Livy: AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI

[1] Eadem aestate qua in Thessalia [haec gesta sunt], * * * legatus in Illyricum a consule missus opulenta duo oppida oppugnauit. Ceremiam ui atque armis coegit in deditionem; omniaque iis sua concessit, ut opinione clementiae eos, qui Carnuntem, munitam urbem, incolebant, adliceret. Postquam nec, ut dederent se, conpellere neque capere obsidendo poterat, ne duabus oppugnationibus nequiquam fatigatus miles esset, quam prius intactam urbem reliquerat, diripuit.

[1] In the same summer in which in Thessaly [these things were done], * * * a legate sent by the consul into
Illyricum assaulted two opulent towns. Ceremia he forced into surrender by force and arms;
and he granted to them all their own property, so that by the repute of clemency he might entice those who
inhabited Carnuntum, a fortified city. After he could neither compel them to give themselves up
nor take it by besieging, lest the soldier, wearied by two assaults to no purpose,
should leave the city untouched as before, he sacked it.

Alter consul C. Cassius nec in Gallia, quam sortitus erat, memorabile quicquam gessit et per Illyricum ducere legiones in Macedoniam uano incepto est conatus. Ingressum hoc iter consulem senatus ex Aquileiensium legatis cognouit, qui querentes coloniam suam nouam et infirmam necdum satis munitam inter infestas nationes Histrorum et Illyriorum esse, cum peterent, ut senatus curae haberet, quomodo ea colonia muniretur, interrogati, uellentne eam rem C. Cassio consuli mandari, responderunt Cassium Aquileiam indicto exercitu profectum per Illyricum in Macedoniam esse. Ea res primo incredibilis uisa, et pro se quisque credere Carnis forsitan aut Histris bellum inlatum.

The other consul C. Cassius did not accomplish anything memorable in Gaul, which he had drawn by lot, and he attempted, by a vain undertaking, to lead the legions through Illyricum into Macedonia. The senate learned that the consul had entered upon this march from the envoys of the Aquileians, who, complaining that their colony was new and weak and not yet sufficiently fortified among the hostile nations of the Histri and Illyrians, when they were requesting that the senate take care how that colony might be fortified, being asked whether they wished that matter to be entrusted to the consul C. Cassius, replied that Cassius, a levy having been proclaimed, had set out from Aquileia through Illyricum into Macedonia. This matter seemed at first unbelievable, and each man for his part believed that perhaps war had been brought upon the Carni or the Histri.

Tum Aquileienses: nihil se ultra scire nec audere adfirmare, quam triginta dierum frumentum militi datum et duces, qui ex Italia itinera in Macedoniam nossent, conquisitos abductosque. Enimuero senatus indignari tantum consulem ausum, ut suam prouinciam relinqueret, in alienam transiret, exercitum nouo periculoso[que] itinere inter exteras gentes duceret, uiam tot nationibus in Italiam aperiret. Decernunt frequentes, ut C. Sulpicius praetor tris ex senatu nominet legatos, qui eo die proficiscantur ex urbe et, quantum adcelerare possint, Cassium consulem, ubicumque sit, persequantur; nuntient, ne bellum cum ulla gente moueat, nisi cum qua senatus gerendum censuerit.

Then the Aquileians: that they knew nothing further nor dared to affirm more than that grain for thirty days had been given to the soldiery, and that guides, who knew the routes from Italy into Macedonia, had been sought out and carried off. Indeed the senate was indignant that the consul had dared so much as to leave his own province, pass into another’s, lead an army by a new and perilous route among foreign nations, and open a way into Italy for so many nations. In full numbers they decree that Gaius Sulpicius, the praetor, name three legates from the senate, who on that same day shall set out from the city and, with all the speed they can make, pursue the consul Cassius, wherever he may be; let them announce that he is not to stir up war with any nation, except with one with which the senate shall have judged it must be waged.

Legati hi profecti M. Cornelius Cethegus, M. Fuluius, P. Marcius Rex. Metus de consule atque exercitu distulit eo tempore muniendae Aquileiae curam.

These legates set out: M. Cornelius Cethegus, M. Fuluius, P. Marcius Rex. Fear concerning the consul and the army deferred, at that time, the care of fortifying Aquileia.

[2] Hispaniae deinde utriusque legati aliquot populorum in senatum introducti. Ii de magistratuum Romanorum auaritia superbiaque conquesti, nixi genibus ab senatu petierunt, ne se socios foedius spoliari uexarique quam hostes patiantur. Cum et alia indigna quererentur, manifestum autem esset pecunias captas, L. Canuleio praetori, qui Hispaniam sortitus erat, negotium datum est, ut in singulos, a quibus Hispani pecunias repeterent, quinos recuperatores ex ordine senatorio daret patronosque, quos uellent, sumendi potestatem faceret.

[2] Then the legates of both Spains, of several peoples, were introduced into the senate. They, complaining of the avarice and arrogance of the Roman magistrates, leaning on their knees begged from the senate that they not allow their allies to be despoiled and vexed more foully than enemies. As they also complained of other indignities, and since it was manifest that monies had been seized, the business was given to L. Canuleius, praetor, who had drawn Spain by lot, to appoint for each individual, from whom the Spaniards sought to recover monies, five recuperators from the senatorial order, and to grant them the power of choosing patrons whom they wished.

Uocatis in curiam legatis recitatum est senatus consultum, iussique nominare patronos. Quattuor nominauerunt, M. Porcium Catonem, P. Cornelium Cn. F. Scipionem, L. Aemilium L. F. Paulum, C. Sulpicium Gallum. Cum M. Titinio primum, qui praetor A. Manlio M. Iunio consulibus in citeriore Hispania fuerat, recuperatores sumpserunt.

With the envoys called into the Curia, the senatorial decree was read out,
and they were ordered to name patrons. They named four, Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius
Scipio, son of Gnaeus, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, son of Lucius, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus. With Marcus Titinius
first, who had been praetor, in the consulship of Aulus Manlius and Marcus Iunius, in Hither Spain,
they selected recuperators.

Bis ampliatus, tertio absolutus est reus. Dissensio inter duarum prouinciarum legatos est orta; citerioris Hispaniae populi M. Catonem et [P.] Scipionem, ulterioris L. Paulum et Gallum Sulpicium patronos sumpserunt. Ad recuperatores adducti a citerioribus populis P. Furius Philus, ab ulterioribus M. Matienus; ille Sp. Postumio Q. Mucio consulibus triennio ante, hic biennio prius L. Postumio M. Popilio consulibus praetor fuerat.

Twice the defendant’s case was adjourned; on the third he was acquitted. A dissension arose between the envoys of the two provinces: the peoples of Hither Spain chose M. Cato and [P.] Scipio as patrons, of Further Spain L. Paulus and Sulpicius Gallus. Brought before the recuperators were, by the peoples of Hither Spain, P. Furius Philus; by those of Further Spain, M. Matienus; the former had been praetor three years before, in the consulship of Sp. Postumius and Q. Mucius, the latter two years earlier, in the consulship of L. Postumius and M. Popilius.

Grauissimis criminibus accusati ambo ampliatique; cum dicenda de integro causa esset, excusati exilii causa solum uertisse. Furius Praeneste, Matienus Tibur exulatum abierunt. Fama erat prohiberi a patronis nobiles ac potentes conpellare; auxitque eam suspicionem Canuleius praetor, quod omissa ea re dilectum habere instituit, dein repente in prouinciam abiit, ne plures ab Hispanis uexarentur.

Both were accused of very grave crimes, and the inquiry was ampliated; when the case had to be pleaded afresh, they were excused, on the plea of exile, to change their soil. Furius went into exile to Praeneste, Matienus to Tibur. The rumor was that they were being prevented by their patrons from arraigning the nobles and the powerful; and the praetor Canuleius increased that suspicion, because, dropping that matter, he set about holding a levy, then suddenly departed to the province, lest more be harassed by the Spaniards.

Ita praeteritis silentio obliteratis in futurum tamen consultum ab senatu Hispanis, quod impetrarunt, ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet neue cogeret uicensumas uendere Hispanos, quanti ipse uellet, et ne praefecti in oppida sua ad pecunias cogendas imponerentur.

Thus, the past having been effaced in silence, nevertheless provision was made by the Senate for the Spaniards for the future, which they obtained: that no Roman magistrate should hold the valuation of grain nor compel the Spaniards to sell the twentieths for as much as he himself willed, and that prefects should not be imposed in their towns for the purpose of collecting monies.

[3] Et alia noui generis hominum ex Hispania legatio uenit. Ex militibus Romanis et ex Hispanis mulieribus, cum quibus conubium non esset, natos se memorantes, supra quattuor milia hominum, orabant, ut sibi oppidum, in quo habitarent, daretur. Senatus decreuit, uti nomina sua apud L. Canuleium profiterentur eorumque, si quos manumisissent; eos Carteiam ad Oceanum deduci placere; qui Carteiensium domi manere uellent, potestatem fieri, uti numero colonorum essent, agro adsignato.

[3] And another embassy of a new kind of people came from Spain. Claiming to have been born from Roman soldiers and Spanish women, with whom there was no connubium, more than four thousand men begged that a town be given to them in which they might dwell. The senate decreed that they should register their names with L. Canuleius, and also those of any whom they had manumitted; that it was pleasing for them to be conducted to Carteia on the Ocean; and that for those of the Carteienses who wished to remain at home, permission be given that they be in the number of colonists, land being assigned.

Latinam eam coloniam esse libertinorumque appellari. Eodem tempore ex Africa et Gulussa regulus, Masinissae filius, legatus patris, et Carthaginienses uenerunt. Gulussa prior in senatum introductus et, quae missa erant ad bellum Macedonicum a patre suo, exposuit et, si qua praeterea uellent imperare, praestaturum merito populi Romani est pollicitus et monuit patres conscriptos, ut a fraude Carthaginiensium cauerent: classis eos magnae parandae consilium cepisse, specie pro Romanis et aduersus Macedonas; ubi ea parata instructaque esset, ipsorum fore potestatis, quem hostem aut socium habeant.

that that colony be Latin and be called “of the freedmen.” At the same time there came from Africa both Gulussa the petty‑king (regulus), son of Masinissa, his father’s legate, and the Carthaginians. Gulussa, introduced first into the senate, set forth what had been sent to the Macedonian war by his father, and promised that, if they wished to command anything further, he would furnish it, as was due to the Roman people, and he warned the Conscript Fathers to beware the fraud of the Carthaginians: that they had adopted a plan for preparing a great fleet, under the appearance of being for the Romans and against the Macedonians; but when it should be prepared and equipped, it would be in their own power whom to have as enemy or as ally.

Hanc iniec . . .

This he cast . . .

[4] . . . tis tantum exinde pauorem ingressi castra, ostentantes capita fecerunt, ut, si admotus extemplo exercitus foret, capi castra potuerint. tum quoque fuga ingens facta est; et erant, qui legatos mittendos ad pacem precibus petendam censerent; ciuitatesque conplures eo nuntio audito in deditionem uenerunt. Quibus purgantibus sese culpamque in duorum amentiam conferentibus, qui se ultro ad poenam ipsi obtulissent, cum ueniam dedisset praetor, profectus extemplo ad alias ciuitates omnibus imperata facientibus quieto exercitu pacatum agrum, qui paulo ante ingenti tumultu arserat, peragrauit.

[4] . . . they produced so great a panic, upon entering the camp, by displaying the heads, that, if the army had been brought up immediately, the camp could have been taken. Then too a huge rout took place; and there were those who judged that legates should be sent to seek peace by prayers; and several cities, when that report was heard, came into surrender. As they were clearing themselves and transferring the blame to the madness of two men, who had of their own accord offered themselves to punishment, when the praetor had granted pardon, he set out at once to the other cities; with all executing the orders imposed, and with the army quiet, he traversed a pacified countryside which a little before had blazed with a vast tumult.

Haec lenitas praetoris, qua sine sanguine ferocissimam gentem domuerat, eo gratior plebi patribusque fuit, quo crudelius auariusque in Graecia bellatum et ab consule Licinio et ab Lucretio praetore erat. Lucretium tribuni plebis absentem contionibus adsiduis lacerabant, cum rei publicae causa abesse excusaretur; sed tum adeo uicina etiam inexplorata erant, ut is eo tempore in agro suo Antiati esset aquamque ex manubiis Antium ex flumine Loracinae duceret. Id opus centum triginta milibus aeris locasse dicitur; tabulis quoque pictis ex praeda fanum Aesculapi exornauit.

This lenity of the praetor, by which he had subdued a most ferocious nation without bloodshed, was the more welcome to the plebs and the patres, in proportion as the war had been waged more cruelly and more avariciously in Greece both by the consul Licinius and by the praetor Lucretius. The tribunes of the plebs were lacerating Lucretius in his absence with incessant public harangues, though he was excused as being away for the sake of the res publica; but at that time even things close at hand were so uninvestigated that he was, at that very time, on his own land at Antium and was conducting water to Antium from the river Loracina with funds from the manubiae. He is said to have contracted that work for 130,000 asses of bronze; he also adorned the shrine of Aesculapius with painted panels from the booty.

Inuidiam infamiamque ab Lucretio auerterunt in Hortensium, successorem eius, Abderitae legati flentes ante curiam querentesque oppidum suum ab Hortensio expugnatum ac direptum esse; causam excidii fuisse urbi, quod, cum centum milia denarium et tritici quinquaginta milia modium imperaret, spatium petierint, quo de ea re et ad Hostilium consulem et Romam mitterent legatos. Uixdum ad consulem se peruenisse et audisse oppidum expugnatum, principes securi percussos, sub corona ceteros uenisse. Indigna res senatui uisa, decreueruntque eadem de Abderitis, quae de Coronaeis decreuerant priore anno, eademque pro contione edicere Q. Maenium praetorem iusserunt.

They turned the odium and infamy away from Lucretius onto Hortensius, his successor, the Abderite envoys weeping before the Curia and complaining that their town had been stormed and sacked by Hortensius; that the cause of the city’s ruin had been this: when he ordered 100,000 denarii and 50,000 modii of grain, they asked for a respite, in order that on that matter they might send envoys both to Hostilius the consul and to Rome. Hardly had they reached the consul when they learned that the town had been taken by storm, the leading men struck with the axe, the rest sold at auction as slaves. The matter seemed outrageous to the Senate, and they decreed the same concerning the Abderites as they had decreed concerning the Coronaeans the previous year, and they ordered Q. Maenius the praetor to proclaim the same before the public assembly.

Et legati duo, C. Sempronius Blaesus Sex. Iulius Caesar, ad restituendos in libertatem Abderitas missi. Iisdem mandatum, ut et Hostilio consuli et Hortensio praetori nuntiarent, senatum Abderitis iniustum bellum inlatum conquirique omnes, qui in seruitute sint, et restitui in libertatem aecum censere.

And two legates, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Sextus Julius Caesar, were sent to restore the Abderites to liberty. To these the mandate was given to announce both to the consul Hostilius and to the praetor Hortensius that the senate judged it equitable that an unjust war had been brought upon the Abderites, and that all who were in servitude be sought out and restored to liberty.

[5] Eodem tempore de C. Cassio, qui consul priore anno fuerat, tum tribunus militum in Macedonia cum A. Hostilio erat, querellae ad senatum delatae sunt, et legati regis Gallorum Cincibili uenerunt. Frater eius uerba in senatu fecit questus Alpinorum populorum agros, sociorum suorum, depopulatum C. Cassium esse et inde multa milia hominum in seruitutem abripuisse. Sub idem tempus Carnorum Histrorumque et Iapydum legati uenerunt: duces sibi ab consule Cassio primum imperatos, qui in Macedoniam ducenti exercitum iter monstarent; pacatum ab se tamquam ad aliud bellum gerendum abisse.

[5] At the same time complaints were brought to the senate about Gaius Cassius, who had been consul the previous year and was then tribune of soldiers in Macedonia with Aulus Hostilius, and envoys of Cincibilus, king of the Gauls, came. His brother delivered words in the senate, complaining that Gaius Cassius had devastated the fields of the Alpine peoples, their allies, and from there had snatched away many thousands of men into servitude. About the same time envoys of the Carni, the Histri, and the Iapydes came: that guides had at first been ordered for them by the consul Cassius, to point out the route for an army leading into Macedonia; that he had gone away from them, as though to wage another war, their country being at peace.

Inde ex medio regressum itinere hostiliter peragrasse fines suos; caedes passim rapinasque et incendia facta; nec se ad id locorum scire, propter quam causam consuli pro hostibus fuerint. Et regulo Gallorum absenti et his populis responsum est senatum ea, quae facta querantur, neque scisse futura, neque, si sint facta, probare. Sed indicta causa damnari absentem consularem uirum iniurium esse, cum is rei publicae causa absit; ubi ex Macedonia redisset C. Cassius, tum, si coram eum arguere uellent, cognita re senatum daturum operam, uti satisfiat.

Thence, having turned back from the midst of the march, he traversed their borders in hostile fashion; slaughters, rapines, and burnings were perpetrated everywhere; and up to that time they did not know for what cause they had been, in the consul’s view, as enemies. And an answer was given both to the absent regulus of the Gauls and to these peoples: that the senate had neither known beforehand that those things which they complain of were going to be done, nor, if they have been done, does it approve them. But that to condemn, with no case stated, an absent consular man is unjust, since he is absent for the sake of the commonwealth; when C. Cassius had returned from Macedonia, then, if they wished to accuse him face to face, once the matter had been inquired into, the senate would take pains that satisfaction be made.

Nec responderi tantum iis gentibus, sed legatos mitti, duos ad regulum trans Alpis, tres circa eos populos placuit, qui indicarent, quae patrum sententia esset. Munera mitti legatis ex binis milibus aeris censuerunt; fratri reguli haec praecipua, torques duo ex quinque pondo auri facti et uasa argentea quinque ex uiginti pondo et duo equi phalerati cum agasonibus et equestria arma ac sagula, et comitibus eorum uestimenta, liberis seruisque. Haec missa; illa petentibus data, ut denorum equorum iis commercium esset educendique ex Italia potestas fieret.

And it was resolved not only that an answer be returned to those nations, but that envoys be sent—two to the chieftain across the Alps, three to those peoples round about—to declare what the opinion of the Fathers was. They decreed that gifts be sent to the envoys, valued at two thousand asses of bronze; to the brother of the chieftain these in particular: two torques made of five pounds of gold, and five silver vessels of twenty pounds, and two caparisoned horses with grooms, and equestrian arms and cloaks, and clothing for their attendants, both free and slave. These things were sent; those others were granted to the petitioners, that they should have the right of trade for ten horses and that permission be given to lead them out of Italy.

Legati cum Gallis missi trans Alpis C. Laelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus, ad ceteros populos C. Sicinius, P. Cornelius Blasio, T. Memmius.

The envoys sent across the Alps to the Gauls were C. Laelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus; to the other peoples, C. Sicinius, P. Cornelius Blasio, T. Memmius.

[6] Multarum simul Graeciae Asiaeque ciuitatium legati Romam conuenerunt. Primi Athenienses introducti; ii se, quod nauium habuerint militumque, P. Licinio consuli et C. Lucretio praetori misisse exposuerunt; quibus eos non usos frumenti sibi centum milia imperasse; quod, quamquam sterilem terram ararent, ipsosque etiam agrestis peregrino frumento alerent, tamen, ne deessent officio, confecisse; et alia, quae imperarentur, praestare paratos esse. Milesii nihil, [quod] praestitissent, memorantes, si quid imperare ad bellum senatus uellet, praestare se paratos esse polliciti sunt.

[6] At the same time envoys of many cities of Greece and Asia assembled at Rome. The Athenians were introduced first; they explained that, because they had had ships and soldiers, they had sent them to P. Licinius the consul and C. Lucretius the praetor; but that these had not made use of them and had imposed upon them one hundred thousand measures of grain; although they tilled a sterile soil and even fed their countryfolk on foreign grain, nevertheless, lest they fall short in duty, they had furnished it; and that they were prepared to provide other things that might be ordered. The Milesians, stating that they had furnished nothing, promised that, if the senate wished to impose anything for the war, they were prepared to provide it.

Alabandenses templum Urbis Romae se fecisse commemorauere ludosque anniuersarios ei diuae instituisse; et coronam auream quinquaginta pondo, quam in Capitolio ponerent donum Ioui optimo maximo, attulisse et scuta equestria trecenta; ea, cui iussissent, tradituros. Donum ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret, petebant. Hoc [et] Lampsaceni, octoginta pondo coronam adferentes, petebant, commemorantes discessisse se a Perseo, postquam Romanus exercitus in Macedoniam uenisset, cum sub dicione Persei et ante Philippi fuissent.

The Alabandenses recalled that they had made a temple of the City of Rome and had instituted anniversary games for that goddess; and that they had brought a golden crown of fifty pounds, which they would place on the Capitol as a gift to Jupiter Best and Greatest, and three hundred equestrian shields; these they would hand over to whomever they were ordered.
They were asking that it be permitted to set the gift on the Capitol and to offer sacrifice. This [also] the Lampsacenes, bringing a crown of eighty pounds, were requesting, recounting that they had withdrawn from Perseus after the Roman army had come into Macedonia, although they had been under the dominion of Perseus and before him of Philip.

Pro eo et quod imperatoribus Romanis omnia praestitissent, id se tantum orare, ut in amicitiam populi Romani reciperentur, et, si pax cum Perseo fieret, exciperentur, ne in regiam potestatem reciderent. Ceteris legatis comiter responsum; Lampsacenos in sociorum formulam referre Q. Maenius praetor iussus. Munera omnibus in singulos binum milium aeris data.

On account of this and because they had fulfilled everything for the Roman imperators, they begged only this: that they be received into the amity of the Roman people, and that, if peace should be made with Perseus, they be excepted, lest they fall back under royal power. To the other legates a courteous answer was given; the praetor Quintus Maenius was ordered to enroll the Lampsacenes into the formula of the allies. Gifts were given to all, two thousand asses to each individual.

Alabandenses scuta reportare ad A. Hostilium consulem in Macedoniam iussi. Et ex Africa legati simul Carthaginiensium [et Masinissae uenerunt: legati Carthaginiensium] tritici deciens centum milia et hordei quingenta indicantes se ad mare deuecta habere, ut, quo senatus censuisset, deportarent; id munus officiumque suum scire minus esse quam pro meritis populi Romani et uoluntate sua; sed saepe alias bonis in rebus utriusque populi se gratorum fideliumque socium muneribus functos esse. Item Masinissae legati tritici eandem summam polliciti et mille et ducentos equites, duodecim elephantos; et si quid aliud opus esset, uti inperaret senatus: aeque propenso animo et, quae ipse ultro pollicitus sit, praestaturum esse.

The Alabandians were ordered to carry back the shields to A. Hostilius, consul, in Macedonia. And from Africa there came at the same time envoys of the Carthaginians [and of Masinissa: the envoys of the Carthaginians], indicating that they had one million measures of wheat and five hundred thousand of barley conveyed down to the sea, to carry them wherever the Senate had decreed; that they knew this gift and their duty to be less than proportionate to the merits of the Roman People and to their own goodwill; but that often on other occasions, in prosperous affairs of both peoples, they had discharged by gifts the offices of a grateful and faithful ally. Likewise the envoys of Masinissa promised the same amount of wheat, and one thousand two hundred horsemen, and twelve elephants; and that, if anything else were needed, the Senate should command: that with an equally well-disposed mind he would also furnish the things which he himself had of his own accord promised.

Gratiae et Carthaginiensibus et regi actae, rogatique, ut ea, quae pollicerentur, ad Hostilium consulem in Macedoniam deportarent. legatis in singulos binum milium aeris munera missa.

Thanks were given both to the Carthaginians and to the king, and they were asked to carry those things which they were promising to Hostilius the consul into Macedonia. to the envoys, gifts of two thousand asses apiece were sent.

[7] Cretensium legatis commemorantibus se, quantum sibi imperatum a P. Licinio consule esset sagittariorum, in Macedoniam misisse, cum interrogati non infitiarentur apud Persea maiorem numerum sagittariorum [suorum] quam apud Romanos militare, responsum est, si Cretenses bene ac nauiter destinarent potiorem populi Romani quam regis Persei amicitiam habere, senatum quoque Romanum iis tamquam certis sociis responsum daturum esse. Interea nuntiarent suis placere senatui dare operam Cretenses, ut, quos milites intra praesidia regis Persei haberent, eos primo quoque tempore domum reuocarent. Cretensibus cum hoc responso dimissis Chalcidenses uocati, quorum legatio ipso introitu mouit, quod Micythion, princeps eorum, pedibus captus lectica est introlatus; ultimae necessitatis extemplo uisa res, in qua ita adfecto excusatio ualetudinis aut ne ipsi quidem petenda uisa foret aut data petenti non esset.

[7] when the Cretan envoys were reminding that they had sent into Macedonia as many archers as had been ordered to them by Publius Licinius the consul, since, when questioned, they did not deny that a greater number of their archers [their own] were serving with Perseus than with the Romans, the answer was given that, if the Cretans should resolve well and vigorously to hold the friendship of the Roman People preferable to that of King Perseus, the Roman senate too would give them an answer as to assured allies. Meanwhile they were to announce to their own people that it was the senate’s pleasure that the Cretans take pains that those soldiers whom they had within the garrisons of King Perseus be recalled home at the earliest possible time. The Cretans being dismissed with this reply, the Chalcidians were called in, whose embassy, at its very entrance, moved them, because Micythion, their chief, crippled in his feet, was carried in on a litter; the matter at once seemed of utmost necessity, in which, with one so affected, a plea of ill-health would neither have seemed to be sought even by himself, nor, if sought, would it have been granted.

Cum sibi nihil uiui relicum praeterquam linguam ad deplorandas patriae suae calamitates praefatus esset, exposuit ciuitatis primum suae benefacta et uetera et ea, quae Persei bello praestitissent ducibus exercitibusque Romanis; tum quae primo C. Lucretius in populares suos praetor Romanus superbe, auare, crudeliter fecisset; deinde quae tum cum maxime L. Hortensius faceret. Quem ad modum omnia sibi, etiam iis, quae patiantur, tristiora, patienda esse ducant potius, quam fide decedant, sic, quod ad Lucretium Hortensiumque attineret, scire tutius fuisse claudere portas quam in urbem eos accipere. Qui exclusissent eos, Emathiam, Amphipolim, Maroneam, Aenum incolumes esse.

After prefacing that nothing of him alive remained to himself except the tongue to lament the calamities of his fatherland, he set forth first the benefactions of his city, both the old and those which, in the war of Perseus, they had rendered to the Roman generals and armies; then what at the outset C. Lucretius, the Roman praetor, had done toward his fellow-citizens haughtily, avariciously, cruelly; next what L. Hortensius was just then in the very moment doing. Just as they reckon that all things, even things more grievous than what they are suffering, must be endured rather than that they depart from good faith, so, as regards Lucretius and Hortensius, they know it would have been safer to shut the gates than to admit them into the city. Had they shut them out, Emathia, Amphipolis, Maronea, Aenus would be unscathed.

Apud se templa omnibus ornamentis spoliata; conpilataque sacrilegiis C. Lucretium nauibus Antium deuexisse; libera corpora in seruitutem abrepta; fortunas sociorum populi Romani direptas esse et cotidie diripi. Nam ex instituto C. Lucreti Hortensium quoque in tectis hieme pariter atque aestate naualis socios habere, et domos suas plenas turba nautica esse; uersari inter se, coniuges liberosque suos, quibus nihil neque dicere pensi sit neque facere.

that among them temples had been despoiled of all ornaments; and that Gaius Lucretius had conveyed down to Antium by ships plunder amassed by sacrileges; that free bodies had been snatched into servitude; that the fortunes of the allies of the Roman People had been plundered and were plundered daily. For, by the practice of Gaius Lucretius, Hortensius too was keeping naval allies billeted in their houses in winter as well as in summer, and their homes were full of a nautical rabble; these men were mixing among them, with their wives and children—fellows who set no weight on what they either say or do.

[8] Accersere in senatum Lucretium placuit, ut disceptaret coram purgaretque sese. Ceterum multo plura praesens audiuit, quam in absentem iacta erant; et grauiores potentioresque accessere accusatores duo tribuni plebis, M'. Iuuentius Talna et Cn. Aufidius. Ii non in senatu modo eum lacerarunt, sed in contionem etiam pertracto multis obiectis probris diem dixerunt.

[8] It was decided to summon Lucretius into the senate, that he might dispute in person and purge himself. Moreover, being present he heard much more than had been hurled against him in his absence; and more weighty and more powerful accusers came forward, two tribunes of the plebs, M'. Juventius Talna and Cn. Aufidius. They tore him not only in the senate, but, when he had even been dragged into the assembly, with many reproaches thrown at him they named a day for trial.

Senatus iussu Chalcidensibus Q. Maenius praetor respondit, quae bene meritos sese et ante et in eo bello, quod geratur, de populo Romano dicant, ea et scire uera eos referre senatum et perinde ac debeant grata esse. Quae facta [a] C. Lucretio fierique ab L. Hortensio praetoribus Romanis querantur, ea neque facta neque fieri uoluntate senatus quem non posse existimare, qui sciat bellum Persei et ante Philippo, patri eius, intulisse populum Romanum pro libertate Graeciae, non ut ea a magistratibus suis socii atque amici paterentur? litteras se ad L. Hortensium praetorem daturos esse, quae Chalcidenses querantur acta, ea senatui non placere; si qui in seruitutem liberi uenissent, ut eos conquirendos primo quoque tempore restituendosque in libertatem curaret; sociorum naualium neminem praeter magistros, in hospitia deduci aequum censere.

By order of the senate the praetor Q. Maenius replied to the Chalcidians, that the things which they say—that they have deserved well of the Roman people both before and in the war now being waged—the senate both knows that they report truly and that those things are, as they ought to be, welcome. Which deeds [a] they complain have been done by C. Lucretius and are being done by L. Hortensius, Roman praetors, those neither have been done nor are being done with the will of the senate, which cannot be supposed—seeing that it knows that the Roman people brought war upon Perseus and earlier upon Philip, his father, for the liberty of Greece—not in order that allies and friends should suffer those things at the hands of their own magistrates. They said they would send letters to the praetor L. Hortensius, that the things which the Chalcidians complain have been done are not pleasing to the senate; if any free persons had come into slavery, that he should take care that they be sought out at the earliest possible time and restored to liberty; and that, among the naval allies, they judge it equitable that no one, except the ship-masters, be quartered in private lodgings.

Haec Hortensio iussu senatus scripta. Munera binum milium aeris legatis missa et uehicula Micythioni publice locata, quae eum Brundisium commode perueherent. C. Lucretium, ubi dies, quae dicta erat, uenit, tribuni ad populum accusarunt multamque deciens centum milium aeris dixerunt.

These things were written to Hortensius by order of the senate. Gifts of two thousand asses were sent to the legates, and vehicles were publicly hired for Micythion, to convey him conveniently to Brundisium. Gaius Lucretius, when the day which had been named arrived, was accused by the tribunes before the people, and they declared a fine of one million asses.

Comitiis habitis omnes quinque et triginta tribus eum condemnarunt.

With the comitia held, all 35 tribes condemned him.

[9] In Liguribus eo [anno] nihil memorabile gestum. Nam nec hostes mouerunt arma, neque consul in agrum eorum legiones induxit; et satis explorata pace eius anni milites duarum legionum Romanarum intra dies sexaginta, quam in prouinciam uenit, dimisit. Sociorum nominis Latini exercitu mature in hiberna Lunam et Pisas deducto ipse cum equitibus Galliae prouinciae pleraque oppida adit.

[9] Among the Ligurians in that [year] nothing memorable was done. For neither did the enemies
take up arms, nor did the consul lead legions into their territory; and with the peace of that
year sufficiently explored, he dismissed the soldiers of two Roman legions within sixty days from when he came into the province.
The army of the allies of the Latin name having been early led into winter quarters to Luna and Pisae, he himself
with the cavalry of the province of Gaul visits most of the towns.

Nusquam alibi quam in Macedonia bellum erat. Suspectum tamen Gentium, Illyriorum regem, habebant. Itaque et octo nauis ornatas a Brundisio senatus censuit mittendas ad C. Furium legatum Issam, qui cum praesidio duarum Issensium nauium insulae praeerat— duo milia militum in eas naues sunt inposita, quae M. Raecius praetor ex senatus consulto in ea parte Italiae, quae obiecta Illyrico est, conscripsit—, et consul Hostilius Ap. Claudium in Illyricum [cum] quattuor milibus peditum misit, ut accolas Illyrici tutaretur.

Nowhere else than in Macedonia
was there war. They nevertheless had Gentius, king of the Illyrians, under suspicion. And so the senate decreed that eight equipped ships should be sent from Brundisium to C. Furius, the legate, at Issa, who was in command of the island with a praesidium of two Issaean ships— two thousand soldiers were put onto those ships, whom M. Raecius, praetor, in accordance with a senatorial decree, enrolled in that part of Italy which lies opposite to Illyricum—, and the consul Hostilius sent Ap. Claudius into Illyricum [with] four thousand infantry, to protect the inhabitants bordering on Illyricum.

Qui non contentus iis, quas adduxerat, copiis auxilia ab sociis conrogando ad octo milia hominum [ex] uario genere armauit peragrataque omni ea regione ad Lychnidum Dassaretiorum consedit.

He, not content with the forces which he had brought, by enlisting auxiliaries from the allies armed up to eight thousand men of various sort, and, all that region having been traversed, took up position at Lychnidus of the Dassaretii.

[10] Haud procul inde Uscana oppidum finium imperiique Persei erat. decem milia ciuium habebat et modicum custodiae causa Cretensium praesidium. Inde nuntii ad Claudium occulti ueniebant, si propius copias admouisset, paratos fore, qui proderent urbem.

[10] Not far from there was the town Uscana, on the borders and within the dominion of Perseus. It had ten thousand citizens and a modest garrison of Cretans for the sake of guard. From there secret messengers kept coming to Claudius, that, if he should bring his forces nearer, there would be men ready to betray the city.

Et operae pretium esse: non se amicosque tantum, sed etiam milites praeda expleturum. Spes cupiditati admota ita occaecauit animum, ut nec ex iis qui uenerant quemquam retineret nec obsides, pignus futuros afore fraudem agendae rei, posceret nec mitteret exploratum nec fidem acciperet. Die tantum statuta profectus a Lychnido duodecim milia ab urbe, ad quam tendebat, posuit castra.

And that it was worth the effort: that he would fill with booty not only himself and his friends, but even the soldiers. Hope, applied to cupidity, so blinded his mind that he neither kept back any of those who had come, nor demanded hostages—who would be a pledge that fraud would be absent from the affair to be carried out—nor sent anyone to explore, nor accepted a pledge of good faith. With only the day appointed, he set out from Lychnidus and pitched camp twelve miles from the city toward which he was heading.

Quarta inde uigilia signa mouit mille ferme ad praesidium castrorum relictis. Inconpositi, longo agmine effusi, infrequentes, cum nocturnus error dissiparet, ad urbem peruenerunt. Creuit neclegentia, postquam neminem armatum in muris uiderunt.

Then at the fourth watch he moved the standards, leaving nearly a thousand for the garrison of the camp. Disordered, poured out in a long column, thinly attended, as nocturnal wandering scattered them, they reached the city. Negligence grew after they saw no one armed upon the walls.

Ceterum, ubi primum sub ictu teli fuerunt, duabus simul portis erumpitur; et ad clamorem erumpentium ingens strepitus e muris ortus ululantium mulierum cum crepitu undique aeris, et incondita multitudo turba inmixta seruili uariis uocibus personabat. Hic tam multiplex undique obiectus terror effecit, ne sustinere primam procellam eruptionis Romani possent. Itaque fugientes plures quam pugnantes interempti sunt; uix duo milia hominum cum ipso legato in castra perfugerunt.

But when they first came within the stroke of the weapon, by two gates at once there was a bursting-out; and at the shout of those bursting out a huge din arose from the walls—of women ululating—with the clashing of bronze on every side, and the unarranged multitude, a mob mingled with slaves, was resounding with various voices. Here such a manifold terror, presented from every side, brought it to pass that the Romans could not withstand the first tempest of the eruption. Therefore more were slain fleeing than fighting; scarcely two thousand men, together with the legate himself, fled for refuge into the camp.

Quo longius iter in castra erat, eo pluris fessos consectandi hostibus copia fuit. Ne moratus quidem in castris Appius, ut suos dissipatos fuga colligeret, quae res palatis per agros saluti fuisset, ad Lychnidum protinus reliquias cladis reduxit.

The longer the march to the camp was, the greater was the enemies’ opportunity of pursuing many weary men. Not even delaying in
camp, Appius, in order to gather his men scattered by rout—a course which, with them scattered through the fields, would have been for safety—
straightway led the remnants of the disaster back to Lychnidus.

[11] Haec et alia haud prospere in Macedonia gesta ex Sex. Digitio tribuno militum, qui sacrificii causa Romam uenerat, sunt audita. Propter quae ueriti patres, ne qua maior ignominia acciperetur, legatos in Macedoniam M. Fuluium Flaccum et M. Caninium Rebilum miserunt, qui conperta, quae agerentur, referrent; et ut A. Atilius consul comitia consulibus rogandis ita ediceret, uti mense Ianuario confici possent, et ut primo quoque tempore in urbem rediret.

[11] These and other things done in Macedonia with little success were heard from Sextus Digitus, tribune of the soldiers, who had come to Rome for the sake of a sacrifice. Because of which, fearing lest some greater ignominy be incurred, the senators sent legates into Macedonia, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Marcus Caninius Rebilus, to report back once they had ascertained what was being done; and that Aulus Atilius, the consul, should so proclaim the elections for electing consuls that they could be completed in the month of January, and that he should return to the city at the earliest opportunity.

Interim M. Raecio praetori mandatum, ut edicto senatores omnes ex tota Italia, nisi qui rei publicae causa abessent, Romam reuocaret: qui Romae essent, ne quis ultra mille passuum ab Roma abesset. Ea, uti senatus censuit, sunt facta. comitia consularia ante diem quintum kal.

Meanwhile it was mandated to M. Raecius, the praetor, that by edict he recall all the senators from all Italy to Rome, unless they were absent on account of the commonwealth;
those who were at Rome, that no one should be away more than one thousand paces from Rome.
These things, as the senate decreed, were done. the consular elections on the fifth day before the kalends.

Febr. fuere. Creati consules sunt Q. Marcius Philippus iterum et Cn. Seruilius Caepio.

They were in February. The consuls elected were Quintus Marcius
Philippus, for the second time, and Gnaeus Servilius Caepio.

Post diem tertium praetores sunt facti C. Decimius, M. Claudius Marcellus, C. Sulpicius Gallus, C. Marcius Figulus, Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Fonteius Capito. Designatis praetoribus praeter duas urbanas quattuor prouinciae sunt decretae: Hispania et Sardinia et Sicilia et classis.

After the third day the praetors were appointed: C. Decimius, M. Claudius Marcellus, C. Sulpicius Gallus, C. Marcius Figulus, Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Fonteius Capito. When the praetors had been designated, besides the two urban ones, four provinces were assigned: Spain and Sardinia and Sicily and the fleet.

Legati ex Macedonia exacto admodum mense Februario redierunt. Hi, quas res ea aestate prospere gessisset rex Perseus, referebant, quantusque timor socios populi Romani cepisset tot urbibus in potestatem regis redactis. Exercitum consulis infrequentem commeatibus uulgo datis per ambitionem esse; culpam eius rei consulem in tribunos militum, contra illos in consulem conferre.

The legates from Macedonia returned when the month of February had quite elapsed. They reported what things King Perseus had prosperously carried on that summer, and how great a fear had seized the allies of the Roman people, with so many cities reduced into the king’s power. The consul’s army was scant, leaves being commonly granted through ambition; the consul laid the blame for this matter upon the military tribunes, while they, conversely, laid it upon the consul.

Ignominiam Claudi temeritate acceptam eleuare eos patres acceperunt, qui perpaucos Italici generis et magna [ex parte] tumultuario dilectu conscriptos ibi milites amissos referebant. Consules designati ubi primum magistratum inissent, de Macedonia referre ad senatum iussi; destinataeque prouinciae iis sunt Italia et Macedonia. Hoc anno intercalatum est: tertio die post Terminalia kalendae intercalariae fuere.

The senators welcomed those who sought to alleviate the ignominy incurred by Claudius’s rashness, who reported that only very few soldiers there, of Italian stock and for the most part enrolled by a tumultuary levy, had been lost. The consuls-designate, as soon as they first entered upon their magistracy, were ordered to make a report to the senate about Macedonia; and the provinces assigned to them were Italy and Macedonia. In this year an intercalation was made: on the third day after the Terminalia there were Intercalary Kalends.

Sacerdotes intra eum annum mortui sunt L. Flamininus . . . pontifices duo decesserunt, L. Furius Philus et C. Liuius Salinator. In locum Furii T. Manlium Torquatum, in Liui M. Seruilium pontifices legerunt.

The priests within that year died, L. Flamininus . . . two pontiffs deceased, L. Furius Philus and C. Livius Salinator. In the place of Furius, T. Manlius Torquatus, in the place of Livius, M. Servilius, they elected as pontiffs.

[12] Principio insequentis anni cum consules noui Q. Marcius et Cn. Seruilius de prouinciis rettulissent, primo quoque tempore aut conparare eos inter se Italiam et Macedoniam aut sortiri placuit; priusquam id sors cerneret, in incertum, ne quid gratia momenti faceret, in utramque prouinciam, quod res desideraret supplementi decernunt in Macedoniam peditum Romanorum sex milia, sociorum nominis Latini sex milia, equites Romanos ducentos quinquaginta, socios trecentos; ueteres milites dimitti, ita ut in singulas Romanas legiones ne plus sena milia peditum, treceni equites essent. Alteri consuli nullus certus finitus numerus ciuium Romanorum, quem in supplementum legeret. id modo finitum, ut duas legiones scriberet, quae quina milia peditum et ducenos haberent, equites trecenos.

[12] At the beginning of the following year, when the new consuls Q. Marcius and Cn. Servilius had reported concerning the provinces, it was resolved that at the earliest opportunity they should either arrange between themselves for Italy and Macedonia or cast lots; before the lot should decide that, so that, amid uncertainty, no favor might have weight, they decree for each province, as the situation required, a supplement— for Macedonia six thousand Roman infantry, six thousand of the allies of the Latin name, two hundred and fifty Roman cavalry, three hundred allied—; that the veteran soldiers be discharged, on condition that in each Roman legion there should not be more than six thousand infantry, three hundred cavalry. For the other consul no definite fixed number of Roman citizens was set, which he should enroll as a supplement; only this was fixed, that he should enroll two legions, which should have five thousand infantry and two hundred each, the cavalry three hundred.

Latinorum maior quam collegae decretus numerus, peditum decem milia et sescenti equites. Quattuor praeterea legiones scribi iussae, quae, si quo opus esset, educerentur. Tribunos iis, non permissum, ut consules facerent: populus creauit.

A greater number of Latins than for his colleague was decreed, ten thousand infantry and six hundred horsemen.
Four legions besides were ordered to be enrolled, which, if there were need anywhere, would be led out.
The tribunes for them it was not permitted that the consuls appoint: the people elected them.

Sociis nominis Latini sedecim milia peditum et mille equites imperati. Hunc exercitum parari tantum placuit, ut exiret, si quo res posceret. Macedonia maxime curam praebebat.

From the allies of the Latin name, 16,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry were levied. It was decided that this army be prepared only so as to march out, if the situation should require it. Macedonia was giving the greatest concern.

In classem mille socii nauales ciues Romani libertini ordinis, ex Italia [quingenti] scribi iussi; totidem ut ex Sicilia scriberentur; et cui ea prouincia euenisset, mandatum, ut eos in Macedoniam, ubicumque classis esset, deportandos curaret. In Hispaniam tria milia peditum Romanorum in supplementum, trecenti equites decreti. Finitus ibi quoque in legiones militum numerus, peditum quina milia duceni et treceni equites.

In
for the fleet a thousand naval allies; Roman citizens of the freedman order, from Italy [five hundred] were ordered
to be enrolled; and the same number to be enrolled from Sicily; and to whoever that province fell it was mandated to take care that
they be transported to Macedonia, wherever the fleet might be. Into Spain three thousand Roman infantry as a supplement, three hundred cavalry were decreed.
There too the number of soldiers in the legions was fixed: five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry.

Et sociis imperare praetor, cui Hispania obuenisset, iussus quattuor milia peditum et trecentos equites.

And the praetor, to whom Spain had fallen, was ordered to levy upon the allies four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.

[13] Non sum nescius ab eadem neclegentia, quia nihil deos portendere uulgo nunc credant, neque nuntiari admodum ulla prodigia in publicum neque in annales referri. Ceterum et mihi uetustas res scribenti nescio quo pacto anticus fit animus, et quaedam religio tenet, quae illi prudentissimi uiri publice suscipienda censuerint, ea pro indignis habere, quae in meos annales referam. Anagnia duo prodigia eo anno sunt nuntiata, facem in caelo conspectam et bouem feminam locutam; [eam] publice ali.

[13] I am not unaware that from this same negligence, because people commonly now believe that the gods portend nothing, hardly any prodigies are announced to the public or entered into the annals. But for me too, as I write of antiquity, somehow the spirit becomes antique, and a certain religious scruple holds me not to hold as unworthy of my annals those things which those most prudent men judged should be undertaken publicly. At Anagnia two prodigies were reported that year: a torch was seen in the sky, and a cow of the female sex spoke; [her] to be maintained at public expense.

Menturnis quoque per eos dies caeli ardentis species affulserat. Reate imbri lapidauit. Cumis in arce Apollo triduum ac tris noctes lacrimauit.

At Minturnae also during those days an appearance of a burning sky had shone forth. At Reate it rained stones. At Cumae on the citadel Apollo wept for three days and three nights.

In urbe Romana duo aeditui nuntiarunt, alter in aede Fortunae anguem iubatum a conpluribus uisum esse, alter in aede Primigeniae Fortunae, quae in Colle est, duo diuersa prodigia, palmam in area enatam et sanguine interdiu pluuisse. Duo non suscepta prodigia sunt, alterum, quod in priuato loco factum esset,—palmam enatam [in] inpluuio suo T. Marcius Figulus nuntiabat —, alterum, quod in loco peregrino: Fregellis in domo L. Atrei hasta, quam filio militi emerat, interdiu plus duas horas arsisse, ita ut nihil eius ambureret ignis, dicebatur. Publicorum prodigiorum causa libri a decemuiris aditi: quadraginta maioribus hostiis quibus diis consules sacrificarent ediderunt, et uti supplicatio fieret cunctique magistratus circa omnia puluinaria uictumis maioribus sacrificarent populusque coronatus esset.

In the city of Rome two temple-wardens
reported: one, that in the temple of Fortune a maned serpent had been seen by several; the other, in the temple
of Fortune Primigenia, which is on the Hill, two different prodigies—that a palm had sprung up in the forecourt, and
that it had rained blood in broad daylight. Two prodigies were not accepted: the one, because it had happened in a private place
—T. Marcius Figulus was reporting that a palm had sprung up in his impluvium—; the other,
because it was in a foreign place: at Fregellae, in the house of L. Atreus, a spear which he had bought for his son, a soldier,
was said to have burned for more than two hours in the daytime, in such a way that the fire burned none of it. On account of the public
prodigies the Books were consulted by the decemvirs: they prescribed to which gods the consuls
should sacrifice with forty greater victims; and that a supplication be held, and that all the magistrates around all
the pulvinaria should sacrifice with greater victims, and that the people be crowned with garlands.

Omnia, uti decemuiri praeierunt, facta.

Everything, as the decemvirs prescribed, was done.

[14] Censoribus deinde creandis comitia edicta sunt. Petierunt censuram principes ciuitatis, C. Ualerius Laeuinus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Mucius Scaeuola, M. Iunius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. Hos duos censores creauit populus Romanus.

[14] Then comitial elections were proclaimed for the creating of censors. The leading men of the state sought the censorship, C. Valerius Laevinus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Mucius Scaevola, M. Junius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. These two the Roman people elected censors.

Cum dilectus habendi maior quam alias propter Macedonicum bellum cura esset, consules plebem apud senatum accusabant, quod [et] iuniores non responderent. Aduersus quos C. Sulpicius et M. Claudius praetores plebis causam egerunt: non consulibus, sed ambitiosis consulibus dilectum difficilem esse; neminem inuitum militem ab iis fieri. Id ut ita esse scirent et patres conscripti, praetores se, quibus uis imperii minor et auctoritas esset, dilectum, si ita senatui uideretur, perfecturos esse.

When, because of the Macedonian war, there was greater than usual concern for holding a levy, the consuls were accusing the plebs before the senate, because the younger men were not responding. Against them C. Sulpicius and M. Claudius, the praetors, pleaded the cause of the plebs: that the levy was difficult not for consuls, but for ambitious consuls; that by them no one was being made a soldier against his will. So that the senators might know that this was so, the praetors—whose force of imperium and authority were less—declared that they would complete the levy, if it should so seem good to the senate.

Id praetoribus magna patrum [approbatione], non sine suggillatione consulum mandatum est. Censores, ut eam rem adiuuarent, ita in contione edixerunt: legem censui censendo dicturos esse, ut praeter commune omnium ciuium ius iurandum haec adiurarent: 'tu minor annis sex et quadraginta es tuque ex edicto C. Claudi Ti. Semproni censorum ad dilectum prodisti et, quotienscumque dilectus erit, quoad hi censores magistratum habebunt, si miles factus non eris, in dilectum prodibis?' item, quia fama erat multos ex Macedonicis legionibus incertis commeatibus per ambitionem imperatorum ab exercitu abesse, edixerunt de militibus P. Aelio [C. Popilio] consulibus postue eos consules in Macedoniam scriptis, ut, qui eorum in Italia essent, intra dies triginta, censi prius apud sese, in prouinciam redirent; qui in patris aut aui potestate essent, eorum nomina ad se ederentur. Missorum quoque causas sese cognituros esse; et quorum ante emerita stipendia gratiosa missio sibi uisa esset, eos milites fieri iussuros.

That was entrusted to the praetors with great [approval] of the Fathers, not without a gibe at the consuls. The censors, to aid that matter, thus proclaimed in the public assembly: that they would promulgate a statute for the census in the act of conducting the census, to the effect that, beyond the common oath of all citizens, they should swear these additional points: ‘you are under forty-six years of age, and you have appeared for the levy according to the edict of the censors Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius, and, whenever a levy shall be, so long as these censors shall hold the magistracy, if you shall not have been made a soldier, you will present yourself for the levy?’ Likewise, because there was a report that many from the Macedonian legions, on uncertain furloughs through the ambition of their commanders, were absent from the army, they proclaimed concerning the soldiers enrolled for Macedonia under the consuls Publius Aelius [Gaius Popilius] and the consuls after them, that those of them who were in Italy should, within thirty days, after first being registered before themselves, return to the province; that those who were in the power of a father or grandfather should have their names reported to them. They would also inquire into the causes of those discharged; and those whose discharge, before their stipends were earned out, seemed to them to have been granted by favor, they would order to be soldiers.

Hoc edicto litterisque censorum per fora et conciliabula dimissis tanta multitudo iuniorum Romam conuenit, ut grauis urbi turba insolita esset.

On this edict and the letters of the censors having been sent out through the forums and meeting-places, so great a multitude of younger men gathered at Rome that an unwonted, burdensome throng pressed upon the city.

[15] Praeter dilectum eorum, quos in supplementum mitti oportebat, quattuor a C. Sulpicio praetore scriptae legiones sunt, intraque undecim dies dilectus est perfectus. Consules deinde sortiti prouincias sunt. Nam praetores propter iurisdictionem maturius sortiti erant.

[15] Besides the levy of those who had to be sent as a supplement,
four legions were enrolled by the praetor Gaius Sulpicius, and within eleven days the levy was
completed. Then the consuls cast lots for the provinces. For the praetors, on account of their
jurisdiction, had cast lots earlier.

Urbana C. Sulpicio, peregrina C. Decimio obtigerat; Hispaniam M. Claudius Marcellus, Siciliam Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, Sardiniam P. Fonteius Capito, classem C. Marcius Figulus erat sortitus. Consulum Cn. Seruilio Italia, Q. Marcio Macedonia obuenit; Latinisque actis Marcius extemplo est profectus.

The urban jurisdiction had fallen to Gaius Sulpicius, the peregrine to Gaius Decimius; Spain to Marcus
Claudius Marcellus, Sicily to Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Sardinia to Publius Fonteius Capito,
the fleet had been allotted to Gaius Marcius Figulus. Of the consuls, Italy fell to Gnaeus Servilius, to Quintus Marcius
Macedonia fell; and with the Latin rites transacted, Marcius set out at once.

Caepione deinde referente ad senatum, quas ex nouis legionibus duas legiones secum in Galliam duceret, decreuere patres, ut C. Sulpicius M. Claudius praetores ex iis, quas scripsissent, legionibus, quas uideretur, consuli darent. Indigne patiens praetorum arbitrio consulem subiectum, dimisso senatu ad tribunal praetorum stans postulauit, ex senatus consulto destinarent sibi duas legiones. Praetores consulis in eligendo arbitrium fecerunt.

Then, with Caepio bringing the matter before the senate as to which two legions from the new levies he should lead with him into Gaul, the Fathers decreed that the praetors C. Sulpicius and M. Claudius, from those legions which they had enrolled, should give to the consul whichever seemed good.
Unable to bear with indignation that the consul was subjected to the arbitrium of the praetors, after the senate was dismissed he stood at the praetors’ tribunal and demanded that, by senatorial decree, they assign two legions to himself.
The praetors made over to the consul the discretion in choosing.

Senatum deinde censores legerunt: M. Aemilius Lepidus princeps ab tertiis iam censoribus lectus. septem de senatu eiecti sunt. In censu accipiendo populi milites ex Macedonico exercitu, qui quam multi abessent ab signis census docuit, in prouinciam [redire] cogebant; causas ~stipendiis missorum cognoscebant, et cuius nondum iusta missio uisa esset, ita iusiurandum adigebant: 'ex tui animi sententia, tu ex edicto C. Claudi Ti. Semproni censorum in prouinciam Macedoniam redibis, quod sine dolo malo facere poteris?'

Then the censors chose the Senate: M. Aemilius Lepidus, princeps of the Senate, was chosen by the censors now for the third time. Seven were ejected from the Senate. While taking the census of the people, they were compelling the soldiers from the Macedonian army—whom the census showed how many were absent from the standards—to [return] to the province; they were examining the cases of those discharged ~with stipends, and whoever had not yet seemed to have a just discharge they constrained by oath as follows: 'in your own judgment, will you, according to the edict of C. Claudius and Ti. Sempronius, the censors, return to the province of Macedonia, which you will be able to do without fraud or malice?'

[16] In equitibus recensendis tristis admodum eorum atque aspera censura fuit: multis equos ademerunt. In ea re cum equestrem ordinem offendissent, flammam inuidiae adiecere edicto, quo edixerunt, ne quis eorum, qui Q. Fuluio A. Postumio censoribus publica uectigalia aut ultro tributa conduxissent, ad hastam suam accederet sociusue aut adfinis eius conductionis esset. Saepe id querendo ueteres publicani cum impetrare nequissent ab senatu, ut modum potestati censoriae inponerent, tandem tribunum plebis P. Rutilium, ex rei priuatae contentione iratum censoribus, patronum causae nancti sunt.

[16] In the reviewing of the cavalry their censura was very grim and harsh: they took away the horses from many. In this matter, when they had offended the equestrian order, they added fuel to the flame of ill-will by an edict, in which they proclaimed that none of those who, under the censors Q. Fulvius and A. Postumius, had contracted for the public vectigalia or the out-payments (ultro tributa), should approach their auction, nor be a partner or connected with that contracting. Though the old publicani often complained of this and could not obtain from the senate that a limit be imposed on the censorial power, at last they found as a patron of their cause the tribune of the plebs, P. Rutilius, angered at the censors through a dispute in a private matter.

Clientem [eius] libertinum parietem in Sacra uia aduersus aedes publicas demoliri iusserant, quod publico inaedificatus esset. Appellati a priuato tribuni. cum praeter Rutilium nemo intercederet, censores ad pignera capienda miserunt multamque pro contione priuato dixerunt.

They had ordered [his] client, a freedman, to demolish a wall on the Sacred Way, opposite the public buildings, because it had been built onto public property. The tribunes were appealed to by the private individual; since, apart from Rutilius, no one interceded, the censors sent men to take pledges and pronounced a fine upon the private party before the public assembly.

Hinc contentione orta cum ueteres publicani se ad tribunum contulissent, rogatio repente sub unius tribuni nomine promulgatur, quae publica uectigalia [aut] ultro tributa C. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea rata locatio ne esset: ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et conducendi promiscue ius esset. Diem ad [eius] rogationem concilio tribunus plebis dixit. Qui postquam uenit ut censores ad dissuadendum processerunt, Graccho dicente silentium fuit; [cum] Claudio obstreperetur, audientiam facere praeconem iussit.

From this, when a contention had arisen and the old publicans had betaken themselves to the tribune,
a bill is suddenly promulgated under the name of a single tribune, to the effect that the lettings of the public revenues
[or] out-payments which Gaius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius had let out should not be valid: that they be let afresh from the beginning, and
that there be for all, without distinction, a right of farming and of contracting. The tribune of the plebs appointed a day in assembly for
[that] bill. When the day came and the censors advanced to dissuade, there was silence while Gracchus was speaking; [when] Claudius was being shouted down,
he ordered the herald to procure a hearing.

Eo facto auocatam a se contionem tribunus questus et in ordinem se coactum ex Capitolio, ubi erat concilium, abit. Postero die ingentis tumultus ciere. Ti. Gracchi primum bona consecrauit, quod in multa pignoribusque eius, qui tribunum appellasset, intercessioni non parendo se in ordinem coegisset; C. Claudio diem dixit, quod contionem ab se auocasset; et utrique censori perduellionem se iudicare pronuntiauit diemque comitiis a C. Sulpicio praetore urbano petit.

After this was done, the tribune, having complained that the assembly had been called away from him and that he had been forced into order, departs from the Capitol, where the council was. On the next day he stirs up huge tumults. He first consecrated the property of Tiberius Gracchus, because, in the matter of the fine and the pledges of the man who had appealed to the tribune, by not obeying the intercession he had forced himself into order; he named a day for Gaius Claudius, because he had called away the assembly from him; and he proclaimed that he was adjudging treason against each censor and sought from Gaius Sulpicius, the urban praetor, a day for the comitia.

Non recusantibus censoribus, quominus primo quoque tempore iudicium de se populus faceret, in ante diem octauum et septimum kal. Octobres comitiis perduellionis dicta dies. Censores extemplo in atrium Libertatis escenderunt et ibi obsignatis tabellis publicis clausoque tabulario et dimissis seruis publicis negarunt se prius quidquam publici negotii gesturos, quam iudicium populi de se factum esset.

With the censors not refusing that the people should render judgment about them at the earliest possible time, days were named for the comitia on a charge of perduellio (treason) on the 8th and 7th days before the Kalends of October (September 24 and 25). The censors immediately went up to the Atrium of Liberty, and there, after sealing the public tablets, closing the archives, and dismissing the public slaves, they declared that they would transact nothing of public business before the people’s judgment about them had been made.

Prior Claudius causam dixit; et cum ex duodecim centuriis equitum octo censorem condemnassent multaeque aliae primae classis, extemplo principes ciuitatis in conspectu populi anulis aureis positis uestem mutarunt, ut supplices plebem circumirent. Maxime tamen sententiam uertisse dicitur Ti. Gracchus, quod, cum clamor undique plebis esset periculum Graccho non esse, conceptis uerbis iurauit, si collega damnatus esset, non expectato de se iudicio comitem exilii eius futurum. Adeo tamen ad extremum spei uenit reus, ut octo centuriae ad damnationem defuerint.

Claudius first pleaded his case; and when out of the twelve
centuries of the equites eight had condemned the censor, and many others of the first class as well, immediately
the foremost men of the state, with their gold rings set aside in the sight of the people, changed their dress, that, as suppliants,
they might go around the plebs. Most of all, however, Ti. Gracchus is said to have turned the verdict, because, when
there was shouting on every side from the plebs that there was no danger for Gracchus, he swore with set words that, if
his colleague were condemned, not waiting for the judgment about himself, he would be the companion of his exile. Nevertheless
the defendant came to the very brink of hope, in that eight centuries were lacking for condemnation.

Absoluto Claudio tribunus plebis negauit se Gracchum morari.

With Claudius acquitted, the tribune of the plebs declared that he would not delay Gracchus.

[17] Eo anno postulantibus Aquileiensium legatis, ut numerus colonorum augeretur, mille et quingentae familiae ex senatus consulto scriptae triumuirique, qui eas deducerent, missi sunt T. Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, M. Cornelius Cethegus. Eodem anno C. Popilius et Cn. Octauius legati, qui in Graeciam missi erant, senatus consultum Thebis primum recitatum per omnes Peloponnesi urbes circumtulerunt, ne quis ullam rem in bellum magistratibus Romanis conferret, praeterquam quod senatus censuisset. Hoc fiduciam in posterum quoque praebuerat, leuatos se oneribus[que] inpensisque, quibus, alia aliis inperantibus, exhauriebantur.

[17] In that year, at the request of the envoys of the Aquileians, that the number of colonists be increased, one thousand five hundred families were enrolled by decree of the senate, and the triumvirs to conduct them were sent: T. Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, M. Cornelius Cethegus. In the same year Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius, envoys who had been sent into Greece, carried around through all the cities of the Peloponnesus the senatorial decree first recited at Thebes, that no one should contribute anything for the war to the Roman magistrates, except what the senate had resolved. This also provided confidence for the future, that they were relieved of the burdens and expenses by which, with different men ordering different things, they were being drained.

Achaico concilio Aegi iis dato benigne locuti auditique, egregia spe futuri status fidissima gente relicta, in Aetoliam traiecerunt. Ibi nondum quidem seditio erat, sed omnia suspecta criminumque inter ipsos plena; ob quae obsidibus postulatis neque exitu rei inposito in Acarnaniam inde profecti legati sunt. Thyrrei concilium legatis Acarnanes dederunt.

With the Achaean council at Aegium granted to them, having spoken graciously and been favorably heard, and, leaving a most faithful people behind with outstanding hope of the future status, they crossed over into Aetolia. There indeed there was not yet sedition, but everything was suspect and full of charges among themselves; on account of which, hostages having been demanded, and no issue of the matter being imposed, the legates set out thence into Acarnania. At Thyreum the Acarnanians granted the legates a council.

Ibi quoque inter factiones erat certamen: quidam principum postulare, ut praesidia in urbes suas inducerentur aduersus amentiam eorum, qui ad Macedonas gentem trahebant; pars recusare, ne, quod bello captis et hostibus mos esset, id pacatae et sociae ciuitates ignominiae acciperent. Iusta deprecatio haec uisa. Larisam ad Hostilium proconsulem—ab eo enim missi erant—legati redierunt.

There too between the factions there was a contest: certain of the principals demanded that garrisons be introduced into their cities against the madness of those who were inclining toward the Macedonian nation; part refused, lest that which was the custom for those captured in war and for enemies, peaceful and allied states should accept as an ignominy. This plea seemed just. To Larisa, to Hostilius the proconsul—for by him indeed they had been sent—the envoys returned.

Octauium retinuit secum, Popilium cum mille ferme militibus in hiberna Ambraciam misit.

He kept Octavius with him, and sent Popilius with about a thousand soldiers into winter quarters at Ambracia.

[18] Perseus principio hiemis egredi Macedoniae finibus non ausus, ne qua in regnum uacuum inrumperent Romani, sub tempus brumae, cum inexsuperabilis ab Thessalia montes niuis altitudo facit, occasionem esse ratus frangendi finitimorum spes animosque, ne quid auerso se in Romanum bellum periculi ab iis esset, cum a Threcia pacem Cotys, ab Epiro Cephalus repentina defectione ab Romanis praestarent, Dardanos recens domuisset bellum, solum infestum esse Macedoniae latus, quod ab Illyrico pateret, cernens, neque ipsis quietis Illyriis et aditum praebentibus Romano, si domuisset proximos Illyriorum, Gentium quoque regem iam diu dubium in societatem perlici posse, cum decem milibus peditum, quorum pars phalangitae erant, et duobus milibus leuium armorum et quingentis equitibus profectus Stuberram uenit. Inde frumento conplurium dierum sumpto iussoque apparatu oppugnandarum urbium sequi, tertio die ad Uscanam—Penestianae terrae ea maxima urbs est—posuit castra, prius tamen, quam uim admoueret, missis, qui temptarent nunc praefectorum praesidii, nunc oppidanorum animos. Erat autem ibi cum iuuentute Illyriorum Romanum [praesidium]. postquam nihil pacati referebant, oppugnare est adortus et corona eam capere conatus est.

[18] Perseus, at the beginning of winter, not daring to go out beyond the borders of Macedonia, lest the Romans break in anywhere upon a vacant kingdom, at the time of the winter solstice, when the unsurpassable height of snow makes the mountains impassable from Thessaly, thinking it an opportunity for breaking the neighbors’ hopes and spirits, so that, with himself turned toward the Roman war, there might be no danger from them—since from Thrace Cotys, from Epirus Cephalus, by a sudden defection from the Romans, were furnishing peace; since he had lately subdued the Dardanian war; seeing that the only flank dangerous to Macedonia was that which lay open from Illyricum, and that, with the Illyrians themselves not quiet and affording an approach to the Roman, if he subdued the nearest of the Illyrians, King Gentius too, long doubtful, could be enticed into alliance—set out with 10,000 foot, part of whom were phalangites, and 2,000 light-armed and 500 horse, and came to Stuberra. Thence, having taken grain for several days and having ordered the apparatus for storming cities to follow, on the third day he pitched camp at Uscana—the greatest city of the Penestian land—yet before he applied force, he sent men to test now the minds of the commanders of the garrison, now those of the townsfolk. Now there was there, along with the youth of the Illyrians, a Roman [garrison]. After they reported nothing of peace, he began to assault and tried to take it by a ring of siege.

cum sine intermissione interdiu noctuque alii aliis succedentes, pars scalas muris, [pars] ignem portis inferrent, sustinebant tamen eam tempestatem propugnatores urbis, quia spes erat neque hiemis uim diutius pati Macedonas in aperto posse, nec ab Romano bello tantum regi laxamenti fore, ut posset morari. Ceterum postquam uineas agi turresque excitari uident, uicta pertinacia est. Nam praeterquam quod aduersus uim pares non erant, ne frumenti quidem aut ullius alterius rei copia intus erat, ut in necopinata obsidione.

while, without intermission by day and by night, some succeeding others, part were bringing ladders to the walls, [part] fire to the gates, yet the defenders of the city were withstanding that tempest, because there was hope that neither could the Macedonians in the open endure the force of winter for long, nor would there be so much respite to the king from the Roman war that he could delay. However, after they see the vineae being driven up and the towers being raised, their obstinacy was overcome. For besides the fact that they were not equal to force, there was within not even a supply of grain or of any other thing, as in an unlooked-for siege.

Itaque cum spei nihil ad resistendum esset, C. Caruilius Spoletinus et C. Afranius a praesidio Romano missi, qui a Perseo peterent primo, ut armatos suaque secum ferentis abire sineret, dein, si id minus impetrarent, uitae tantum libertatisque fidem acciperent. Promissum id benignius est ab rege quam praestitum; exire enim sua secum efferentibus iussis primum arma, [dein libertatem] ademit. His urbe egressis et Illyriorum cohors —quingenti erant—et Uscanenses se urbemque dediderunt.

And so
since there was no hope for resisting, Gaius Carvilius of Spoletium and Gaius Afranius, sent from the Roman garrison to ask from Perseus first that he allow the armed men, carrying their own belongings with them, to depart; then, if they did not obtain that, to accept a pledge only of life and liberty. That was promised by the king more benignly than it was performed; for, when those carrying their own things out with them had been ordered to go out, he first took away their arms, [then their liberty]. After these had gone out of the city, both the cohort of Illyrians — they were five hundred — and the people of Uscana surrendered themselves and the city.

[19] Perseus praesidio Uscanae inposito multitudinem omnem deditorum, quae prope numero exercitum aequabat, Stuberram abducit. Ibi Romanis- quattuor milia autem hominum erant—praeter principes in custodiam ciuitatum diuisis, Uscanensibus Illyriisque uenditis, in Penestas exercitum reducit ad Oaeneum oppidum in potestatem redigendum, et alioqui opportune situm, et transitus ea est in Labeates, ubi Gentius regnabat. Praetereunti frequens castellum, Draudacum nomine, peritorum quidam regionis eius nihil Oaeneo capto opus esse ait, nisi in potestate et Draudacum sit; opportunius etiam ad omnia positum esse.

[19] Perseus, a garrison having been imposed at Uscana, leads off to Stuberra the whole multitude of the surrendered, which almost equaled the army in number. There the Romans—quattuor milia, however, of men—apart from the leaders, having been divided into the custody of the communities, the Uscanenses and Illyrians having been sold, he leads the army back into the Penestae to bring the town of Oaeneus into his power, both otherwise opportune in its situation, and there is by that route a transit into the Labeates, where Gentius was reigning. As he was passing by a populous fort, by name Draudacum, a certain expert of that region said that there was no need for Oaeneus to be taken, unless Draudacum also were in control; that it was positioned even more opportune for all purposes.

Admoto exercitu omnes extemplo dediderunt sese. [Ad] quam spe celeriorem deditionem erectus postquam animaduertit, quantus agminis sui terror esset, undecim alia castella eodem metu in potestatem redigit. Ad perpauca ui opus fuit, cetera uoluntate dedita; et in his recepti mille et quingenti dispositi per praesidia milites Romani.

With the army brought up, they all at once surrendered themselves. Encouraged by this surrender being swifter than he had hoped, when he perceived how great the terror of his marching column was, he brought eleven other forts into his power by the same fear. For very few was there need of force; the rest surrendered voluntarily; and among these 1,500 Roman soldiers were recovered, who had been assigned throughout the garrisons.

Magno usui Caruilius Spoletinus erat in conloquiis dicendo nihil in ipsos saeuitum. Deinde Oaeneum peruentum est, quod sine iusta oppugnatione capi non poterat. Et maiore aliquanto, quam cetera, iuuentute et ualidum oppidum moenibus erat, et hinc amnis, Artatus nomine, hinc mons praealtus et aditu difficilis cingebat.

Carvilius Spoletinus was of great use in the parleys, by saying that no cruelty had been exercised upon them. Then they came to Oaeneum, which could not be taken without a regular assault. And it had a somewhat larger body of young men than the rest, and was a strong town in its walls; and on one side a river, by name Artatus, on the other a very high mountain, difficult of approach, encircled it.

Haec spem ad resistendum oppidanis dabant. Perseus circumuallato oppido aggerem a parte superiore ducere instituit, cuius altitudine muros superaret. Quod opus dum perficitur, crebris interim proeliis, quibus per excursiones et moenia sua oppidani tutabantur et opera hostium inpediebant, magna eorum multitudo uariis casibus absumpta est, et qui supererant, labore diurno nocturnoque [et] uolneribus inutiles erant.

These things gave the townsmen hope for resisting. Perseus, with the town circumvallated, set about drawing a rampart from the higher side, by whose height he would overtop the walls. While that work was being completed, meanwhile in frequent combats—wherein by sallies and from their own walls the townsmen were defending themselves and impeding the enemy’s works—a great multitude of them was consumed by various casualties, and those who survived were rendered useless by day-and-night labor [and] by wounds.

Ubi primum agger iniunctus muro est, et cohors regia, quos Nicatoras appellant, transcendit, et scalis multis simul partibus inpetus in urbem est factus. Puberes omnes interfecti sunt; coniuges liberosque eorum in custodiam dedit; praedae alia militum cessere. Stuberram inde uictor reuertens ad Gentium legatos Pleuratum Illyrium, exulantem apud se, et Adaeum Macedonem a Beroea mittit; iis mandat, ut exponerent aestatis eius hiemisque acta sua aduersus Romanos Dardanosque; adicerent recentia in Illyrico hibernae expeditionis opera; hortarentur Gentium in amicitiam secum et cum Macedonibus iungendam.

As soon as the ramp was joined to the wall,
and the royal cohort, whom they call the Nicatoras, crossed over, and with many ladders at once in several quarters
an attack upon the city was made. All the grown men were killed; their wives and children he gave into
custody; the rest of the plunder fell to the soldiers. Thence, returning victorious to Stuberra, he sends to Gentius
as envoys Pleuratus the Illyrian, exiled with him, and Adaeus the Macedonian, from Beroea; to them
he gives orders to set forth his deeds of that summer and winter against the Romans and Dardanians;
to add the recent operations in Illyricum of the winter expedition; to exhort Gentius to be joined in friendship
with himself and with the Macedonians.

[20] Hi transgressi iugum Scordi montis, per Illyrici solitudines, quas de industria populando Macedones fecerant, ne transitus faciles Dardanis in Illyricum aut Macedoniam essent, Scodram labore ingenti tandem peruenerunt. Lissi rex Gentius erat. Eo acciti legati, qui mandata exponentes benigne auditi sunt; responsum sine effectu tulerunt, uoluntatem sibi non deesse ad bellandum cum Romanis; ceterum ad conandum id, quod uelit, pecuniam maxime deesse.

[20] Having crossed the ridge of Mount Scordus, through the solitudes of Illyricum, which
the Macedonians had made deliberately by ravaging, so that there might not be easy passages for the Dardanians into Illyricum or
Macedonia, they at last reached Scodra with immense labor. At Lissus the king was Gentius. Thither
the envoys were summoned, who, setting forth their mandates, were kindly heard; they carried away an answer without effect,
that willingness was not lacking to him to wage war with the Romans; but that, for attempting that which
he wished, money was especially lacking.

Haec Stuberram rettulere regi tum maxime captiuos ex Illyrico uendenti. Extemplo iidem legati, addito Glaucia ex numero custodum corporis, remittuntur sine mentione pecuniae, qua una barbarus inops inpelli ad bellum non poterat. Ancyram inde populatus Perseus in Penestas rursus exercitum reducit firmatisque Uscanae et circa eam per omnia castella, quae receperat, praesidiis in Macedoniam sese recipit.

They carried back this report to the king at Stuberra, who at that very time was especially engaged in selling captives from Illyricum. At once the same envoys, with Glaucias added from the number of the bodyguard, are sent back with no mention of money—the one thing without which the destitute barbarian could not be driven to war. From there, after ravaging Ancyra, Perseus leads the army back again into the land of the Penestae, and, with Uscana and all the forts around it which he had recovered made secure with garrisons, he withdraws into Macedonia.

[21] L. Coelius, legatus Romanus, praeerat Illyrico; qui moueri non ausus, cum in iis locis rex esset, post profectionem demum eius conatus in Penestis Uscanam recipere, a praesidio, quod ibi Macedonum erat, cum multis uolneribus repulsus Lychnidum copias reduxit. Inde post dies paucos M. Trebellium Fregellanum cum satis ualida manu [in] Penestas misit ad obsides ab iis urbibus, quae in amicitia cum fide permanserant, accipiendos; procedere etiam in Parthinos— ii quoque obsides dare pepigerant—iussit. Ab utraque gente sine tumultu exigit.

[21] L. Coelius, a Roman legate, was in command over Illyricum; not daring to move, since the king was in those regions, only after his departure did he attempt in the Penestae to retake Uscana, but, repulsed with many wounds by the garrison of Macedonians which was there, he led his forces back to Lychnidus. Then, after a few days, he sent M. Trebellius, a Fregellan, with a sufficiently strong force [into] the Penestae to receive hostages from those cities which had remained in friendship with good faith; he also ordered him to proceed into the Parthini—they too had covenanted to give hostages. From both peoples he exacted them without tumult.

Penestarum equites Apolloniam, Parthinorum Dyrrachium,—tum Epidamni magis celebre nomen Graecis erat—missi. Ap. Claudius acceptam in Illyrico ignominiam corrigere cupiens Phanotam, Epiri castellum, adortus oppugnare est. Auxilia Chaonum Thesprotorumque praeter Romanum exercitum, ad sex milia hominum, secum adduxit; neque operae pretium fecit Cleua, qui relictus a Perseo erat, cum ualido praesidio defendente.

Horsemen of the Penestae were sent to Apollonia, of the Parthini to Dyrrachium—then the name Epidamnus was more celebrated among the Greeks—. Ap. Claudius, wishing to correct the ignominy incurred in Illyricum, set upon Phanota, a castle of Epirus, to assault it. He brought with him auxiliaries of the Chaones and Thesproti, in addition to the Roman army, to the number of about six thousand men; nor did he make it worth the effort, with Cleua—who had been left by Perseus—defending it with a strong garrison.

Et Perseus, Elimeam profectus et circa eam exercitu lustrato ad Stratum uocantibus Epirotis ducit. Stratus ualidissima tum urbs Aetoliae erat; sita est super Ambracium sinum prope amnem Inachum. Cum decem milibus peditum eo profectus est et equitibus trecentis, quos pauciores propter angustias uiarum et asperitatem duxit.

And Perseus, having set out to Elimeia and, the army around it having been reviewed, leads to Stratus at the calling of the Epirotes. Stratus was at that time a very strong city of Aetolia; it is situated above the Ambracian Gulf near the river Inachus. He set out thither with ten thousand foot and three hundred horse, whom he led fewer on account of the narrowness of the roads and their ruggedness.

Tertio die cum peruenisset ad Citium montem, uix transgressus propter altitudinem niuis locum quoque castris aegre inuenit. Profectus inde, magis quia manere non poterat, [quam] quod tolerabilis aut uia aut tempestas esset, cum ingenti uexatione praecipue iumentorum altero die ad templum Iouis, Nicaeum quem uocant, posuit castra. Ad Aratthum inde flumen itinere ingenti emenso retentus altitudine amnis mansit.

On the third day, when he had arrived at Mount Citium, scarcely having crossed because of the height of the snow, he also found a place for a camp with difficulty. Setting out from there—more because he could not remain [than] because either the road or the weather was tolerable—with huge vexation, especially of the pack-animals, on the second day he pitched camp at the temple of Jove, which they call Nicaeum. Thence, to the river Aratthus, after a huge stretch of march traversed, being held back by the height of the river, he remained.

Quo spatio temporis ponte perfecto, traductis copiis diei progressus iter obuium Archidamum, principem Aetolorum, per quem ei Stratus tradebatur, habuit.

In that span of time, the bridge perfected and the forces led across, with the day’s march advanced he met Archidamus, chief of the Aetolians, through whom Stratus was being handed over to him.

[22] Eo die ad finem agri Aetolici castra posita; inde altero die ad Stratum peruentum; ubi prope Inachum amnem castris [positis], cum expectaret effusos omnibus portis Aetolos in fidem suam uenturos, clausas portas atque ipsa ea nocte, qua uenerat, receptum Romanum praesidium cum C. Popilio legato inuenit. Principes, qui praesentis Archidami auctoritate conpulsi regem arcessierant, obuiam egresso Archidamo segniores facti locum aduersae factioni dederant ad Popilium cum mille peditibus ab Ambracia accersendum. In tempore et Dinarchus, praefectus equitum gentis Aetolorum, cum sescentis peditibus et equitibus centum [uenit]. Satis constabat eum tamquam ad Persea tendentem Stratum uenisse, mutato deinde cum fortuna animo Romanis se, aduersus quos uenerat, iunxisse.

[22] On that day the camp was pitched at the boundary of the Aetolian land; then on the next day they reached Stratus; where, the camp [having been pitched] near the river Inachus, while he was expecting that the Aetolians, pouring out by all the gates, would come into his allegiance, he found the gates closed, and that on that very night, on which he had come, the Roman garrison had been admitted, together with Gaius Popilius the legate. The chiefs, who, compelled by the authority of Archidamus being present, had summoned the king, when Archidamus went out to meet him had become more sluggish and had given room to the adverse faction to summon Popilius from Ambracia with 1,000 infantry. In time too Dinarchus, prefect of cavalry of the nation of the Aetolians, came with 600 infantry and 100 horsemen. It was well agreed that he had come to Stratus as though tending toward Perseus; then, his spirit changed along with his fortune, he had joined himself to the Romans, against whom he had come.

Nec Popilius securior, quam debebat esse, inter tam mobilia ingenia erat. Claues portarum custodiamque murorum suae extemplo potestatis fecit; Dinarchum Aetolosque cum iuuentute Stratiorum in arcem per praesidii speciem amouit. Perseus ab imminentibus superiori parti urbis tumulis temptatis conloquiis, cum obstinatos atque etiam telis procul arcentis uideret, quinque milia passuum ab urbe trans Petitarum amnem posuit castra.

Nor was Popilius more secure than he ought to have been amid such mutable dispositions.
He at once brought the keys of the gates and the custody of the walls under his own control; he removed Dinarchus
and the Aetolians, together with the youth of the Stratians, into the citadel under the guise of a garrison. Perseus, from
the hills overhanging the upper part of the city, after attempted colloquies, when he saw them obstinate and even
keeping them off from afar with missiles, pitched camp five miles from the city across the Petitarum River.

Ibi consilio aduocato cum Archidamus Epirotarumque transfugae retinerent, Macedonum principes non pugnandum cum infesto tempore anni censerent, nullis praeparatis commeatibus, cum inopiam prius obsidentes quam obsessi sensuri essent, maxime quod hostium haud procul inde hiberna erant, territus in Aperantiam castra mouit. Aperanti eum propter Archidami magnam in ea gente gratiam auctoritatemque consensu omnium acceperunt; is ipse cum octingentorum militum praesidio his est praepositus.

There, with a council convened, as Archidamus and the deserters of the Epirotes were holding him back, and the chieftains of the Macedonians judged that there must not be fighting at a hostile season of the year, with no provisions prepared, since shortage would be felt sooner by the besiegers than by the besieged—especially because the enemy’s winter-quarters were not far from there—frightened, he moved camp into Aperantia. The Aperantians received him by the consensus of all, on account of Archidamus’s great favor and authority in that nation; and he himself was set over them with a garrison of eight hundred soldiers.

[23] Rex cum [non] minore uexatione iumentorum hominumque, quam uenerat, in Macedoniam redit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summouit. Cleuas cum praesidio inpigrorum iuuenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inuiis montium ad mille hominum ex agmine inpedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit. Appius superatis angustiis in campo, quem Meleona uocant, statiua dierum paucorum habuit.

[23] The king returned into Macedonia with [not] less vexation of the beasts of burden and of men than that with which he had come; nevertheless a report that Perseus was leading forces to Stratus drew Appius off from the siege of Phanote. Pursuing Cleuas with a garrison of energetic youths, he slew about a thousand men from the impeded column beneath the roots—almost pathless—of the mountains, and took about two hundred. Appius, the defiles having been overcome, held fixed quarters for a few days in the plain which they call Meleona.

Interim Cleuas adsumpto Philostrato, qui [DC ex] Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. Macedones ad depopulationem profecti; Philostratus cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco obscuro consedit. In palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, fugientes eos persequentes effusius in uallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

Meanwhile Clevas, having taken on Philostratus, who had [600 of] the Epirote people, crossed into the Antigonean territory. The Macedonians set out for plundering; Philostratus with his own cohort sat in ambush in a dark place. When armed men had sallied out from Antigonea against the foragers, who were scattered, and, pursuing them as they fled too recklessly, they plunge headlong into a valley occupied by the enemies.

Ibi DCoccisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope statiua Appi castra mouent, ne qua uis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit. Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum [Thesprotorum]que et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum socias urbes in hiberna militibus diuisis, ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit. Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites reuocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

There, with 600 slain, nearly a hundred captured, and the affair carried on successfully everywhere, they move their camp near Appius’s standing camp, so that no force might be brought upon their allies by the Roman army. Appius, wasting time to no purpose in these places, having dismissed the garrisons of the Chaones [and Thesprotians] and whatever other Epirotes there were, returned with the Italian soldiers into Illyricum; the troops having been distributed into winter quarters through the allied cities of the Parthini, he himself returns to Rome for the sake of sacrifice. Perseus sent from the people of the Penestae 1,000 infantry and 200 cavalry, recalled to Cassandrea, so that they might be a garrison.

Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. Nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut inpensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

They returned from Gentius bringing the same answer. Nor thereafter, by sending others and yet others, to try him did he cease, since it was apparent how much support there was in him, and yet he could not obtain from his mind that he should make an expenditure in a matter of the greatest moment in all respects.