done.

Itaque ubi neque eundi neque manendi copiam esse videt, instruit aciem impedimentis ex agmine remotis. Instruunt contra et hostes et animis et viribus pares. Auxerat id maxime animos quod ignari loco iniquo, non hosti cessum, velut fugientes ac territos terribiles ipsi secuti fuerant.

And so, when he sees that there is opportunity neither to go nor to remain, he arrays the battle line, the baggage removed from the column. In response the enemies also draw up, equal in morale and in strength. This had especially heightened their spirits, because, unaware that the yielding had been to unfavorable ground, not to the enemy, they themselves, formidable, had pursued men as if fleeing and terrified.

Id aliquamdiu aequavit pugnam iam pridem desueto Samnite clamorem Romani exercitus pati; et hercule illo die ab hora diei tertia ad octauam ita anceps dicitur certamen stetisse ut neque clamor, ut primo semel concursu est sublatus, iteratus sit neque signa promota loco retrove recepta neque recursum ab ulla sit parte. In suo quisque gradu obnixi, urgentes scutis, sine respiratione ac respectu pugnabant; fremitus aequalis tenorque idem pugnae in defatigationem ultimam aut noctem spectabat. Iam viris vires, iam ferro sua vis, iam consilia ducibus deerant, cum subito Samnitium equites, cum turma una longius provecta accepissent impedimenta Romanorum procul ab armatis sine praesidio, sine munimento stare, aviditate praedae impetum faciunt.

This for some time equalized the fight—the Samnite, long since unaccustomed to endure the clamor of the Roman army; and, by Hercules, on that day from the third hour to the eighth the contest is said to have stood so evenly poised that neither was the shout, as it was once raised at the first encounter, repeated, nor were the standards moved forward from their position or withdrawn backward, nor was there a charge from any quarter. Each man, in his own rank, bracing himself, pressing with his shield, fought without breathing-space or backward glance; an equal roar and the same tenor of the battle looked toward ultimate exhaustion or toward night. Already strength failed the men, already the steel its own force, already plans failed the leaders, when suddenly the Samnite horsemen—one squadron having pushed farther forward and having learned that the Roman baggage-train, far from the armed troops, stood without guard and without rampart—make an attack in greed for booty.

Quod ubi dictatori trepidus nuntius attulit, 'sine modo' inquit, 'sese praeda praepediant.' Alii deinde super alios diripi passim ferrique fortunas militum vociferabantur. Tum magistro equitum accito 'vides tu' inquit, 'M. Fabi, ab hostium equite omissam pugnam? Haerent impediti impedimentis nostris.

When an anxious messenger brought this to the dictator, “let them, without restraint,” he said, “hamper themselves with the booty.” Then men, one over another, were shouting that the soldiers’ fortunes were being snatched everywhere and carried off. Then, the Master of Horse having been summoned: “Do you see,” he said, “M. Fabi, that the fight has been abandoned by the enemy cavalry? They stick fast, impeded by our impedimenta.”

Adgredere, quod inter praedandum omni multitudini evenit, dissipatos – raros equis insidentes, raros, quibus ferrum in manu sit, invenies – equosque dum praeda onerant, caede inermes cruentamque illis praedam redde. Mihi legiones peditumque pugna curae erunt; penes te equestre sit decus.'

Attack, for what happens to every multitude while plundering is this: scattered—you will find few seated on their horses, few with iron in hand—and as they load their horses with booty, slaughter the unarmed and give back to them their booty blood-stained. The legions and the battle of the infantry shall be my concern; with you let the equestrian honor rest.'

[39] Equitum acies qualis quae esse instructissima potest invecta in dissipatos impeditosque hostes caede omnia replet. Inter sarcinas omissas repente, obiacentes pedibus fugientium consternatorumque equorum, neque pugnae neque fugae satis potentes caeduntur. Tum deleto prope equitatu hostium M. Fabius circumductis paululum alis ab tergo pedestrem aciem adoritur.

[39] A line of cavalry, such as can be most well-instructed (well-arrayed), riding in upon the scattered and hindered enemies, fills everything with slaughter. Among the baggage suddenly dropped, lying in the way before the feet of the fleeing and panic-stricken horses, not strong enough for either fight or flight, they are cut down. Then, with the enemy’s cavalry nearly destroyed, M. Fabius, the wings having been drawn a little around, attacks the infantry line from the rear.

Clamor inde novus accidens et Samnitium terruit animos et dictator, ubi respectantes hostium antesignanos turbataque signa et fluctuantem aciem vidit, tum appellare, tum adhortari milites, tribunos principesque ordinum nominatim ad iterandam secum pugnam vocare. Novato clamore signa inferuntur, et quidquid progrediebantur magis magisque turbatos hostes cernebant. Eques ipse iam primis erat in conspectu et Cornelius respiciens ad manipulos militum, quod manu, quod voce poterat, monstrabat vexilla se suorum parmasque cernere equitum.

From there a new clamor occurring both terrified the spirits of the Samnites and the dictator, when he saw the enemy’s vanguard looking back, their standards thrown into disorder, and the battle-line wavering, then began both to address and to exhort the soldiers, and to call the tribunes and the principal men of the ranks by name to renew the fight with him. With the clamor renewed the standards are borne forward, and the farther they advanced the more and more they perceived the enemies to be in confusion. The cavalry themselves were now already in the sight of the foremost ranks, and Cornelius, looking back toward the maniples of the soldiers, as far as he could by hand and by voice, was showing that he saw the banners of his own and the shields of the horsemen.

Quod ubi auditum simul visumque est, adeo repente laboris per diem paene totum tolerati volnerumque obliti sunt, ut haud secus quam si tum integri e castris signum pugnae accepissent concitaverint se in hostem. Nec ultra Samnis tolerare terrorem equitum peditumque vim potuit; partim in medio caesi, partim in fugam dissipati sunt. Pedes restantes ac circumuentos cecidit: ab equite fugientium strages est facta, inter quos et ipse imperator cecidit.

When this was heard and at the same time seen, they so suddenly forgot the toil endured for almost the whole day and their wounds, that they roused themselves against the enemy just as if then, fresh from the camp, they had received the signal for battle. Nor could the Samnite any longer endure the terror of the cavalry and the force of the infantry; some were cut down in the midst, others were dispersed in flight. The infantry struck down those who stood their ground and those who were encircled; by the cavalry a slaughter of the fugitives was made, among whom the general himself fell.

Hoc demum proelium Samnitium res ita infregit, ut omnibus conciliis fremerent minime id quidem mirum esse, si impio bello et contra foedus suscepto, infestioribus merito deis quam hominibus nihil prospere agerent: expiandum id bellum magna mercede luendumque esse; id referre tantum utrum supplicia noxio paucorum an omnium innoxio praebeant sanguine; audebantque iam quidam nominare auctores armorum. Unum maxime nomen per consensum clamantium Brutuli Papi exaudiebatur; vir nobilis potensque erat, haud dubie proximarum indutiarum ruptor. De eo coacti referre praetores decretum fecerunt ut Brutulus Papius Romanis dederetur et cum eo praeda omnis Romana captivique ut Romam mitterentur quaeque res per fetiales ex foedere repetitae essent secundum ius fasque restituerentur.

This last battle so broke the fortunes of the Samnites that in all their councils they murmured that it was not at all a wonder, if, having undertaken an impious war and against the treaty, with the gods deservedly more hostile to them than men, they did nothing prosperously: that war must be expiated and paid for with a great price; that it only concerned whether they should offer punishments with the guilty blood of a few or with the innocent blood of all; and some now dared to name the authors of the arms. One name above all was heard, by the common accord of those shouting, that of Brutulus Papius; he was a noble and powerful man, without doubt the breaker of the latest truces. Concerning him, the praetors, compelled to bring the matter, passed a decree that Brutulus Papius be handed over to the Romans, and that with him all Roman booty and captives be sent to Rome, and that whatever things had been demanded back by the fetials from the treaty be restored according to ius and fas.

Fetiales Romam, ut censuerunt, missi et corpus Brutuli exanime; ipse morte voluntaria ignominiae se ac supplicio subtraxit. Placuit cum corpore bona quoque eius dedi. Nihil tamen earum rerum praeter captivos ac si qua cognita ex praeda sunt acceptum est; ceterarum rerum inrita fuit deditio.

The fetial priests were sent to Rome, as they had decreed, and the lifeless body of Brutulus; he by a voluntary death removed himself from ignominy and punishment. It was resolved that along with the body his goods also be handed over. Yet nothing of those things, except the captives and whatever had been identified from the booty, was accepted; the surrender of the remaining things was void.

Dictator ex senatus consulto triumphavit.

The dictator triumphed by decree of the senate.

[40] Hoc bellum a consulibus bellatum quidam auctores sunt eosque de Samnitibus triumphasse; Fabium etiam in Apuliam processisse atque inde magnas praedas egisse. Nec discrepat quin dictator eo anno A. Cornelius fuerit; id ambigitur belline gerendi causa creatus sit an ut esset qui ludis Romanis, quia L. Plautius praetor gravi morbo forte implicitus erat, signum mittendis quadrigis daret functusque eo haud sane memorandi imperii ministerio se dictatura abdicaret. Nec facile est aut rem rei aut auctorem auctori praeferre.

[40] Some authors assert that this war was fought by the consuls and that they triumphed over the Samnites; that Fabius also advanced into Apulia and from there drove off great spoils. Nor is it at variance that the dictator in that year was A. Cornelius; the question is whether he was created for the sake of conducting the war, or so that there might be someone who, at the Roman Games—because L. Plautius the praetor had by chance been entangled in a severe illness—might give the signal for sending off the four-horse chariots, and, having discharged that ministry of command by no means worthy of remembrance, should resign the dictatorship. Nor is it easy to prefer fact to fact or author to author.

Vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor falsisque imaginum titulis, dum familiae ad se quaeque famam rerum gestarum honorumque fallente mendacio trahunt; inde certe et singulorum gesta et publica monumenta rerum confusa. Nec quisquam aequalis temporibus illis scriptor exstat quo satis certo auctore stetur.

I deem the memory vitiated by funereal laudations and by false titles of the images, while families, each for itself, draw to themselves, by deceiving mendacity, the fame of deeds done and of honors; from this, assuredly, both the achievements of individuals and the public monuments of events are confounded. Nor does any writer equal to those times exist, on whose sufficiently sure authority one may stand.