Sallust: BELLUM CATILINAE

1 Omnis homines, qui sese student praestare ceteris animalibus, summa ope niti decet, ne vitam silentio transeant veluti pecora, quae natura prona atque ventri oboedientia finxit.

1 All men, who are eager to show themselves superior to the other animals, ought to strive with utmost effort, lest they pass life in silence like cattle, which nature fashioned prone and obedient to the belly.

2 Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore sita est: animi imperio, corporis servitio magis utimur; alterum nobis cum dis, alterum cum beluis commune est.

2 But all our strength is situated in the mind and in the body: we use more the command of the mind, the servitude of the body; the one is common to us with the gods, the other with beasts.

3 Quo mihi rectius videtur ingeni quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere et, quoniam vita ipsa, qua fruimur, brevis est, memoriam nostri quam maxume longam efficere.

3 Wherefore it seems to me more correct to seek glory by the resources of talent rather than of strength, and, since life itself, which we enjoy, is brief, to make the memory of us as long as possible.

4 Nam divitiarum et formae gloria fluxa atque fragilis est, virtus clara aeternaque habetur.

4 For the glory of riches and of beauty is in flux and fragile, virtue is held illustrious and eternal.

5 Sed diu magnum inter mortalis certamen fuit, vine corporis an virtute animi res militaris magis procederet.

5 But for a long time there was a great contest among mortals, whether the military art advanced more by the force of the body or by the virtue of the mind.

6 Nam et, prius quam incipias, consulto et, ubi consulueris, mature facto opus est.

6 For both, before you begin, there is need of consultation; and, when you have consulted, of timely action.

7 Ita utrumque per se indigens alterum alterius auxilio eget.

7 Thus each, being in need by itself, requires the other's assistance.

[2]

1 Igitur initio reges – nam in terris nomen imperi id primum fuit – divorsi pars ingenium, alii corpus exercebant: etiam tum vita hominum sine cupiditate agitabatur; sua cuique satis placebant.

1 Therefore, in the beginning, kings—for on earth that was the first name of imperium—were diverse: some exercised the mind, others the body: even then the life of men was carried on without cupidity; each was sufficiently pleased with his own.

2 Postea vero quam in Asia Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses coepere urbis atque nationes subigere, lubidinem dominandi causam belli habere, maxumam gloriam in maxumo imperio putare, tum demum periculo atque negotiis compertum est in bello plurumum ingenium posse.

2 Afterwards indeed, when in Asia Cyrus, and in Greece the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians began to subdue cities and nations, to hold lust for dominion as a cause of war, to think the greatest glory to be in the greatest empire, then at last, by danger and enterprises, it was found that in war ingenuity can do the most.

3 Quod si regum atque imperatorum animi virtus in pace ita ut in bello valeret, aequabilius atque constantius sese res humanae haberent neque aliud alio ferri neque mutari ac misceri omnia cerneres.

3 But if the virtue of spirit of kings and commanders were to prevail in peace just as in war, human affairs would keep themselves more equably and more constantly, nor would you see one thing carried one way and another another, nor everything being changed and commixed.

4 Nam imperium facile iis artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est.

4 For an empire is easily retained by those arts by which it was at the beginning acquired.

5 Verum ubi pro labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate lubido atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus inmutatur.

5 But when, in place of labor, idleness, and in place of continence and equity, libido and pride have invaded, fortune is at the same time altered along with the mores.

6 Ita imperium semper ad optumum quemque a minus bono transfertur.

6 Thus rule is always transferred to each best man from one less good.

7 Quae homines arant, navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent.

7 Whatever things men plow, navigate, edify, all things obey virtue.

8 Sed multi mortales, dediti ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam sicuti peregrinantes transiere; quibus profecto contra naturam corpus voluptati, anima oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam mortemque iuxta aestumo, quoniam de utraque siletur.

8 But many mortals, devoted to the belly and to sleep, unlearned and uncultivated, passed through life as if traveling; for whom assuredly, contrary to nature, the body was for pleasure, the soul a burden. I esteem their life and death alike, since about both there is silence.

9 Verum enim vero is demum mihi vivere atque frui anima videtur, qui aliquo negotio intentus praeclari facinoris aut artis bonae famam quaerit. Sed in magna copia rerum aliud alii natura iter ostendit.

9 But indeed in truth, that man only seems to me to live and to enjoy his soul, who, intent upon some business, seeks the fame of a preeminent deed or of a good art. But in the great abundance of things, nature shows one path to one person, another to another.

[3]

1 Pulchrum est bene facere rei publicae, etiam bene dicere haud absurdum est; vel pace vel bello clarum fieri licet; et qui fecere et qui facta aliorum scripsere, multi laudantur.

1 It is beautiful to do well for the republic; to speak well is also by no means absurd; either in peace or in war it is permitted to become renowned; and many are praised, both those who have done and those who have written the deeds of others.

2 Ac mihi quidem, tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequitur scriptorem et actorem rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere: primum, quod facta dictis exaequanda sunt; dehinc, quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malevolentia et invidia dicta putant, ubi de magna virtute atque gloria bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, aequo animo accipit, supra ea veluti ficta pro falsis ducit.

2 And to me indeed, although by no means equal glory follows the writer and the doer of affairs, nevertheless it seems among the foremost arduous tasks to write the deeds done: first, because deeds must be matched with words; then, because most people think that the delicts you have censured are spoken out of malevolence and envy, whereas, when they are mindful of the great virtue and glory of good men, they accept with an even mind the things which each man deems easy to do for himself; but anything beyond that they treat as if fabricated, and count as false.

3 Sed ego adulescentulus initio, sicuti plerique, studio ad rem publicam latus sum ibique mihi multa advorsa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant.

3 But I, a youth at the beginning, just as the majority, was borne by zeal to the republic, and there many adverse things befell me. For in place of modesty, in place of abstinence, in place of virtue, audacity, largess, and avarice flourished.

4 Quae tametsi animus aspernabatur insolens malarum artium, tamen inter tanta vitia imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tenebatur;

4 Although my spirit, unaccustomed to evil arts, spurned these things, nevertheless amid so many vices my feeble age, corrupted by ambition, was held fast;

5 ac me, cum ab reliquorum malis moribus dissentirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido eadem, qua ceteros, fama atque invidia vexabat.

5 and me, although I dissented from the bad morals of the rest, nonetheless the desire of honor vexed with the same fame and envy as the others.

[4]

1 Igitur ubi animus ex multis miseriis atque periculis requievit et mihi reliquam aetatem a re publica procul habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium socordia atque desidia bonum otium conterere neque vero agrum colundo aut venando servilibus officiis, intentum aetatem agere;

1 Therefore, when my mind had rested from many miseries and perils and I decided that I should pass the remainder of my age far from the republic, it was not my plan to wear away good leisure with sloth and idleness, nor indeed, by cultivating the field or by hunting, to lead a life intent on servile duties;

2 sed, a quo incepto studioque me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus statui res gestas populi Romani carptim, ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere, eo magis, quod mihi a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae animus liber erat.

2 but, having returned to that undertaking and study from which evil ambition had detained me, I resolved to write out, by selection, piecemeal, the deeds of the Roman people, as each seemed worthy of memory, all the more because my mind was free from hope, fear, and the parties of the republic.

3 Igitur de Catilinae coniuratione, quam verissume potero, paucis absolvam;

3 Therefore, concerning Catiline’s conspiracy, as truthfully as I can, I shall set it forth in a few words;

4 nam id facinus in primis ego memorabile existumo sceleris atque periculi novitate.

4 for I reckon that deed especially memorable, by reason of the novelty of its wickedness and peril.

5 De cuius hominis moribus pauca prius explananda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam.

5 Of that man’s character a few things must first be explained, before I make a beginning of narration.

[5]

1 L. Catilina, nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi et animi et corporis, sed ingenio malo pravoque.

1 L. Catiline, born of noble stock, was of great force both of mind and of body, but with an evil and depraved disposition.

2 Huic ab adulescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis grata fuere ibique iuventutem suam exercuit.

2 To him, from adolescence, intestine wars, slaughters, rapines, and civil discord were welcome, and therein he exercised his youth.

3 Corpus patiens inediae, algoris, vigiliae supra quam cuiquam credibile est.

3 A body enduring hunger, cold, and vigils beyond what is credible to anyone.

4 Animus audax, subdolus, varius, cuius rei lubet simulator ac dissimulator, alieni adpetens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus; satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum.

4 A spirit audacious, subdolous, variable, a simulator and dissimulator of whatever he pleased, covetous of others’ property, profuse of his own, burning in cupidities; enough eloquence, too little wisdom.

5 Vastus animus inmoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat.

5 His vast spirit was always desiring immoderate, incredible, excessively lofty things.

6 Hunc post dominationem L. Sullae lubido maxuma invaserat rei publicae capiundae; neque id quibus modis adsequeretur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quicquam pensi habebat.

6 After the domination of L. Sulla, a very great desire had seized him to capture the republic; nor did he hold of any weight by what modes he might attain it, provided he was preparing royal power for himself.

7 Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei familiaris et conscientia scelerum, quae utraque iis artibus auxerat, quas supra memoravi.

7 His fierce spirit was agitated more and more with each day by want of private fortune and by the conscience of his crimes, both of which he had augmented by those arts which I have mentioned above.

8 Incitabant praeterea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessuma ac divorsa inter se mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant.

8 Moreover, the corrupted morals of the state were inciting him, which the worst and diverse among themselves evils—luxury and avarice—were vexing.

9 Res ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus civitatis tempus admonuit, supra repetere ac paucis instituta maiorum domi militiaeque, quo modo rem publicam habuerint quantamque reliquerint, ut paulatim inmutata ex pulcherruma atque optuma pessuma ac flagitiosissuma facta sit, disserere.

9 The matter itself seems to exhort—since the time has reminded us concerning the morals of the state—to go back and, in a few words, set forth the institutions of the ancestors at home and in the field, how they held the commonwealth and how great they left it, and to explain how, gradually altered, it has been made from most beautiful and best into worst and most flagitious.

[6]

1 Urbem Romam, sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Troiani, qui Aenea duce profugi sedibus incertis vagabantur, cumque iis Aborigines, genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, sine imperio, liberum atque solutum.

1 The city of Rome, as I have received, was founded and held at the beginning by Trojans, who, with Aeneas as leader, fugitives, were wandering with abodes uncertain, and with them the Aborigines, a rustic race of men, without laws, without imperium, free and unbound.

2 Hi postquam in una moenia convenere, dispari genere, dissimili lingua, alii alio more viventes, incredibile memoratu est, quam facile coaluerint: ita brevi multitudo dispersa atque vaga concordia civitas facta erat.

2 After these had come together within a single set of walls, of disparate race, of dissimilar tongue, living some by one custom, others by another, it is incredible to relate how easily they coalesced: thus in a short time the multitude, dispersed and wandering, by concord had been made a city.

3 Sed postquam res eorum civibus, moribus, agris aucta satis prospera satisque pollens videbatur, sicuti pleraque mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est.

3 But after their commonwealth, augmented in citizens, in mores, and in fields, seemed sufficiently prosperous and sufficiently puissant, just as most things of mortals are held, envy arose from opulence.

4 Igitur reges populique finitumi bello temptare, pauci ex amicis auxilio esse; nam ceteri metu perculsi a periculis aberant.

4 Therefore the neighboring kings and peoples began to tempt/assail them with war, a few of their friends were for aid; for the rest, smitten with fear, kept away from the dangers.

5 At Romani domi militiaeque intenti festinare, parare, alius alium hortari, hostibus obviam ire, libertatem, patriam parentisque armis tegere. Post, ubi pericula virtute propulerant, sociis atque amicis auxilia portabant magisque dandis quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant.

5 But the Romans, intent at home and in military service, hasten, prepare, one urges another, go to meet the enemies, protect liberty, fatherland, and parents with arms. Afterward, when they had driven the dangers away by virtue/valor, they brought aids to allies and friends, and were securing friendships more by giving than by receiving benefits.

6 Imperium legitumum, nomen imperi regium habebant. Delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum, ingenium sapientia validum erat, rei publicae consultabant; hi vel aetate vel curae similitudine patres appellabantur.

6 They had a legitimate imperium; the name of the imperium was regal. The chosen men, whose body was infirm with years but whose genius was strong with sapience, took counsel for the republic; these were called fathers, either from their age or from the similitude of their care.

7 Post, ubi regium imperium, quod initio conservandae libertatis atque augendae rei publicae fuerat, in superbiam dominationemque se convortit, inmutato more annua imperia binosque imperatores sibi fecere: eo modo minume posse putabant per licentiam insolescere animum humanum.

7 Afterward, when the royal imperium, which at the beginning had been for preserving liberty and for augmenting the republic, turned itself into arrogance and domination, with the custom changed they made for themselves annual commands and two commanders: in that way they thought the human spirit could least grow insolent through license.

[7]

1 Sed ea tempestate coepere se quisque magis extollere magisque ingenium in promptu habere.

1 But at that time each person began to exalt himself more and to have his genius more in prompt display.

2 Nam regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt semperque iis aliena virtus formidulosa est.

2 For to kings, the good are more suspect than the bad, and another’s virtue is always formidable to them.

3 Sed civitas incredibile memoratu est adepta libertate quantum brevi creverit; tanta cupido gloriae incesserat.

3 But the commonwealth—it is incredible to relate—having obtained liberty, how much it grew in a short time; so great a cupidity for glory had set in.

4 Iam primum iuventus, simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usum militiae discebat magisque in decoris armis et militaribus equis quam in scortis atque conviviis lubidinem habebant.

4 Already at the first, the youth, as soon as it was able to endure war, in the camps through toil was learning the practice of soldiery, and they had their libido more in decorous arms and military horses than in courtesans and banquets.

5 Igitur talibus viris non labor insolitus, non locus ullus asper aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis formidulosus: virtus omnia domuerat.

5 Therefore, for such men, neither unusual labor, nor any place rough or arduous, nor an armed enemy was formidable: valor had subdued all things.

6 Sed gloriae maxumum certamen inter ipsos erat: se quisque hostem ferire, murum ascendere, conspici, dum tale facinus faceret, properabat. Eas divitias, eam bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem putabant. Laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant, gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas volebant.

6 But the very greatest contest for glory was among themselves: each man was hastening to strike the enemy, to scale the wall, to be seen while he was doing such a deed. They deemed these to be riches, that to be good repute and great nobility. Avid for praise, they were liberal with money; they wanted immense glory, honorable riches.

7 Memorare possum, quibus in locis maxumas hostium copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas urbis natura munitas pugnando ceperit, ni ea res longius nos ab incepto traheret.

7 I can recount in what places the Roman People, with a small band, routed very great forces of the enemy, what cities, fortified by nature, they seized by fighting, were it not that this matter would draw us farther from our undertaking.

[8]

1 Sed profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur; ea res cunctas ex lubidine magis quam ex vero celebrat obscuratque.

1 But assuredly Fortune dominates in every matter; she celebrates and obscures all things more by whim than by truth.

2 Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestumo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere, verum aliquanto minores tamen, quam fama feruntur.

2 The exploits of the Athenians, as I esteem, were quite ample and magnificent, but nevertheless somewhat lesser than they are borne by fame.

3 Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensium facta pro maxumis celebrantur.

3 But because great talents of writers sprang up there, throughout the orb of the lands the deeds of the Athenians are celebrated as the very greatest.

4 Ita eorum, qui fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum eam verbis potuere extollere praeclara ingenia.

4 Thus the virtue of those who accomplished them is held to be just as great as eminent talents were able to extol it in words.

5 At populo Romano numquam ea copia fuit, quia prudentissumus quisque maxume negotiosus erat: ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat, optumus quisque facere quam dicere, sua ab aliis benefacta laudari quam ipse aliorum narrare malebat.

5 But for the Roman people there was never that abundance, because each most prudent man was most occupied: no one exercised his genius without his body; each best man preferred to do rather than to say, to have his own benefactions praised by others rather than he himself narrate the deeds of others.

[9]

1 Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur; concordia maxuma, minuma avaritia erat; ius bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam natura valebat.

1 Therefore at home and in the field good mores were cultivated; there was the greatest concord, the least avarice; right and the good among them prevailed not so much by laws as by nature.

2 Iurgia, discordias, simultates cum hostibus exercebant, cives cum civibus de virtute certabant. In suppliciis deorum magnifici, domi parci, in amicos fideles erant.

2 They engaged in quarrels, discords, and feuds with enemies; citizens contended with citizens for virtue. In the supplications of the gods they were magnificent, at home parsimonious, toward friends faithful.

3 Duabus his artibus, audacia in bello, ubi pax evenerat, aequitate, seque remque publicam curabant.

3 By these two arts, audacity in war, and, when peace obtained, equity, they took care both of themselves and the republic.

4 Quarum rerum ego maxuma documenta haec habeo, quod in bello saepius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem pugnaverant quique tardius revocati proelio excesserant, quam qui signa relinquere aut pulsi loco cedere ausi erant;

4 Of which things I have these very great proofs, that in war retribution was more often exacted upon those who had fought against command against the enemy, and who, when recalled, had departed from the battle more slowly, than upon those who had dared to relinquish the standards or, having been driven back, to cede ground;

5 in pace vero, quod beneficiis magis quam metu imperium agitabant et accepta iniuria ignoscere quam persequi malebant.

5 in peace, indeed, because they administered rule more by benefactions than by fear, and preferred to forgive an injury received rather than to pursue it.

[10]

1 Sed ubi labore atque iustitia res publica crevit, reges magni bello domiti, nationes ferae et populi ingentes vi subacti, Carthago, aemula imperi Romani, ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant, saevire fortuna ac miscere omnia coepit.

1 But when by labor and by justice the Republic grew, great kings were tamed in war, savage nations and huge peoples were subdued by force, Carthage, rival of the Roman imperium, perished from the root, all the seas and lands lay open, Fortune began to rage and to commingle everything.

2 Qui labores, pericula, dubias atque asperas res facile toleraverant, iis otium divitiaeque optanda alias, oneri miseriaeque fuere.

2 Those who had easily endured labors, perils, and dubious and harsh affairs, for them leisure and riches—things desirable elsewhere—were a burden and a misery.

3 Igitur primo imperi, deinde pecuniae cupido crevit: ea quasi materies omnium malorum fuere.

3 Therefore, first the cupidity of command, then of money, grew: these were, as it were, the material of all evils.

4 Namque avaritia fidem, probitatem ceterasque artis bonas subvortit; pro his superbiam, crudelitatem, deos neglegere, omnia venalia habere edocuit.

4 For avarice subverted faith, probity, and the other good arts; in place of these it taught arrogance, cruelty, to neglect the gods, to deem all things venal.

5 Ambitio multos mortalis falsos fieri subegit, aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum habere, amicitias inimicitiasque non ex re, sed ex commodo aestumare magisque voltum quam ingenium bonum habere.

5 Ambition has compelled many mortals to become false, to have one thing shut in the breast, another ready on the tongue, to estimate friendships and enmities not from the reality, but from expediency, and to have a good countenance rather than a good character.

6 Haec primo paulatim crescere, interdum vindicari; post, ubi contagio quasi pestilentia invasit, civitas inmutata, imperium ex iustissumo atque optumo crudele intolerandumque factum.

6 These things at first grew little by little, sometimes were vindicated; afterward, when the contagion, as if a pestilence, invaded, the state was altered, and the imperium, from most just and best, was made cruel and intolerable.

[11]

1 Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat, quod tamen vitium propius virtutem erat.

1 But at first ambition rather than avarice exercised the minds of men, which vice, however, was closer to virtue.

2 Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium bonus et ignavus aeque sibi exoptant; sed ille vera via nititur, huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis contendit.

2 For glory, honor, imperium the good man and the sluggard alike desire for themselves; but the former strives by the true way, the latter, because good arts are lacking to him, contends with wiles and fallacies.

3 Avaritia pecuniae studium habet, quam nemo sapiens concupivit: ea quasi venenis malis inbuta corpus animumque virilem effeminat, semper infinita, insatiabilis est, neque copia neque inopia minuitur.

3 Avarice has a zeal for money, which no wise man has coveted: it, as if imbued with evil poisons, effeminates the body and the manly spirit, is always infinite, insatiable, and is diminished neither by abundance nor by want.

4 Sed postquam L. Sulla armis recepta re publica bonis initiis malos eventus habuit, rapere omnes, omnes trahere, domum alius, alius agros cupere, neque modum neque modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civis facinora facere.

4 But after Lucius Sulla, with the republic recovered by arms, had bad outcomes from good beginnings, all began to snatch, all to drag off; one coveted a home, another fields; the victors had neither measure nor modesty, and they committed foul and cruel crimes against fellow citizens.

5 Huc accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum, quem in Asia ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret, contra morem maiorum luxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat. Loca amoena, voluptaria facile in otio ferocis militum animos molliverant.

5 To this was added that L. Sulla had handled the army, which he had led in Asia, in order to make it faithful to himself, luxuriously and too liberally, contrary to the custom of the ancestors. Pleasant, voluptuary places had easily, in leisure, softened the fierce spirits of the soldiers.

6 Ibi primum insuevit exercitus populi Romani amare, potare, signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata mirari, ea privatim et publice rapere, delubra spoliare, sacra profanaque omnia polluere.

6 There for the first time the army of the Roman people became accustomed to love, to drink, to admire statues, painted panels, and chased vessels, to seize these both privately and publicly, to despoil shrines, to defile all things sacred and profane.

7 Igitur ii milites, postquam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere.

7 Therefore those soldiers, after they had obtained victory, left nothing remaining to the defeated.

8 Quippe secundae res sapientium animos fatigant: ne illi corruptis moribus victoriae temperarent.

8 For indeed favorable circumstances fatigue the minds of the wise: and so they, with morals corrupted, did not temper their victory.

[12]

1 Postquam divitiae honori esse coepere et eas gloria, imperium, potentia sequebatur, hebescere virtus, paupertas probro haberi, innocentia pro malevolentia duci coepit.

1 After riches began to be an honor, and glory, imperium, and power followed them, virtue began to grow dull, poverty to be held a disgrace, and innocence to be taken for malevolence.

2 Igitur ex divitiis iuventutem luxuria atque avaritia cum superbia invasere: rapere, consumere, sua parvi pendere, aliena cupere, pudorem, pudicitiam, divina atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi neque moderati habere.

2 Therefore, out of riches, luxury and avarice together with pride invaded the youth: to snatch, to consume, to reckon their own things of little account, to desire alien things, modesty and chastity, divine and human things promiscuous, to hold nothing as of weight nor of moderation.

3 Operae pretium est, cum domos atque villas cognoveris in urbium modum exaedificatas, visere templa deorum, quae nostri maiores, religiosissumi mortales, fecere.

3 It is worth the effort, when you have come to know houses and villas constructed in the manner of cities, to visit the temples of the gods, which our ancestors, most religious of mortals, made.

4 Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos suas gloria decorabant neque victis quicquam praeter iniuriae licentiam eripiebant.

4 But they adorned the shrines of the gods with piety, their own homes with glory, nor did they take from the vanquished anything except the license for injury.

5 At hi contra, ignavissumi homines, per summum scelus omnia ea sociis adimere, quae fortissumi viri victores reliquerant: proinde quasi iniuriam facere id demum esset imperio uti.

5 But these, on the contrary, the most cowardly of men, through a supreme crime, deprive their allies of all those things which the bravest men, victors, had left: just as if to do injury were precisely to exercise imperium.

[13]

1 Nam quid ea memorem, quae nisi iis, qui videre, nemini credibilia sunt: a privatis compluribus subvorsos montis, maria constrata esse?

1 For why should I recount those things, which are credible to no one except to those who saw them: that by several private individuals mountains have been subverted, the seas paved?

2 Quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiae: quippe, quas honeste habere licebat, abuti per turpitudinem properabant.

2 To whom riches seem to me to have been a mockery: indeed, the riches which it was permitted to have honorably, they were hastening to abuse through turpitude.

3 Sed lubido stupri, ganeae ceterique cultus non minor incesserat: viri muliebria pati, mulieres pudicitiam in propatulo habere; vescendi causa terra marique omnia exquirere; dormire prius, quam somni cupido esset; non famem aut sitim, neque frigus neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia luxu antecapere.

3 But the lust of debauchery, of banqueting, and of the other refinements had advanced no less: men to endure the things of women; women to have their pudicity in the open; for the sake of eating to search out everything by land and sea; to sleep before there was desire of sleep; to await neither hunger nor thirst, nor cold nor lassitude, but to anticipate all these by luxury.

4 Haec iuventutem, ubi familiares opes defecerant, ad facinora incendebant:

4 These things were inciting the youth to crimes, when their familial resources had failed:

5 animus inbutus malis artibus haud facile lubidinibus carebat; eo profusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumptui deditus erat.

5 a mind imbued with evil arts was hardly free from libidinous desires; therefore, all the more profusely, in every manner, it was devoted to gain and to expenditure.

[14]

1 In tanta tamque corrupta civitate Catilina, id quod factu facillumum erat, omnium flagitiorum atque facinorum circum se tamquam stipatorum catervas habebat.

1 In so great and so corrupted a commonwealth, Catiline, that which was most easy to do, had around himself bands, as of bodyguards, of all flagitious deeds and crimes.

2 Nam quicumque inpudicus, adulter, ganeo, manu, ventre, pene bona patria laceraverat quique alienum aes grande conflaverat, quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret,

2 For whoever was impudent, an adulterer, a glutton, who had lacerated his patrimony with hand, belly, and penis, and whoever had amassed a great debt, with which he might redeem some scandal or crime,

3 praeterea omnes undique parricidae, sacrilegi, convicti iudiciis aut pro factis iudicium timentes, ad hoc, quos manus atque lingua periurio aut sanguine civili alebat, postremo omnes, quos flagitium, egestas, conscius animus exagitabat, ii Catilinae proxumi familiaresque erant.

3 moreover, from all quarters, parricides, sacrilegious men, those convicted in judgments or, for their deeds, fearing judgment; to this, those whose hand and tongue were fed by perjury or by civil blood; finally, all whom disgrace, indigence, and a conscious (guilty) mind harried—these were Catiline’s nearest and familiars.

4 Quod si quis etiam a culpa vacuus in amicitiam eius inciderat, cotidiano usu atque illecebris facile par similisque ceteris efficiebatur.

4 But if even someone free from fault had fallen into his friendship, by quotidian association and allurements he was easily made equal and similar to the others.

5 Sed maxume adulescentium familiaritates adpetebat: eorum animi molles etiam et fluxi dolis haud difficulter capiebantur.

5 But most of all he sought the familiarities of adolescents: their minds, soft and even fluid, were captured by deceits not with difficulty.

6 Nam ut cuiusque studium ex aetate flagrabat, aliis scorta praebere, aliis canes atque equos mercari; postremo neque sumptui neque modestiae suae parcere, dum illos obnoxios fidosque sibi faceret.

6 For as each one’s ardor, blazing in accordance with his age, he would provide prostitutes to some, buy dogs and horses for others; in the end he spared neither expense nor his own modesty, so long as he might make them beholden and faithful to himself.

7 Scio fuisse nonnullos, qui ita existumarent iuventutem, quae domum Catilinae frequentabat, parum honeste pudicitiam habuisse; sed ex aliis rebus magis quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret, haec fama valebat.

7 I know there were some who so judged that the youth who frequented Catiline’s house had held pudicity not very honorably; but this rumor prevailed more from other considerations than because it had been ascertained by anyone.

[15]

1 Iam primum adulescens Catilina multa nefanda stupra fecerat, cum virgine nobili, cum sacerdote Vestae, alia huiusce modi contra ius fasque.

1 To begin with, as an adolescent, Catiline had committed many nefarious debaucheries, with a noble virgin, with a priestess of Vesta, and other things of this kind against right and divine law.

2 Postremo captus amore Aureliae Orestillae, cuius praeter formam nihil umquam bonus laudavit, quod ea nubere illi dubitabat timens privignum adulta aetate, pro certo creditur necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse.

2 Finally, captured by love for Aurelia Orestilla, of whom, beyond her form, no good man ever praised anything, because she was hesitating to marry him, fearing a stepson of adult age, it is held for certain that, with his son slain, he made the house vacant for the wicked nuptials.

3 Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur causa fuisse facinus maturandi.

3 This matter indeed seems to me above all to have been the cause of hastening the crime.

4 Namque animus inpurus, dis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis neque quietibus sedari poterat: ita conscientia mentem excitam vastabat.

4 For indeed his impure spirit, hostile to gods and men, could be calmed neither in waking nor in sleep: so his conscience was devastating his excited mind.

4 Igitur color ei exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus modo, modo tardus incessus: prorsus in facie vultuque vecordia inerat.

4 Therefore his color was bloodless, his eyes foul, his gait now quick, now tardy: altogether, in face and countenance, derangement was present.

[16]

1 Sed iuventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, illexerat, multis modis mala facinora edocebat.

1 But the youth, whom, as we said above, he had enticed, he was instructing in evil deeds in many ways.

2 Ex illis testis signatoresque falsos commodare; fidem, fortunas, pericula vilia habere, post, ubi eorum famam atque pudorem attriverat, maiora alia imperabat.

2 From them to furnish false witnesses and signatories; to hold faith, fortunes, and dangers as cheap; afterward, when he had worn down their reputation and sense of shame, he commanded other greater things.

3 Si causa peccandi in praesens minus suppetebat, nihilo minus insontis sicuti sontis circumvenire, iugulare: scilicet, ne per otium torpescerent manus aut animus, gratuito potius malus atque crudelis erat.

3 If, for the present, a cause of sinning was less at hand, nonetheless he would circumvent the innocent just as the guilty, and jugulate them: namely, lest through leisure his hands or his mind grow torpid, he was rather wicked and cruel gratuitously.

4 His amicis sociisque confisus Catilina, simul quod aes alienum per omnis terras ingens erat et quod plerique Sullani milites largius suo usi rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores civile bellum exoptabant, opprimundae rei publicae consilium cepit.

4 Trusting in these friends and associates, Catiline, and at the same time because indebtedness was immense through all lands, and because most of Sulla’s soldiers, having been more prodigal than their means and, mindful of rapine and of the old victory, were longing for a civil war, adopted a plan for oppressing the commonwealth.

5 In Italia nullus exercitus, Cn. Pompeius in extremis terris bellum gerebat; ipsi consulatum petenti magna spes, senatus nihil sane intentus: tutae tranquillaeque res omnes, sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae.

5 In Italy there was no army, Cn. Pompeius was waging war in the farthest lands; for himself, seeking the consulship, there was great hope, the senate was in no way truly intent: all affairs were safe and tranquil, but these things were altogether opportune for Catiline.

[17]

1 Igitur circiter Kalendas Iunias L. Caesare et C. Figulo consulibus primo singulos appellare, hortari alios, alios temptare; opes suas, inparatum rem publicam, magna praemia coniurationis docere.

1 Therefore, about the Kalends of June, with L. Caesar and C. Figulus as consuls, at first he began to address individuals one by one, to exhort some, to try others; he set forth his own resources, that the Republic was unprepared, and the great rewards of the conspiracy.

2 Ubi satis explorata sunt, quae voluit, in unum omnis convocat, quibus maxuma necessitudo et plurumum audaciae inerat.

2 When the things he wished had been sufficiently explored, he convokes into one place all those in whom the greatest tie of necessity and the most audacity were inherent.

3 Eo convenere senatorii ordinis P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. et Ser. Sullae Ser. filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius;

3 There came together of the senatorial order P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. and Ser. Sulla, sons of Ser., L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius;

4 praeterea ex equestri ordine M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius; ad hoc multi ex coloniis et municipiis domi nobiles.

4 besides, from the equestrian order M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius; in addition many from the colonies and the municipia, noble at home.

5 Erant praeterea complures paulo occultius consili huiusce participes nobiles, quos magis dominationis spes hortabatur quam inopia aut alia necessitudo.

5 There were, moreover, several nobles, somewhat more covertly participants of this plan, whom the hope of domination encouraged more than want or any other necessity.

6 Ceterum iuventus pleraque, sed maxume nobilium, Catilinae inceptis favebat; quibus in otio vel magnifice vel molliter vivere copia erat, incerta pro certis, bellum quam pacem malebant.

6 Moreover the greater part of the youth, but most of all of the nobles, favored Catiline’s undertakings; for whom, in leisure, there was the means to live either magnificently or softly, they preferred uncertain things in place of certain things, war rather than peace.

7 Fuere item ea tempestate, qui crederent M. Licinium Crassum non ignarum eius consili fuisse; quia Cn. Pompeius, invisus ipsi, magnum exercitum ductabat, cuiusvis opes voluisse contra illius potentiam crescere, simul confisum, si coniuratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore.

7 There were also at that time those who believed that Marcus Licinius Crassus had not been unaware of this counsel; because Gnaeus Pompeius, hateful to him, was leading a great army, he had wished the resources of anyone whatsoever to grow against that man’s potency, and at the same time was confident that, if the conjuration had prevailed, he would easily be principal among them.

[18]

1 Sed antea item coniuravere pauci contra rem publicam, in quibus Catilina fuit.

1 But previously likewise a few conspired against the republic, among whom was Catiline.

2 De qua, quam verissume potero, dicam. L. Tullo et M'. Lepido consulibus P. Autronius et P. Sulla designati consules legibus ambitus interrogati poenas dederant.

2 About which I will speak as truthfully as I can. When L. Tullus and M'. Lepidus were consuls, P. Autronius and P. Sulla, consuls-designate, having been prosecuted under the laws of ambitus (electoral bribery), had paid the penalties.

3 Post paulo Catilina pecuniarum repetundarum reus prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitumos dies profiteri nequiverat.

3 Shortly afterward Catiline, defendant on a charge of pecuniary extortion, had been prohibited from seeking the consulship, because he had been unable to register within the lawful days.

4 Erat eodem tempore Cn. Piso, adulescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus, quem ad perturbandam rem publicam inopia atque mali mores stimulabant.

4 At the same time there was Cn. Piso, a noble young man, of the highest audacity, needy, factious, whom poverty and bad morals were goading to perturb the Republic.

5 Cum hoc Catilina et Autronius circiter Nonas Decembris consilio communicato parabant in Capitolio Kalendis Ianuariis L. Cottam et L. Torquatum consules interficere, ipsi fascibus correptis Pisonem cum exercitu ad obtinendas duas Hispanias mittere.

5 With this man, Catiline and Autronius, their counsel having been communicated about the Nones of December, were preparing on the Capitol, on the Kalends of January, to kill the consuls L. Cotta and L. Torquatus, and, after seizing the fasces themselves, to send Piso with an army to obtain the two Spains.

6 Ea re cognita rursus in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis transtulerant.

6 When this matter was learned, again they had transferred the plan of the slaughter to the Nones of February.

7 Iam tum non consulibus modo, sed plerisque senatoribus perniciem machinabantur.

7 Already then they were plotting ruin not only for the consuls, but for most senators.

8 Quod ni Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die post conditam urbem Romam pessumum facinus patratum foret. Quia nondum frequentes armati convenerant, ea res consilium diremit.

8 Had not Catiline hastened to give the signal to his associates before the Curia, on that day, after the founding of the city Rome, the worst crime would have been perpetrated. Because the armed men in numbers had not yet assembled, that fact broke off the plan.

[19]

1 Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam quaestor pro praetore missus est adnitente Crasso, quod eum infestum inimicum Cn. Pompeio cognoverat.

1 Afterwards Piso was sent into Hither Spain as quaestor in place of a praetor, with Crassus pressing the matter, because he had recognized him as a hostile enemy to Gnaeus Pompeius.

2 Neque tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat; quippe foedum hominem a republica procul esse volebat, simul quia boni conplures praesidium in eo putabant et iam tum potentia Pompei formidulosa erat.

2 Nor, however, had the senate given the province unwillingly; indeed, it wanted the foul man to be far from the republic, and at the same time because many good men thought there was a safeguard in him, and already then the power of Pompey was formidable.

3 Sed is Piso in provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens occisus est.

3 But this Piso, in the province, was killed by Spanish horsemen, whom he was leading in the army, while making a journey.

4 Sunt, qui ita dicant: imperia eius iniusta, superba, crudelia barbaros nequivisse pati;

4 There are those who say thus: that the barbarians were unable to endure his command, unjust, arrogant, cruel;

5 alii autem: equites illos, Cn. Pompei veteres fidosque clientis, voluntate eius Pisonem aggressos; numquam Hispanos praeterea tale facinus fecisse, sed imperia saeva multa antea perpessos.

5 but others [say]: those cavalrymen, the long-standing and faithful clients of Cn. Pompey, attacked Piso by his will; that the Spaniards had never besides committed such a deed, but had previously endured many savage commands.

6 Nos eam rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore coniuratione satis dictum.

6 We will leave that matter undecided. Concerning the earlier conspiracy, enough has been said.

[20]

1 Catilina ubi eos, quos paulo ante memoravi, convenisse videt, tametsi cum singulis multa saepe egerat, tamen in rem fore credens univorsos appellare et cohortari, in abditam partem aedium secedit atque ibi omnibus arbitris procul amotis orationem huiusce modi habuit:

1 When Catiline sees that those whom I a little before have mentioned had convened, although he had often transacted much with individuals, yet believing it would be to the advantage of the matter to address and exhort them all together, he withdraws into a hidden part of the house, and there, with all witnesses removed far away, he delivered a speech of this sort:

2 "Ni virtus fidesque vostra spectata mihi forent, nequiquam opportuna res cecidisset; spes magna, dominatio in manibus frustra fuissent, neque ego per ignaviam aut vana ingenia incerta pro certis captarem.

2 "If your virtue and good faith had not been tested for me, the opportune affair would have fallen in vain; a great hope, a domination in our hands, would have been for nothing, nor would I, through sloth or empty wits, be grasping at the uncertain in place of the certain.

3 "Sed quia multis et magnis tempestatibus vos cognovi fortis fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus est maxumum atque pulcherrumum facinus incipere, simul quia vobis eadem, quae mihi, bona malaque esse intellexi;

3 "But because in many and great tempests I have come to know you as brave and faithful to me, for that reason my spirit has dared to begin the greatest and most beautiful deed, at the same time because I understood that for you the same goods and evils are as for me;

4 nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est.

4 For to will the same things and to not will the same things, that indeed is firm friendship.

5 Sed ego quae mente agitavi, omnes iam antea divorsi audistis.

5 But the things which I have agitated in mind, you have all already heard separately before.

6 Ceterum mihi in dies magis animus accenditur, cum considero, quae condicio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem.

6 Moreover, my spirit is kindled more day by day, when I consider what the condition of life will be, unless we ourselves vindicate into liberty.

7 Nam postquam res publica in paucorum potentium ius atque dicionem concessit, semper illis reges, tetrarchae vectigales esse, populi, nationes stipendia pendere; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles atque ignobiles, vulgus fuimus, sine gratia, sine auctoritate, iis obnoxii, quibus, si res publica valeret, formidini essemus.

7 For after the republic passed into the right and dominion of a few powerful men, always to them kings and tetrarchs have been tributary, peoples and nations pay tribute; all the rest of us, the strenuous, the good, nobles and ignobles, we have been the common crowd, without favor, without authority, subject to those men to whom, if the republic were strong, we would be a terror.

8 Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae apud illos sunt aut ubi illi volunt; nobis reliquere pericula, repulsas, iudicia, egestatem.

8 And so all favor, power, honor, riches are with them, or wherever they wish; to us they have left dangers, repulses, judgments, indigence.

9 Quae quousque tandem patiemini, o fortissumi viri? Nonne emori per virtutem praestat quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienae superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere?

9 How long, pray, will you endure these things, o most brave men? Is it not better to die through virtue than, through disgrace, to lose a life wretched and dishonorable, when you have been a laughingstock to another’s arrogance?

10 Verum enim vero, pro deum atque hominum fidem, victoria in manu nobis est: viget aetas, animus valet; contra illis annis atque divitiis omnia consenuerunt. Tantum modo incepto opus est, cetera res expediet.

10 But indeed, by the faith of gods and men, victory is in our hand: our prime is vigorous, our spirit is strong; whereas in them, with years and with riches, everything has grown old and decrepit. Only the inception is needed, the rest the situation will expedite.

11 Etenim quis mortalium, cui virile ingenium est, tolerare potest illis divitias superare, quas profundant in exstruendo mari et montibus coaequandis, nobis rem familiarem etiam ad necessaria deesse? Illos binas aut amplius domos continuare, nobis larem familiarem nusquam ullum esse?

11 Indeed, what mortal, who has a virile nature, can tolerate that those men surpass in riches, which they pour out in constructing upon the sea and in leveling mountains, while for us the household estate is lacking even for necessities? That they connect two or more houses in a row, while for us there is nowhere any household hearth?

12 Cum tabulas, signa, toreumata emunt, nova diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt, vexant, tamen summa lubidine divitias suas vincere nequeunt.

12 While they buy tablets, statues, chased metalworks, they tear down new structures, build others; finally, by every mode they draw and vex money, yet with the highest lust they are unable to conquer their riches.

13 At nobis est domi inopia, foris aes alienum, mala res, spes multo asperior: denique quid reliqui habemus praeter miseram animam?

13 But for us there is want at home, debt abroad, a bad business, hope much harsher: finally, what have we left except a miserable soul?

14 "Quin igitur expergiscimini? En illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas, praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria in oculis sita sunt; fortuna omnia ea victoribus praemia posuit.

14 "Why then do you not rouse yourselves? Behold, that— that liberty which you have often wished for; besides, riches, honor, glory are set before your eyes; Fortune has placed all those rewards for the victors.

15 Res, tempus, pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis quam oratio mea vos hortantur.

15 Circumstances, time, perils, indigence, the magnificent spoils of war exhort you more than my oration.

16 Vel imperatore vel milite me utimini! Neque animus neque corpus a vobis aberit.

16 Make use of me either as commander or as soldier! Neither spirit nor body will be absent from you.

17 Haec ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum una consul agam, nisi forte me animus fallit et vos servire magis quam imperare parati estis."

17 "These very things, as I hope, I will, as consul, carry on together with you, unless perhaps my spirit deceives me and you are prepared to serve rather than to command."

[21]

1 Postquam accepere ea homines, quibus mala abunde omnia erant, sed neque res neque spes bona ulla, tametsi illis quieta movere magna merces videbatur, tamen postulavere plerique, ut proponeret, quae condicio belli foret, quae praemia armis peterent, quid ubique opis aut spei haberent.

1 After they had taken in these things, the men for whom all evils were in abundance, but who had neither resources nor any good hope, although even the disturbance of the quiet seemed to them a great wage, nevertheless most demanded that he set forth what the condition of the war would be, what rewards they should seek by arms, what aid or hope they had everywhere.

2 Tum Catilina polliceri tabulas novas, proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia, quae bellum atque lubido victorum fert.

2 Then Catiline promised new ledgers, the proscription of the wealthy, magistracies, priesthoods, rapines, and all other things which war and the lust of victors brings.

3 Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Pisonem, in Mauretania cum exercitu P. Sittium Nucerinum, consili sui participes; petere consulatum C. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem et omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum;

3 Moreover, that in Hither Spain there was Piso, in Mauretania, with an army, Publius Sittius of Nuceria, participants in his counsel; that Gaius Antonius was seeking the consulship, whom he hoped would be colleague to himself, a man both a familiar and encompassed by all necessities;

4 cum eo se consulem initium agundi facturum. Ad hoc maledictis increpabat omnis bonos, suorum unumquemque nominans laudare; admonebat alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis suae, compluris periculi aut ignominiae, multos victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat.

4 with him, as consul, he would make the beginning of action. Besides this he assailed all good men with maledictions, naming each one of his own to praise; he reminded one of his poverty, another of his cupidity, several of danger or ignominy, many of Sulla’s victory, to whom that had been booty.

5 Postquam omnium animos alacris videt, cohortatus, ut petitionem suam curae haberent, conventum dimisit.

5 After he saw the spirits of all eager, having exhorted them to keep his petition in their care, he dismissed the assembly.

[22]

1 Fuere ea tempestate, qui dicerent Catilinam oratione habita, cum ad ius iurandum popularis sceleris sui adigeret, humani corporis sanguinem vino permixtum in pateris circumtulisse:

1 There were at that time those who said that Catiline, after an oration had been delivered, when he was compelling the fellow-partisans of his crime to an oath, had carried around in bowls the blood of a human body mixed with wine:

2 inde cum post exsecrationem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in sollemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum; atque eo +dictitare+ fecisse, quo inter se fidi magis forent alius alii tanti facinoris conscii.

2 then, when after the execration all had tasted, just as is accustomed to be done in solemn sacred rites, he opened his counsel; and he +kept saying+ that he had done this for the reason that among themselves they might be the more faithful, each to each, being privy to so great a crime.

3 Nonnulli ficta et haec et multa praeterea existumabant ab iis, qui Ciceronis invidiam, quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, qui poenas dederant.

3 Some estimated that both this and many things besides were feigned by those who believed that the envy against Cicero, which afterwards arose, would be lenified by the atrocity of the crime of those who had paid the penalties.

4 Nobis ea res pro magnitudine parum comperta est.

4 To us that matter, for its magnitude, has been too little ascertained.

[23]

1 Sed in ea coniuratione fuit Q. Curius, natus haud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus, quem censores senatu probri gratia moverant.

1 But in that conspiracy was Q. Curius, born of no obscure standing, covered with flagitious acts and crimes, whom the censors had removed from the Senate on account of disgrace.

2 Huic homini non minor vanitas inerat quam audacia: neque reticere, quae audierat, neque suamet ipse scelera occultare, prorsus neque dicere neque facere quicquam pensi habebat.

2 In this man there was no less vanity than audacity: he could neither keep silent about what he had heard nor conceal his very own crimes; altogether he held nothing, whether to say or to do, as of any weight.

3 Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, stupri vetus consuetudo. Cui cum minus gratus esset, quia inopia minus largiri poterat, repente glorians maria montisque polliceri coepit et minari interdum ferro, ni sibi obnoxia foret, postremo ferocius agitare quam solitus erat.

3 He had with Fulvia, a noble woman, a long-standing adulterous intimacy. As he was less pleasing to her, because in indigence he could bestow less largess, suddenly, vaunting, he began to promise seas and mountains and sometimes to threaten with the sword, unless she should be compliant to him; finally he began to behave more ferociously than he had been accustomed.

4 At Fulvia insolentiae Curi causa cognita tale periculum rei publicae haud occultum habuit, sed sublato auctore de Catilinae coniuratione, quae quoque modo audierat, compluribus narravit.

4 But Fulvia, the cause of Curius’s insolence having been learned, did not keep such a danger to the republic concealed, but, the author suppressed, about Catiline’s conspiracy, whatever she had heard, she narrated to several people.

5 Ea res in primis studia hominum accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio Ciceroni.

5 This matter especially kindled the zeal of men for entrusting the consulship to M. Tullius Cicero.

6 Namque antea pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat et quasi pollui consulatum credebant, si eum quamvis egregius homo novus adeptus foret. Sed ubi periculum advenit, invidia atque superbia post fuere.

6 For before, the greater part of the nobility was seething with envy, and they believed that the consulship was, as it were, polluted, if a new man, however outstanding, had obtained it. But when danger arrived, envy and pride took second place.

[24]

1 Igitur comitiis habitis consules declarantur M. Tullius et C. Antonius. Quod factum primo popularis coniurationis concusserat.

1 Therefore, the comitia having been held, M. Tullius and C. Antonius are declared consuls. Which event at first had shaken the associates of the conspiracy.

2 Neque tamen Catilinae furor minuebatur, sed in dies plura agitare: arma per Italiam locis opportunis parare, pecuniam sua aut amicorum fide sumptam mutuam Faesulas ad Manlium quendam portare, qui postea princeps fuit belli faciundi.

2 Nor yet was Catiline’s fury diminished, but day by day he kept contriving more: to prepare arms throughout Italy in opportune places, to carry to Faesulae to a certain Manlius money taken on loan on his own or his friends’ credit, who afterwards was the principal in the waging of war.

3 Ea tempestate plurumos cuiusque generis homines adscivisse sibi dicitur, mulieres etiam aliquot, quae primo ingentis sumptus stupro corporis toleraverant, post, ubi aetas tantummodo quaestui neque luxuriae modum fecerat, aes alienum grande conflaverant.

3 At that time he is said to have enrolled to himself very many people of every kind, women too several, who at first had borne enormous expenses by the prostitution of their body, afterward, when age had set a limit only to their earning and not to their luxury, had piled up a great debt.

4 Per eas se Catilina credebat posse servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adiungere sibi vel interficere.

4 Through these, Catiline believed he could agitate the city slaves, set the city on fire, and either join their men to himself or kill them.

[25]

1 Sed in iis erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audaciae facinora conmiserat.

1 But among them was Sempronia, who had often committed many crimes of virile audacity.

2 Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea viro atque liberis satis fortunata fuit; litteris Graecis et Latinis docta, psallere et saltare elegantius quam necesse est probae, multa alia, quae instrumenta luxuriae sunt.

2 This woman was, by birth and beauty, and moreover in husband and children, sufficiently fortunate; learned in Greek and Latin letters, to play the lyre and to dance more elegantly than is necessary for a respectable woman, and many other things which are instruments of luxury.

3 Sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudicitia fuit; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile discerneres; lubido sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur.

3 But to her, all things were always dearer than honor and pudicity; whether she spared money or reputation less, you would not easily discern; her libido was so inflamed that she more often sought men than she was sought.

4 Sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abiuraverat, caedis conscia fuerat; luxuria atque inopia praeceps abierat. Verum ingenium eius haud absurdum: posse versus facere, iocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto vel molli vel procaci; prorsus multae facetiae multusque lepos inerat.

4 But she had often before this betrayed faith, had denied under oath a loan entrusted, had been privy to a killing; by luxury and indigence she had gone headlong. Yet her native talent was by no means absurd: she could make verses, set a jest in motion, use conversation either modest, or soft, or procacious; in short, many witticisms and much charm were in her.

[26]

1 His rebus conparatis Catilina nihilo minus in proxumum annum consulatum petebat sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. Neque interea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias parabat Ciceroni.

1 With these things prepared, Catiline nonetheless was seeking the consulship for the next year, hoping that, if he were designated, he would easily make use of Antonius according to his will. Nor meanwhile was he quiet, but by every method he was preparing insidious plots against Cicero.

2 Neque illi tamen ad cavendum dolus aut astutiae deerant.

2 Yet he, however, did not lack deceit or astuteness for taking precautions.

3 Namque a principio consulatus sui multa pollicendo per Fulviam effecerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paulo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae sibi proderet;

3 For indeed from the beginning of his consulship, by promising many things, through Fulvia he had effected that Q. Curius, of whom I have made mention a little before, should betray to him Catiline’s plans;

4 ad hoc collegam suum Antonium pactione provinciae perpulerat, ne contra rem publicam sentiret; circum se praesidia amicorum atque clientium occulte habebat.

4 Besides this, he had driven his colleague Antonius, by a pact about a province, not to feel/decide against the commonwealth; around himself he secretly had the safeguards of friends and clients.

5 Postquam dies comitiorum venit et Catilinae neque petitio neque insidiae, quas consulibus in campo fecerat, prospere cessere, constituit bellum facere et extrema omnia experiri, quoniam, quae occulte temptaverat, aspera foedaque evenerant.

5 After the day of the elections came, and neither his petition nor the plots which he had made against the consuls in the field had turned out prosperously, he resolved to wage war and to try all extreme measures, since the things which he had attempted covertly had resulted harsh and foul.

[27]

1 Igitur C. Manlium Faesulas atque in eam partem Etruriae, Septimium quendam Camertem in agrum Picenum, C. Iulium in Apuliam dimisit, praeterea alium alio, quem ubique opportunum sibi fore credebat.

1 Therefore he dispatched C. Manlius to Faesulae and into that part of Etruria, a certain Septimius of Camerinum into the Picene territory, and C. Julius into Apulia; besides, others to various places, whomever he believed would be opportune for him everywhere.

2 Interea Romae multa simul moliri: consulibus insidias tendere, parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere; ipse cum telo esse, item alios iubere, hortari, uti semper intenti paratique essent; dies noctisque festinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari.

2 Meanwhile at Rome to contrive many things simultaneously: to lay ambushes for the consuls, to prepare conflagrations, to occupy with armed men the opportune places; he himself to be with a weapon, and likewise to order others, to exhort that they should always be intent and prepared; to hasten day and night, to keep vigil, to be wearied neither by insomnia nor by labor.

3 Postremo, ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus intempesta nocte coniurationis principes convocat per M. Porcium Laecam,

3 At last, when nothing advances as he agitates many things, again in the dead of night he summons the chiefs of the conspiracy through M. Porcius Laeca,

4 ibique multa de ignavia eorum questus docet se Manlium praemisisse ad eam multitudinem, quam ad capiunda arma paraverat, item alios in alia loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent, seque ad exercitum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset; eum suis consiliis multum officere.

4 and there, having complained much about their ignavia, he shows that he has sent Manlius ahead to that multitude which he had prepared for taking up arms, likewise others to other opportune places to make the beginning of war, and that he desires to set out to the army, if first he should have overwhelmed Cicero; that he greatly hinders him by his counsels.

[28]

1 Igitur perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris C. Cornelius eques Romanus operam suam pollicitus et cum eo L. Vargunteius senator constituere ea nocte paulo post cum armatis hominibus sicuti salutatum introire ad Ciceronem ac de inproviso domi suae inparatum confodere.

1 Therefore, with the rest terrified and hesitating, Gaius Cornelius, a Roman equestrian, having proffered his service, and with him Lucius Vargunteius, a senator, resolved that night a little later to enter, with armed men, to Cicero as if to offer a salutation, and, taking him by surprise in his own house, unprepared, to stab him.

2 Curius ubi intellegit, quantum periculum consuli inpendeat, propere per Fulviam Ciceroni dolum, qui parabatur, enuntiat.

2 When Curius understands how great a peril impends over the consul, he promptly, through Fulvia, announces to Cicero the deceit which was being prepared.

3 Ita illi ianua prohibiti tantum facinus frustra susceperant.

3 Thus, barred at the door, they had undertaken such a crime in vain.

4 Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem sollicitare egestate simul ac dolore iniuriae novarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae dominatione agros bonaque omnis amiserat, praeterea latrones cuiusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat, nonnullos ex Sullanis coloniis, quibus lubido atque luxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerat.

4 Meanwhile Manlius in Etruria was soliciting the plebs, eager for new things through indigence and the pain of injury, because under Sulla’s domination they had lost their fields and all their goods; besides, brigands of every kind—of whom there was a great abundance in that region—and some from the Sullan colonies, for whom lust and luxury, from great rapines, had left nothing remaining.

[29]

1 Ea cum Ciceroni nuntiarentur, ancipiti malo permotus, quod neque urbem ab insidiis privato consilio longius tueri poterat, neque exercitus Manli quantus aut quo consilio foret satis compertum habebat, rem ad senatum refert iam antea vulgi rumoribus exagitatam.

1 When these things were reported to Cicero, moved by a twofold evil—since he could neither any longer protect the city from insidious plots by private counsel, nor had he sufficiently ascertained how great Manlius’s army was or with what counsel it would be—he refers the matter to the senate, already before agitated by the rumors of the crowd.

2 Itaque, quod plerumque in atroci negotio solet, senatus decrevit darent operam consules ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet.

2 Therefore, as for the most part is wont in an atrocious matter, the Senate decreed that the consuls should see to it that the Republic suffer no detriment.

3 Ea potestas per senatum more Romano magistratui maxuma permittitur: exercitum parare, bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios atque civis, domi militiaeque imperium atque iudicium summum habere; aliter sine populi iussu nullius earum rerum consuli ius est.

3 By the senate, according to Roman custom, the greatest power is granted to the magistrate: to prepare an army, to wage war, to coerce by all means allies and citizens, to have the supreme command and judgment at home and in the field; otherwise, without the order of the people, the consul has no right to any of those things.

[30]

1 Post paucos dies L. Saenius senator in senatu litteras recitavit, quas Faesulis adlatas sibi dicebat, in quibus scriptum erat C. Manlium arma cepisse cum magna multitudine ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembris.

1 After a few days Lucius Saenius, a senator, in the senate read aloud letters which he said had been brought to him from Faesulae, in which it was written that Gaius Manlius had taken up arms with a great multitude on October 27.

2 Simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque prodigia nuntiabant, alii conventus fieri, arma portari, Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri.

2 At the same time, as is wont in such a matter, some were announcing portents and prodigies, others that assemblies were being held, arms carried, a servile war set in motion at Capua and in Apulia.

3 Igitur senati decreto Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus in Apuliam circumque ea loca missi –

3 Therefore, by decree of the senate, Q. Marcius Rex to Faesulae, Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia and around those places were sent –

4 hi utrique ad urbem imperatores erant, impediti ne triumpharent calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat –

4 these both were generals at the city, hindered from triumphing by the calumny of a few, to whom it was the custom to sell everything, honorable and dishonorable alike –

5 sed praetores Q. Pompeius Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum eisque permissum uti pro tempore atque periculo exercitum conpararent.

5 but the praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus to Capua, Q. Metellus Celer into the Picene territory; and to them permission was given to raise an army as the time and peril demanded.

6 Ad hoc, si quis indicavisset de coniuratione quae contra rem publicam facta erat, praemium servo libertatem et sestertia centum, libero inpunitatem eius rei et sestertia ducenta [milia]

6 In addition, if anyone should have indicated about the conspiracy which had been made against the Republic, the reward: for a slave, liberty and a hundred thousand sesterces, for a free man, impunity for that matter and two hundred thousand sesterces [thousands]

7 itemque decrevere uti gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia distribuerentur pro cuiusque opibus, Romae per totam urbem vigiliae haberentur eisque minores magistratus praeessent.

7 likewise they decreed that the gladiatorial families be distributed to Capua and to the other municipalities in proportion to each one’s resources, that at Rome watches be maintained throughout the whole city, and that lesser magistrates preside over them.

[31]

1 Quibus rebus permota civitas atque inmutata urbis facies erat. Ex summa laetitia atque lascivia, quae diuturna quies pepererat, repente omnis tristitia invasit:

1 By these things the commonwealth was stirred and the city’s aspect was changed. Out of the utmost joy and lasciviousness, which long-continued quiet had engendered, suddenly all sadness invaded:

2 festinare, trepidare, neque loco neque homini cuiquam satis credere, neque bellum gerere neque pacem habere, suo quisque metu pericula metiri.

2 to hasten, to trepidate, to trust sufficiently neither any place nor any person, neither to wage war nor to have peace, each to measure the perils by his own fear.

3 Ad hoc mulieres, quibus rei publicae magnitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, adflictare sese, manus supplicis ad caelum tendere, miserari parvos liberos, rogitare omnia, <omni rumore> pavere, <adripere omnia,> superbia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque diffidere.

3 Moreover the women, upon whom, by reason of the republic’s magnitude, an unusual fear of war had come, were afflicting themselves, stretching suppliant hands to heaven, pitying their little children, asking about everything, fearing at <every rumor>, <grasping at everything,> with pride and luxuries laid aside, distrusting themselves and their fatherland.

4 At Catilinae crudelis animus eadem illa movebat, tametsi praesidia parabantur et ipse lege Plautia interrogatus erat ab L. Paulo.

4 But Catiline’s cruel spirit was stirring up those same things, although praesidia were being prepared and he himself had been interrogated under the Plautian law by L. Paulus.

5 Postremo, dissimulandi causa aut sui expurgandi, sicut iurgio lacessitus foret, in senatum venit.

5 At last, for the sake of dissimulating or of expurgating himself, as though he had been provoked to a quarrel, he came into the senate.

6 Tum M. Tullius consul, sive praesentiam eius timens sive ira conmotus, orationem habuit luculentam atque utilem rei publicae, quam postea scriptam edidit.

6 Then M. Tullius the consul, whether fearing his presence or moved by anger, delivered an oration brilliant and useful to the Republic, which afterwards he published in written form.

7 Sed ubi ille adsedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso voltu, voce supplici postulare a patribus coepit ne quid de se temere crederent: ea familia ortum, ita se ab adulescentia vitam instituisse ut omnia bona in spe haberet; ne existumarent sibi, patricio homini, cuius ipsius atque maiorum pluruma beneficia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita re publica opus esse, cum eam servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus civis urbis Romae.

7 But when he sat down, Catiline, as he was prepared to dissimulate everything, with a cast-down countenance, in a suppliant voice began to beg from the fathers that they would not rashly believe anything about him: that he was sprung from such a family, that from adolescence he had ordered his life in such a way that he held all good things in hope; that they should not think that for him, a patrician man, whose own and whose ancestors’ very many benefactions were upon the Roman plebs, there was need of the republic ruined, when M. Tullius, a tenant citizen of the city of Rome, was saving it.

8 Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet, obstrepere omnes, hostem atque parricidam vocare.

8 As he added other maledictions to this, all clamored, calling him an enemy and a parricide.

9 Tum ille furibundus: "Quoniam quidem circumventus", inquit, "ab inimicis praeceps agor, incendium meum ruina restinguam."

9 Then he, furious: “Since indeed I am circumvented,” he said, “by enemies I am driven headlong; I will extinguish my conflagration with ruin.”

[32]

1 Deinde se ex curia domum proripuit. Ibi multa ipse secum volvens, quod neque insidiae consuli procedebant et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis munitam, optumum factu credens exercitum augere ac, prius quam legiones scriberentur, multa antecapere quae bello usui forent, nocte intempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est.

1 Then he tore himself out of the curia and rushed home. There, revolving many things with himself, since neither the plots against the consul were succeeding and he understood that the city was fortified with vigils against a conflagration, believing it the best thing to do to augment the army and, before the legions were enrolled, to anticipate many things which would be of use in war, at the dead of night with a few he set out for the Manlian camp.

2 Sed Cethego atque Lentulo ceterisque, quorum cognoverat promptam audaciam, mandat, quibus rebus possent, opes factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent, caedem, incendia aliaque belli facinora parent: sese prope diem cum magno exercitu ad urbem accessurum.

2 But to Cethegus and Lentulus and the rest, whose ready audacity he had come to know, he gives orders to, by whatever means they could, confirm the resources of the faction, hasten the ambush against the consul, prepare slaughter, arsons, and other crimes of war: that he himself before long would approach the city with a great army.

3 Dum haec Romae geruntur, C. Manlius ex suo numero legatos ad Marcium Regem mittit cum mandatis huiusce modi:

3 While these things are being transacted at Rome, Gaius Manlius sends legates from his own ranks to Marcius Rex with mandates of this sort:

[33]

1 "Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam cepisse neque quo periculum aliis faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab iniuria tuta forent, qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate faeneratorum plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque fortunis expertes sumus. Neque cuiquam nostrum licuit more maiorum lege uti, neque amisso patrimonio liberum corpus habere: tanta saevitia faeneratorum atque praetoris fuit.

1 "We call gods and men to witness, commander, that we have taken up arms neither against the fatherland nor in order to bring peril upon others, but so that our bodies might be safe from injury; we, who are wretched, destitute, by the violence and cruelty of the usurers most of us are deprived of our fatherland, but all are without good name and fortunes. Nor has it been permitted to any of us, in the custom of the ancestors, to make use of the law, nor, our patrimony lost, to have a free body: so great was the savagery of the usurers and of the praetor."

2 Saepe maiores vostrum, miseriti plebis Romanae, decretis suis inopiae eius opitulati sunt; ac novissume memoria nostra propter magnitudinem aeris alieni volentibus omnibus bonis argentum aere solutum est.

2 Often your ancestors, having pitied the Roman plebs, by their decrees aided its indigence; and most recently, within our memory, on account of the magnitude of the debt, with all good men consenting, silver was discharged by bronze.

3 Saepe ipsa plebs, aut dominandi studio permota aut superbia magistratuum armata, a patribus secessit.

3 Often the plebs itself, either moved by a zeal for domination or armed by the pride of the magistrates, seceded from the fathers.

4 At nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum causa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortalis sunt, sed libertatem, quam nemo bonus nisi cum anima simul amittit.

4 But we seek neither dominion nor riches, for the sake of which things wars and all contests are among mortals, but liberty, which no good man loses except together with his soul at the same time.

5 Te atque senatum obtestamur: consulatis miseris civibus, legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis neve nobis eam necessitudinem inponatis, ut quaeramus, quonam modo maxume ulti sanguinem nostrum pereamus!"

5 We adjure you and the senate: take thought for the wretched citizens, restore the protection of the law which the iniquity of the praetor has snatched away, and do not impose upon us that necessity, that we should seek by what means, having avenged our blood to the utmost, we may perish!"

[34]

1 Ad haec Q. Marcius respondit, si quid ab senatu petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices proficiscantur; ea mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populi Romani semper fuisse, ut nemo umquam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit.

1 To these things Q. Marcius replied that, if they wished to petition anything of the senate, they should withdraw from arms and proceed to Rome as suppliants; that the senate of the Roman people had always been of such mansuetude and mercy that no one had ever sought aid from it in vain.

2 At Catilina ex itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea optumo cuique litteras mittit: Se falsis criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunae cedere, Massiliam in exsilium proficisci, non quo sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti res publica quieta foret neve ex sua contentione seditio oreretur.

2 But Catiline, from the road, sends letters to very many consulars, and besides to each most excellent man: that he had been encompassed by false accusations, that since he had been unable to resist the faction of his enemies, he was yielding to Fortune, setting out into exile to Massilia—not because he was conscious to himself of so great a crime, but in order that the republic might be quiet and that from his contention no sedition might arise.

3 Ab his longe divorsas litteras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat. Earum exemplum infra scriptum est:

3 Far different letters from these Q. Catulus recited in the senate, which he said had been delivered to him in Catiline’s name. An exemplar of them is written below:

[35]

1 "L. Catilina Q. Catulo. Egregia tua fides re cognita, grata mihi magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit.

1 "L. Catiline to Q. Catulus. Your excellent faith, recognized in reality, welcome to me in my great perils, has given confidence to my commendation.

2 Quam ob rem defensionem in novo consilio non statui parare; satisfactionem ex nulla conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi, quam, me dius fidius, veram licet cognoscas.

2 For which reason I have not decided to prepare a defense on a new counsel; I have resolved to propose a satisfaction from no conscience of fault, which, by Dius Fidius, you may know to be true.

3 Iniuriis contumeliisque concitatus, quod fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus statum dignitatis non obtinebam, publicam miserorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi, non quin aes alienum meis nominibus ex possessionibus solvere non possem – et alienis nominibus liberalitas Orestillae suis filiaeque copiis persolveret – sed quod non dignos homines honore honestatos videbam meque falsa suspicione alienatum esse sentiebam.

3 Roused by injuries and contumelies, because, deprived of the fruit of my labor and industry, I did not obtain the status of dignity, I took up the public cause of the miserable according to my custom, not that I could not pay the debt under my own names out of my possessions – and under others’ names the liberality of Orestilla would pay it in full with her own resources and her daughter’s – but because I saw men unworthy honored with honor, and I felt that I was alienated by false suspicion.

4 Hoc nomine satis honestas pro meo casu spes reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum secutus.

4 On this account I have pursued hopes, sufficiently honorable and befitting my case, of conserving the remaining dignity.

5 Plura cum scribere vellem, nuntiatum est vim mihi parari.

5 When I wished to write more, it was announced that violence was being prepared against me.

6 Nunc Orestillam commendo tuaeque fidei trado; eam ab iniuria defendas per liberos tuos rogatus! Haveto!"

6 Now I commend Orestilla and entrust her to your fidelity; defend her from injury, being entreated by your children! Farewell!"

[36]

1 Sed ipse paucos dies conmoratus apud C. Flaminium in agro Arretino, dum vicinitatem antea sollicitatam armis exornat, cum fascibus atque aliis imperi insignibus in castra ad Manlium contendit.

1 But he himself, after lingering a few days with Gaius Flaminius in the Arretine countryside, while he furnishes the vicinity, previously agitated, with arms, with the fasces and the other insignia of command he hastened to the camp of Manlius.

2 Haec ubi Romae comperta sunt, senatus Catilinam et Manlium hostis iudicat, ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante quam sine fraude liceret ab armis discedere praeter rerum capitalium condemnatis.

2 When these things were discovered at Rome, the Senate adjudges Catiline and Manlius enemies; for the remaining multitude it sets a day, before which it would be lawful to withdraw from arms without penalty, except for those condemned on capital charges.

3 Praeterea decernit, uti consules dilectum habeant, Antonius cum exercitu Catilinam persequi maturet, Cicero urbi praesidio sit.

3 Moreover, it decrees that the consuls hold a levy, that Antonius, with the army, make haste to pursue Catiline, that Cicero be a protection to the city.

4 Ea tempestate mihi imperium populi Romani multo maxume miserabile visum est. Cui cum ad occasum ab ortu solis omnia domita armis parerent, domi otium atque divitiae, quae prima mortales putant, adfluerent, fuere tamen cives, qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent.

4 At that time the imperium of the Roman people seemed to me by far most pitiable. To which, though from the rising of the sun to the setting all things, tamed by arms, were obedient, and at home leisure and riches, which mortals consider the foremost things, were flowing in, nevertheless there were citizens who, with obstinate minds, were going to ruin both themselves and the republic.

5 Namque duobus senati decretis ex tanta multitudine neque praemio inductus coniurationem patefecerat neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium discesserat: tanta vis morbi ac veluti tabes plerosque civium animos invaserat.

5 For though by two decrees of the senate, out of so great a multitude, neither had anyone, induced by a reward, laid open the conspiracy, nor had anyone at all departed from Catiline’s camp: so great a force of sickness and, as it were, a wasting tabes had invaded the minds of most citizens.

[37]

1 Neque solum illis aliena mens erat, qui conscii coniurationis fuerant, sed omnino cuncta plebes novarum rerum studio Catilinae incepta probabat.

1 Nor was an alienated mind found only in those who had been conscious of the conspiracy, but altogether the whole plebs, in zeal for new things, approved Catiline’s undertakings.

2 Id adeo more suo videbatur facere.

2 This indeed seemed to be doing so after its own custom.

3 Nam semper in civitate, quibus opes nullae sunt, bonis invident, malos extollunt, vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student, turba atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur, quoniam egestas facile habetur sine damno.

3 For always in the state, those who have no resources envy the good, exalt the bad, hate the old, long for the new, and through hatred of their own affairs strive that all things be changed; they are nourished without care by tumult and seditions, since indigence is easily borne without loss.

4 Sed urbana plebes, ea vero praeceps erat de multis causis.

4 But the urban plebs, this indeed was headlong for many reasons.

5 Primum omnium, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxume praestabant, item alii per dedecora patrimoniis amissis, postremo omnes, quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat, ii Romam sicut in sentinam confluxerant.

5 First of all, those who everywhere most excelled in disgrace and petulance, likewise others who, through disgraces, had lost their patrimonies, and finally all whom a shameful outrage or a crime had driven from home—these had flocked to Rome as into a cesspool.

6 Deinde multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod ex gregariis militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, ut regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, si in armis foret, ex victoria talia sperabat.

6 Then many, mindful of Sulla’s victory, because they saw from rank-and-file soldiers some become senators, others so wealthy that with regal fare and attire they passed their lifetime, each man for himself, if he should be in arms, hoped for such things from a victory.

7 Praeterea iuventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat, privatis atque publicis largitionibus excita urbanum otium ingrato labori praetulerat.

7 Moreover the youth, who in the fields had endured want by the wages of their hands, stirred by private and public largesses, had preferred urban leisure to ingrate labor.

8 Eos atque alios omnis malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum est homines egentis, malis moribus, maxuma spe, rei publicae iuxta ac sibi consuluisse.

8 The public evil was nourishing them and all the others. Wherefore it is all the less to be wondered at that men in want, of bad morals, with the utmost hope, looked out for the Republic just as much as for themselves.

9 Praeterea, quorum victoria Sullae parentes proscripti, bona erepta, ius libertatis inminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli eventum exspectabant.

9 Moreover, those whose parents, upon Sulla’s victory, had been proscribed, whose goods had been snatched away, whose right of liberty had been diminished, assuredly did not await the outcome of the war with any other mind.

10 Ad hoc, quicumque aliarum atque senatus partium erant, conturbari rem publicam quam minus valere ipsi malebant.

10 In addition, whoever were of the other parties and of the Senate’s party preferred that the republic be thrown into confusion rather than that they themselves should have less power.

11 Id adeo malum multos post annos in civitatem revorterat.

11 That very evil had returned into the state after many years.

[38]

1 Nam postquam Cn. Pompeio et M. Crasso consulibus tribunicia potestas restituta est, homines adulescentes summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas animusque ferox erat, coepere senatum criminando plebem exagitare, dein largiundo atque pollicitando magis incendere, ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri.

1 For after, with Gnaeus Pompeius and Marcus Crassus as consuls, the tribunician power was restored, young men, having obtained the highest power, whose age and spirit were fierce, began by accusing the senate to agitate the plebs, then by largessing and promising to inflame them the more, and thus to make themselves illustrious and powerful.

2 Contra eos summa ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas senatus specie pro sua magnitudine.

2 Against them most of the nobility strove with utmost effort, under the appearance of the senate, in proportion to its own magnitude.

3 Namque, uti paucis verum absolvam, post illa tempora quicumque rem publicam agitavere honestis nominibus, alii sicuti populi iura defenderent, pars quo senatus auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia certabant.

3 For indeed, to sum up the truth in few words, after those times whoever have agitated the republic under honorable names—some as if they were defending the rights of the people, others in order that the authority of the senate might be greatest—feigning the public good, each strove according to his own power.

4 Neque illis modestia neque modus contentionis erat: utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant.

4 They had neither modesty nor a measure of contention: both sides exercised their victory cruelly.

[39]

1 Sed postquam Cn. Pompeius ad bellum maritumum atque Mithridaticum missus est, plebis opes inminutae, paucorum potentia crevit.

1 But after Gnaeus Pompeius was sent to the maritime and Mithridatic war, the resources of the plebs were diminished, the power of the few grew.

2 Ei magistratus provincias aliaque omnia tenere; ipsi innoxii, florentes, sine metu aetatem agere ceterosque iudiciis terrere, quo plebem in magistratu placidius tractarent.

2 Those men to hold the magistracies, the provinces, and all other things; they themselves, guiltless, flourishing, to pass their life without fear, and to terrify the rest by judgments, in order that they might handle the plebs more placidly while in magistracy.

3 Sed ubi primum dubiis rebus novandi spes oblata est, vetus certamen animos eorum adrexit.

3 But when, in the first moment of uncertain affairs, a hope of innovation was offered, their old contention aroused their spirits.

4 Quod si primo proelio Catilina superior aut aequa manu discessisset, profecto magna clades atque calamitas rem publicam oppressisset; neque illis, qui victoriam adepti forent, diutius ea uti licuisset, quin defessis et exsanguibus, qui plus posset, imperium atque libertatem extorqueret.

4 But if in the first battle Catiline had come off superior, or had withdrawn on equal terms, assuredly a great slaughter and calamity would have oppressed the republic; nor would it have been permitted to those who had obtained the victory to make use of it for long, before, once wearied and bloodless, whoever could more would wrest away power and liberty.

5 Fuere tamen extra coniurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio profecti sunt. In iis erat Fulvius, senatoris filius, quem retractum ex itinere parens necari iussit.

5 There were, however, several outside the conspiracy, who at the outset set out to Catiline. Among these was Fulvius, the son of a senator, whom, brought back from the journey, his father ordered to be put to death.

6 Isdem temporibus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praeceperat, quoscumque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos credebat, aut per se aut per alios sollicitabat, neque solum civis, sed cuiusque modi genus hominum quod modo bello usui foret.

6 At the same time at Rome, Lentulus, just as Catiline had pre-instructed, was soliciting, either by himself or through others, whomever he believed by morals or by fortune to be suitable for new affairs, and not only citizens, but every sort of class of men, provided only that it would be of use for war.

[40]

1 Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti legatos Allobrogum requirat eosque, si possit, inpellat ad societatem belli, existumans publice privatimque aere alieno oppressos, praeterea quod natura gens Gallica bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse.

1 Therefore he gives to a certain P. Umbrenus the commission to seek out the envoys of the Allobroges and to impel them, if he can, to an association of war, thinking that, both publicly and privately, they were oppressed by debt; moreover, because by nature the Gallic nation was bellicose, they could easily be induced to such a counsel.

2 Umbrenus, quod in Gallia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus civitatum notus erat atque eos noverat. Itaque sine mora, ubi primum legatos in foro conspexit, percontatus pauca de statu civitatis et quasi dolens eius casum requirere coepit, quem exitum tantis malis sperarent.

2 Umbrenus, because he had transacted business in Gaul, was known to most of the principals of the states and knew them. And so, without delay, as soon as he caught sight of the ambassadors in the forum, after inquiring a few things about the status of the state, and as if grieving its misfortune, he began to ask what outcome they hoped for from such great evils.

3 Postquam illos videt queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare senatum, quod in eo auxili nihil esset, miseriis suis remedium mortem exspectare: "At ego", inquit, "vobis, si modo viri esse voltis, rationem ostendam, qua tanta ista mala effugiatis."

3 After he sees them complaining about the avarice of the magistrates, accusing the senate because there was no aid in it, and awaiting death as a remedy for their miseries: "But I," he says, "will show you, if only you wish to be men, a plan by which you may escape those so great ills."

4 Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maxumam spem adducti Umbrenum orare, ut sui misereretur: nihil tam asperum neque tam difficile esse, quod non cupidissume facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret.

4 When he had said these things, the Allobroges, brought into very great hope, began to beg Umbrenus to take pity on them: that there was nothing so harsh nor so difficult which they would not most eagerly do, so long as that matter should liberate their state from debt.

5 Ille eos in domum D. Bruti perducit, quod foro propinqua erat neque aliena consili propter Semproniam; nam tum Brutus ab Roma aberat.

5 He conducts them into the house of D. Brutus, because it was near the Forum and not alien to the counsel on account of Sempronia; for at that time Brutus was away from Rome.

6 Praeterea Gabinium arcessit, quo maior auctoritas sermoni inesset. Eo praesente coniurationem aperit, nominat socios, praeterea multos cuiusque generis innoxios, quo legatis animus amplior esset. Deinde eos pollicitos operam suam domum dimittit.

6 Moreover he summons Gabinius, so that greater authority might inhere in the discourse. With him present he lays open the conspiracy, names the associates, and, besides, many innocents of every kind, so that the legates’ spirit might be more ample. Then, once they had pledged their service, he dismisses them home.

[41]

1 Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam consili caperent.

1 But the Allobroges for a long time were in uncertainty as to what counsel to take.

2 In altera parte erat aes alienum, studium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae, at in altera maiores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe certa praemia.

2 On the one side there was debt, zeal for war, great pay in the hope of victory; but on the other, greater resources, safe counsels, in place of uncertain hope, sure rewards.

3 Haec illis volventibus tandem vicit fortuna rei publicae.

3 With them turning these things over, at length the fortune of the republic prevailed.

4 Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cuius patrocinio civitas plurumum utebatur, rem omnem, uti cognoverant, aperiunt.

4 And so to Quintus Fabius Sanga, whose patronage the state used most, they disclose the whole affair, as they had learned it.

5 Cicero per Sangam consilio cognito legatis praecipit, ut studium coniurationis vehementer simulent, ceteros adeant, bene polliceantur dentque operam, uti eos quam maxume manufestos habeant.

5 Cicero, through Sanga, with the plan known, instructs the envoys to feign zeal for the conspiracy vehemently, to approach the others, to promise well, and to apply effort, so that they may have them as manifest as possible.

[42]

1 Isdem fere temporibus in Gallia citeriore atque ulteriore, item in agro Piceno, Bruttio, Apulia motus erat.

1 At about the same times in Gaul, the nearer and the further, likewise in the Picene countryside, in Bruttium, and in Apulia, there was unrest.

2 Namque illi, quos ante Catilina dimiserat, inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam cuncta simul agebant. Nocturnis consiliis armorum atque telorum portationibus, festinando, agitando omnia plus timoris quam periculi effecerant.

2 For indeed those whom earlier Catiline had sent out were acting without counsel and, as if through madness, doing everything at once. By nocturnal counsels and the carrying-about of arms and missiles, by hastening, by agitating everything, they had effected more fear than danger.

3 Ex eo numero compluris Q. Metellus Celer praetor ex senatus consulto causa cognita in vincula coniecerat, item in citeriore Gallia C. Murena, qui ei provinciae legatus praeerat.

3 Of that number several Q. Metellus Celer, praetor, by decree of the Senate, the case having been examined, had cast into chains; likewise in Nearer Gaul C. Murena, who as legate presided over that province.

[43]

1 At Romae Lentulus cum ceteris, qui princeps coniurationis erant, paratis, ut videbatur, magnis copiis constituerant, uti, cum Catilina in agrum Aefulanum cum exercitu venisset, L. Bestia tribunus plebis contione habita quereretur de actionibus Ciceronis bellique gravissumi invidiam optumo consuli inponeret; eo signo proxuma nocte cetera multitudo coniurationis suum quisque negotium exsequeretur.

1 But at Rome, Lentulus with the others who were the chiefs of the conspiracy, great forces prepared, as it seemed, had determined that, when Catiline should come with his army into the Aefulan territory, Lucius Bestia, tribune of the plebs, after an assembly (contio) had been held, would complain about the actions of Cicero and impose the odium of a most grievous war upon the most excellent consul; at this signal, on the next night, the rest of the multitude of the conspiracy should each execute his own business.

2 Sed ea divisa hoc modo dicebantur: Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tumultu facilior aditus ad consulem ceterosque, quibus insidiae parabantur, fieret; Cethegus Ciceronis ianuam obsideret eumque vi aggrederetur, alius autem alium, sed filii familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxuma pars erat, parentis interficerent; simul caede et incendio perculsis omnibus ad Catilinam erumperent.

2 But the tasks were said to have been divided in this way: that Statilius and Gabinius, with a great band, should simultaneously set fire to twelve opportune places of the city, by which tumult an easier approach to the consul and to the others, for whom ambushes were being prepared, might be made; that Cethegus should besiege Cicero’s door and attack him by force, and that one man should assail another, but that the sons of households, of whom the greatest part was from the nobility, should kill their parents; and that, with all struck down at once by slaughter and conflagration, they should break out to Catiline.

3 Inter haec parata atque decreta Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum: illos dubitando et dies prolatando magnas opportunitates corrumpere; facto, non consulto in tali periculo opus esse seque, si pauci adiuvarent, languentibus aliis impetum in curiam facturum.

3 Meanwhile, with these things prepared and decreed, Cethegus was always complaining about the cowardice of the associates: that they, by hesitating and by prolonging the days, were corrupting great opportunities; that in such peril there was need of deed, not consultation, and that he, if a few would aid, with the others languishing, would make an assault upon the Curia.

4 Natura ferox, vehemens, manu promptus erat, maxumum bonum in celeritate putabat.

4 By nature fierce, vehement, prompt with his hand, he thought the maximum good lay in celerity.

[44]

1 Sed Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium ceteros conveniunt. Ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio postulant ius iurandum, quod signatum ad civis perferant; aliter haud facile eos ad tantum negotium inpelli posse.

1 But the Allobroges, according to Cicero’s instruction, meet the others through Gabinius. From Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, likewise Cassius, they demand an oath, which, sealed, they may carry to their citizens; otherwise they could hardly be impelled to so great an undertaking.

2 Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant, Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur ac paulo ante legatos ex urbe proficiscitur.

2 The others, suspecting nothing, give it; Cassius promises that he himself will come there shortly, and a little before the envoys he sets out from the city.

3 Lentulus cum iis T. Volturcium quendam Crotoniensem mittit, ut Allobroges, priusquam domum pergerent, cum Catilina data atque accepta fide societatem confirmarent.

3 Lentulus sends with them a certain T. Volturcius, a Crotonian, so that the Allobroges, before they proceeded home, might, with Catiline, confirm the association, with faith given and received.

4 Ipse Volturcio litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scriptum est:

4 He himself gives to Volturcius a letter to Catiline, the copy of which is written below:

5 "Quis sim, ex eo, quem ad te misi, cognosces. Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te virum esse! Consideres, quid tuae rationes postulent!

5 "You will recognize who I am from the one whom I have sent to you. See to it that you cogitate in how great a calamity you are, and remember that you are a man! Consider what your plans require!

Auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infumis!"

"Seek help from everyone, even from the lowliest!"

6 Ad hoc mandata verbis dat: Cum ab senatu hostis iudicatus sit, quo consilio servitia repudiet? In urbe parata esse, quae iusserit; ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere.

6 To this he gives mandates in words: Since he has been judged an enemy by the senate, by what counsel does he repudiate the slaves? In the city there are prepared the things which he may order; let him not hesitate himself to draw nearer.

[45]

1 His rebus ita actis constituta nocte, qua profiscerentur, Cicero per legatos cuncta edoctus L. Valerio Flacco et C. Pomptino praetoribus imperat, ut in ponte Mulvio per insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehendant. Rem omnem aperit, cuius gratia mittebantur; cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit.

1 With these matters thus transacted and the night appointed on which they were to set out, Cicero, fully instructed through the legates, orders the praetors Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Gaius Pomptinus to apprehend by ambush, on the Mulvian Bridge, the retinue of the Allobroges. He discloses the whole affair, for the sake of which they were being sent; as for the rest, he permits them to act as the deed requires.

2 Illi, homines militares, sine tumultu praesidiis conlocatis, sicuti praeceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt.

2 They, military men, without tumult, with the guards posted, just as it had been prescribed, secretly blockade the bridge.

3 Postquam ad id loci legati cum Volturcio venerunt et simul utrimque clamor exortus est, Galli cito cognito consilio sine mora praetoribus se tradunt;

3 After the envoys with Volturcius came to that place and at the same time clamor arose on both sides, the Gauls, their plan quickly recognized, without delay surrender themselves to the praetors;

4 Volturcius primo cohortatus ceteros gladio se a multitudine defendit, deinde, ubi a legatis desertus est, multa prius de salute sua Pomptinum obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus ac vitae diffidens velut hostibus sese praetoribus dedit.

4 Volturcius at first, after encouraging the others, defended himself with his sword from the multitude; then, when he was deserted by the legates, having first earnestly implored Pomptinus about his own safety, because he was known to him, at last, timid and despairing of life, he gave himself up to the praetors as if to enemies.

[46]

1 Quibus rebus confectis omnia propere per nuntios consuli declarantur.

1 With these things completed, everything is swiftly declared to the consul through messengers.

2 At illum ingens cura atque laetitia simul occupavere. Nam laetabatur intellegens coniuratione patefacta civitatem periculis ereptam esse: porro autem anxius erat dubitans, in maxumo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis quid facto opus esset: poenam illorum sibi oneri, inpunitatem perdundae rei publicae fore credebat.

2 But an immense care and a joy at the same time seized him. For he rejoiced, understanding that, with the conjuration laid open, the state had been snatched from dangers; but moreover he was anxious, doubting, with such citizens apprehended in the greatest crime, what there was need to do: he believed the punishment of those men would be a burden to himself, and that impunity would be for the ruin of the republic.

3 Igitur confirmato animo vocari ad sese iubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium itemque Caeparium Terracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat.

3 Therefore, with his courage confirmed, he orders Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and likewise Caeparius of Terracina, who was preparing to set out into Apulia to incite the slaves, to be summoned to himself.

4 Ceteri sine mora veniunt; Caeparius, paulo ante domo egressus, cognito indicio ex urbe profugerat.

4 The others come without delay; Caeparius, having left home a little before, when the disclosure became known, had fled from the city.

5 Consul Lentulum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens in senatum perducit, reliquos cum custodibus in aedem Concordiae venire iubet.

5 The consul leads Lentulus—since he was praetor—himself holding him by the hand, into the senate, and orders the rest to come with guards into the Temple of Concord.

6 Eo senatum advocat magnaque frequentia eius ordinis Volturcium cum legatis introducit; Flaccum praetorem scrinium cum litteris, quas a legatis acceperat, eodem adferre iubet.

6 To that place he summons the senate, and with a great throng of that order he introduces Volturcius with the envoys; he orders the praetor Flaccus to bring to the same place the letter-case with the letters, which he had received from the envoys.

[47]

1 Volturcius interrogatus de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut qua de causa consili habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de coniuratione; post, ubi fide publica dicere iussus est, omnia, uti gesta erant, aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario socium adscitum nihil amplius scire quam legatos; tantummodo audire solitum ex Gabinio P. Autronium, Ser. Sullam, L. Vargunteium, multos praeterea in ea coniuratione esse.

1 Volturcius, interrogated about the journey, about the letters, and finally what plan he had had or for what cause, at first began to feign other things, to dissemble about the conspiracy; afterward, when he was ordered to speak under the public faith, he opens everything as it had been done and shows that a few days before he had been taken on as an associate by Gabinius and Caeparius, that he knew nothing more than the envoys; that he had only been accustomed to hear from Gabinius that P. Autronius, Ser. Sulla, L. Vargunteius, and many besides were in that conspiracy.

2 Eadem Galli fatentur ac Lentulum dissimulantem coarguunt praeter litteras sermonibus, quos ille habere solitus erat: Ex libris Sibyllinis regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi; Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum foret urbis potiri; praeterea ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vigesumum annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices respondissent bello civili cruentum fore.

2 The Gauls confess the same things and, besides the letters, convict Lentulus, who was dissembling, by the conversations which he was wont to have: that from the Sibylline Books the rule of Rome was portended to three Cornelii; that Cinna and Sulla had been before, that he was the third, for whom it was fated to get possession of the city; moreover, that from the burning of the Capitol this was the twentieth year, which, from prodigies, the haruspices had often replied would be bloodied with civil war.

3 Igitur perlectis litteris, cum prius omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, uti abdicato magistratu Lentulus itemque ceteri in liberis custodiis habeantur.

3 Therefore, the letters having been read through, since earlier all had recognized their own seals, the Senate decrees that, his magistracy abdicated, Lentulus, and likewise the others, be held in free custody.

4 Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spintheri, qui tum aedilis erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius C. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Caeparius nam is paulo ante ex fuga retractus erat Cn. Terentio senatori traduntur.

4 And so Lentulus is handed over to P. Lentulus Spinther, who at that time was aedile; Cethegus to Q. Cornificius; Statilius to C. Caesar; Gabinius to M. Crassus; Caeparius—for he had a little before been brought back from flight—to the senator Cn. Terentius are handed over.

[48]

1 Interea plebs coniuratione patefacta, quae primo cupida rerum novarum nimis bello favebat, mutata mente Catilinae consilia exsecrari, Ciceronem ad caelum tollere, veluti ex servitute erepta gaudium atque laetitiam agitabat.

1 Meanwhile the plebs, the conspiracy laid open—who at first, eager for revolutions, had favored the war too much—having changed their mind, were execrating Catiline’s counsels, exalting Cicero to the heavens, and, as if snatched from servitude, were displaying joy and gladness.

2 Namque alia belli facinora praedae magis quam detrimento fore, incendium vero crudele, inmoderatum ac sibi maxume calamitosum putabat, quippe cui omnes copiae in usu cotidiano et cultu corporis erant.

2 For indeed he supposed that the other deeds of war would be more for booty than for detriment, but a conflagration truly cruel, immoderate, and most calamitous to himself, since all his resources were in quotidian use and in the culture and adornment of his body.

3 Post eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus erat, quem ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinere retractum aiebant.

3 After that day, a certain L. Tarquinius had been brought to the senate, whom they said had been drawn back from his journey as he was setting out to Catiline.

4 Is cum se diceret indicaturum de coniuratione, si fides publica data esset, iussus a consule, quae sciret, edicere, eadem fere, quae Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de itinere hostium senatum docet; praeterea se missum a M. Crasso, qui Catilinae nuntiaret, ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex coniuratione deprehensi terrerent eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et ceterorum animos reficeret et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur.

4 He, when he said that he would indicate about the conspiracy, if public faith were given, being ordered by the consul to declare what he knew, informs the senate nearly the same things as Volturcius: about the prepared incendia, about the slaughter of the good men, about the route of the enemy; furthermore, that he had been sent by Marcus Crassus, to announce to Catiline that Lentulus and Cethegus and others from the conspiracy, having been apprehended, should not frighten him, and that he should the more hasten to approach the city, in order both to refresh the spirits of the rest and that those men might more easily be snatched from danger.

5 Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, hominem nobilem, maxumis divitiis, summa potentia, alii rem incredibilem rati, pars, tametsi verum existumabant, tamen, quia in tali tempore tanta vis hominis magis leniunda quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii, conclamant indicem falsum esse deque ea re postulant uti referatur.

5 But when Tarquinius named Crassus, a noble man, with very great riches, of the highest power, some, thinking the matter unbelievable; a part, although they judged it true, nevertheless, because in such a time so great a man’s force seemed rather to be soothed than to be harried; and the majority, being beholden to Crassus from private dealings, cry out that the informer is false and demand that the matter be referred.

6 Itaque consulente Cicerone frequens senatus decernit Tarquini indicium falsum videri eumque in vinculis retinendum neque amplius potestatem faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cuius consilio tantam rem esset mentitus.

6 Therefore, with Cicero consulting, the senate in full decrees that Tarquinius’s testimony seems false, and that he is to be kept in chains, and that no further opportunity be afforded, unless he should give information about the man at whose counsel he had lied about so great a matter.

7 Erant eo tempore, qui existumarent indicium illud a P. Autronio machinatum, quo facilius appellato Crasso per societatem periculi reliquos illius potentia tegeret.

7 There were at that time those who supposed that that testimony had been machinated by P. Autronius, in order that, Crassus having been appealed to, through a partnership of peril he might the more easily cover the rest by that man’s power.

8 Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone inmissum aiebant, ne Crassus more suo suspecto malorum patrocinio rem publicam conturbaret.

8 Others said that Tarquinius had been sent in by Cicero, lest Crassus, in his customary manner, under suspicion for the patronage of the wicked, should throw the Republic into confusion.

9 Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem audivi tantam illam contumeliam sibi ab Cicerone inpositam.

9 I myself later heard Crassus proclaiming that that so great a contumely had been imposed upon him by Cicero.

[49]

1 Sed isdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso neque precibus neque gratia neque pretio Ciceronem inpellere potuere, uti per Allobroges aut alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur.

1 But at that same time Q. Catulus and C. Piso could not, by prayers, by favor, or by a bribe, impel Cicero to have C. Caesar falsely named through the Allobroges or another informer.

2 Nam uterque cum illo gravis inimicitias exercebat: Piso oppugnatus in iudicio pecuniarum repetundarum propter cuiusdam Transpadani supplicium iniustum, Catulus ex petitione pontificatus odio incensus, quod extrema aetate, maxumis honoribus usus, ab adulescentulo Caesare victus discesserat.

2 For each of them was carrying on grave enmities with him (Caesar): Piso, assailed in a trial for pecuniary repetundae (extortion) on account of the unjust execution of a certain Transpadane; Catulus, inflamed with hatred from his canvassing for the pontificate, because, in extreme old age, having enjoyed the very greatest honors, he withdrew defeated by the young Caesar.

3 Res autem opportuna videbatur, quod is privatim egregia liberalitate, publice maxumis muneribus grandem pecuniam debebat.

3 But the affair seemed opportune, because he, privately by outstanding liberality, and publicly by very great munera, owed a large sum of money.

4 Sed ubi consulem ad tantum facinus inpellere nequeunt, ipsi singillatim circumeundo atque ementiundo, quae se ex Volturcio aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent, magnam illi invidiam conflaverant usque eo, ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui praesidi causa cum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine seu animi mobilitate inpulsi, quo studium suum in rem publicam clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu Caesari gladio minitarentur.

4 But when they could not impel the consul to so great a crime, they themselves, by going around individually and by fabricating what they said they had heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, had amassed great odium against him, to such a point that some Roman knights, who for the sake of protection were with weapons around the Temple of Concord, impelled either by the magnitude of the peril or by mobility of spirit, in order that their zeal for the commonwealth might be more manifest, threatened Caesar with a sword as he was egressing from the senate.

[50]

1 Dum haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et T. Volturcio conprobato eorum indicio praemia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex clientibus Lentuli divorsis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis ad eum eripiundum sollicitabant, partim exquirebant duces multitudinum, qui pretio rem publicam vexare soliti erant.

1 While these things are being transacted in the senate and, the testimony of the legates of the Allobroges and of T. Volturcius having been approved, rewards are decreed for them, the freedmen and a few of Lentulus’s clients, by diverse routes, were stirring up artisans and slave-bands in the wards to rescue him, and in part were seeking out leaders of the crowds, who were accustomed for a price to vex the republic.

2 Cethegus autem per nuntios familiam atque libertos suos, lectos et exercitatos, orabat, ut grege facto cum telis ad sese inrumperent.

2 Cethegus, however, through messengers was entreating his household and his freedmen, selected and exercised, that, a band having been formed, they should break in to him with weapons.

3 Consul ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu refert, quid de iis fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus iudicaverat contra rem publicam fecisse.

3 When the consul learned that these things were being prepared, with guards posted, as the situation and the time admonished, the senate having been convened, he reports what it may please to be done concerning those who had been delivered into custody. But a little before, a full senate had judged that they had acted against the Republic.

4 Tum D. Iunius Silanus primus sententiam rogatus, quod eo tempore consul designatus erat, de iis, qui in custodiis tenebantur, et praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumundum decreverat; isque postea permotus oratione C. Caesaris pedibus in sententiam Ti. Neronis iturum se dixit, qui de ea re praesidiis additis referundum censuerat.

4 Then D. Junius Silanus, asked first for his opinion, because at that time he was consul designate, had decreed that punishment should be exacted from those who were held in custody, and besides from L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, Q. Annius, if they were apprehended; and afterwards, moved by the speech of C. Caesar, he said that he would go, on the division, to the opinion of Ti. Nero, who had judged that, in that matter, with guards added, it should be referred for reconsideration.

5 Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum est, rogatus sententiam a consule huiusce modi verba locutus est:

5 But Caesar, when it came to him, having been asked for his opinion by the consul, spoke words of this kind:

[51]

1 "Omnis homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant, ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericordia vacuos esse decet.

1 "All men, Conscript Fathers, who deliberate about dubious matters, ought to be free from hatred, amity, ire, and pity.

2 Haud facile animus verum providet, ubi illa officiunt, neque quisquam omnium lubidini simul et usui paruit.

2 Not easily does the mind foresee the truth, when those things hinder, nor has anyone of all obeyed desire and utility at the same time.

3 Ubi intenderis ingenium, valet; si lubido possidet, ea dominatur, animus nihil valet.

3 When you focus your ingenuity, it prevails; if libido possesses, it dominates, the mind avails nothing.

4 Magna mihi copia est memorandi, patres conscripti, quae reges atque populi ira aut misericordia inpulsi male consuluerint. Sed ea malo dicere, quae maiores nostri contra lubidinem animi sui recte atque ordine fecere.

4 I have a great abundance for recounting, conscript fathers, what kings and peoples, impelled by ire or by mercy, have taken ill counsel upon. But I prefer to speak of those things which our ancestors, against the desire of their own spirit, did rightly and in due order.

5 Bello Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse gessimus, Rhodiorum civitas magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opibus creverat, infida et advorsa nobis fuit. Sed postquam bello confecto de Rhodiis consultum est, maiores nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis quam iniuriae causa bellum inceptum diceret, inpunitos eos dimisere.

5 In the Macedonian War, which we waged with King Perseus, the city of the Rhodians, great and magnificent, which had grown by the opulence of the Roman people, was unfaithful and adverse to us. But after the war was finished and deliberation was held concerning the Rhodians, our ancestors, lest anyone say that the war had been undertaken more for the sake of riches than of injury, let them go unpunished.

6 Item bellis Punicis omnibus, cum saepe Carthaginienses et in pace et per indutias multa nefaria facinora fecissent, numquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis, quid se dignum foret, quam quid in illos iure fieri posset, quaerebant.

6 Likewise, in all the Punic wars, although the Carthaginians often committed many nefarious deeds both in peace and under truces, they themselves never did such things by taking advantage of the occasion: rather, they sought what would be worthy of themselves, than what could by right be done against them.

7 Hoc item vobis providendum est, patres conscripti, ne plus apud vos valeat P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam vostra dignitas neu magis irae vostrae quam famae consulatis.

7 This likewise must be provided by you, Conscript Fathers, that the crime of P. Lentulus and the others not prevail with you more than your dignity, nor that you take counsel more for your ire than for your fame.

8 Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novum consilium adprobo; sin magnitudo sceleris omnium ingenia exsuperat, his utendum censeo, quae legibus conparata sunt.

8 For if a worthy penalty for their deeds is found, I approve a new plan; but if the magnitude of the crime surpasses the ingenuity of all, I judge that these means should be used which have been prepared by the laws.

9 "Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententias dixerunt, conposite atque magnifice casum rei publicae miserati sunt. Quae belli saevitia esset, quae victis acciderent, enumeravere: rapi virgines, pueros, divelli liberos a parentum complexu, matres familiarum pati, quae victoribus conlubuissent, fana atque domos spoliari, caedem, incendia fieri, postremo armis, cadaveribus, cruore atque luctu omnia conpleri.

9 "Most of those who have spoken their opinions before me, in a composed and magnificent manner, have lamented the downfall of the republic. They have enumerated what the savagery of war is, what befalls the conquered: maidens and boys to be seized, children to be torn from the embrace of their parents, matrons of families to suffer whatever should have pleased the victors, shrines and homes to be despoiled, slaughter and conflagrations to be wrought, finally that all things are filled with arms, cadavers, gore, and mourning.

10 Sed per deos inmortalis, quo illa oratio pertinuit? An uti vos infestos coniurationi faceret? Scilicet, quem res tanta et tam atrox non permovit, eum oratio accendet.

10 But, by the immortal gods, to what did that oration pertain? Or was it so that it might make you hostile to the conjuration? Of course—the man whom a matter so great and so atrocious has not moved, a speech will inflame.

11 Non ita est neque cuiquam mortalium iniuriae suae parvae videntur; multi eas gravius aequo habuere.

11 It is not so, nor do the injuries to themselves seem small to any of mortals; many have regarded them more gravely than is just.

12 Sed alia aliis licentia est, patres conscripti. Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent, si quid iracundia deliquere, pauci sciunt: fama atque fortuna eorum pares sunt; qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere.

12 But license is different for different men, Conscript Fathers. Those who live lowly in obscurity, if they have committed any delinquency in anger, few know: their fame and fortune are equal; those endowed with great imperium who pass their life on high, all mortals know their deeds.

13 Ita in maxuma fortuna minuma licentia est; neque studere neque odisse, sed minume irasci decet;

13 Thus in the greatest fortune there is the least license; neither to be a partisan nor to hate, but least of all to become irate, is fitting;

14 quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas appellatur.

14 what among others is called irascibility, that, in command, is called pride and cruelty.

15 Equidem ego sic existumo, patres conscripti, omnis cruciatus minores quam facinora illorum esse. Sed plerique mortales postrema meminere et in hominibus inpiis sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paulo severior fuit.

15 Indeed, I so reckon, conscript fathers, that all torments are lesser than their crimes. But the majority of mortals remember the last things, and, in the case of impious men, forgetful of their crime, they discourse about the punishment, if it was a little more severe.

16 "D. Silanum, virum fortem atque strenuum, certo scio, quae dixerit, studio rei publicae dixisse neque illum in tanta re gratiam aut inimicitias exercere: eos mores eamque modestiam viri cognovi.

16 "D. Silanus, a brave and strenuous man, I know for certain has said what he has said out of zeal for the republic, and that he is not, in so great a matter, exercising favor or enmities: I have known the morals and that modesty of the man.

17 Verum sententia eius mihi non crudelis – quid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest? – sed aliena a re publica nostra videtur.

17 But his opinion seems to me not cruel—for what cruel thing can be done against such men?—but alien to our republic.

18 Nam profecto aut metus aut iniuria te subegit, Silane, consulem designatum genus poenae novum decernere.

18 For assuredly either fear or injury has compelled you, Silanus, the consul-designate, to decree a new kind of punishment.

19 De timore supervacaneum est disserere, cum praesertim diligentia clarissumi viri consulis tanta praesidia sint in armis.

19 About fear it is superfluous to discourse, since especially through the diligence of that most illustrious man, the consul, such great safeguards are under arms.

20 De poena possum equidem dicere, id quod res habet, in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse; eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere; ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse.

20 About the penalty I can indeed say, as the matter holds, that in mourning and miseries death is a requiem from hardships, not a torment; that it dissolves all the evils of mortals; beyond it there is room neither for care nor for joy.

21 Sed, per deos inmortalis, quam ob rem in sententiam non addidisti, uti prius verberibus in eos animadvorteretur?

21 But, by the immortal gods, for what reason did you not add to your motion that, first, punishment should be inflicted upon them with lashes?

22 An quia lex Porcia vetat? At aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam eripi, sed exsilium permitti iubent. An quia gravius est verberari quam necari?

22 Or is it because the Porcian law forbids it? But other laws likewise order that condemned citizens are not to have their life snatched away, but that exile be permitted. Or because it is more grievous to be scourged than to be killed?

23 Quid autem acerbum aut nimis grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos?

23 But what is bitter or too grievous against men convicted of so great a crime?

24 Sin, quia levius est, qui convenit in minore negotio legem timere, cum eam in maiore neglegeris?

24 But if, because it is lighter, how does it accord to fear the law in the lesser matter, when you have neglected it in the greater?

25 "At enim quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas rei publicae decretum erit? Tempus, dies, fortuna, cuius lubido gentibus moderatur. Illis merito accidet, quicquid evenerit;

25 "But indeed, who will reprehend what shall have been decreed against the parricides of the republic? Time, the day, Fortune—whose caprice governs peoples. Whatever shall have happened will deservedly befall them;

26 ceterum vos patres conscripti, quid in alios statuatis, considerate!

26 but you, Conscript Fathers, consider what you decree upon others!

27 Omnia mala exempla ex rebus bonis orta sunt. Sed ubi imperium ad ignaros eius aut minus bonos pervenit, novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transfertur.

27 All bad precedents have arisen out of good measures. But when power comes to those ignorant of it or less good, that new precedent is transferred from the worthy and fit to the unworthy and unfit.

28 Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus triginta viros inposuere, qui rem publicam eorum tractarent.

28 The Lacedaemonians, the Athenians having been conquered, imposed thirty men, who might manage their republic.

29 Ii primo coepere pessumum quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare: ea populus laetari et merito dicere fieri.

29 They at first began to slay, uncondemned, whoever was worst and odious to all: at these things the people rejoiced and said it was being done deservedly.

30 Post, ubi paulatim licentia crevit, iuxta bonos et malos lubidinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere:

30 Afterwards, when license gradually grew, they proceeded libidinously to kill good and bad alike, and to terrify the rest with fear:

31 ita civitas servitute oppressa stultae laetitiae gravis poenas dedit.

31 thus the civitas, oppressed by servitude, paid heavy penalties for its foolish joy.

32 Nostra memoria victor Sulla cum Damasippum et alios eius modi, qui malo rei publicae creverant, iugulari iussit, quis non factum eius laudabat? Homines scelestos et factiosos, qui seditionibus rem publicam exagitaverant, merito necatos aiebant.

32 In our memory, the victor Sulla, when he ordered Damasippus and others of that sort, who had grown to the harm of the republic, to have their throats cut, who was not praising his deed? They said that wicked and factious men, who had agitated the republic with seditions, had been slain deservedly.

33 Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam uti quisque domum aut villam, postremo vas aut vestimentum alicuius concupiverat, dabat operam, ut is in proscriptorum numero esset.

33 But that affair was the inception of a great calamity. For as each person had coveted someone’s house or villa, finally a vessel or a garment, he took pains that that man be in the number of the proscribed.

34 Ita illi, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, paulo post ipsi trahebantur neque prius finis iugulandi fuit, quam Sulla omnis suos divitiis explevit.

34 Thus those for whom the death of Damasippus had been a joy, a little later were themselves dragged off, and there was no end of throat-cutting until Sulla had filled all his own with riches.

35 Atque ego haec non in M. Tullio neque his temporibus vereor; sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt.

35 And I do not fear these things in M. Tullius nor in these times; but in a great civitas there are many and various characters.

36 Potest alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manu sit, falsum aliquid pro vero credi. Ubi hoc exemplo per senatus decretum consul gladium eduxerit, quis illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur?

36 At another time, with another consul, to whom likewise an army is in hand, something false can be believed as true. When, on this precedent, by decree of the senate, the consul shall have drawn the sword, who will set him a limit, or who will moderate him?

37 "Maiores nostri, patres conscripti, neque consili neque audaciae umquam eguere; neque illis superbia obstat, quo minus aliena instituta, si modo proba erant, imitarentur.

37 "Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, were never in want of counsel nor of audacity; nor did pride hinder them from imitating foreign institutions, provided they were worthy.

38 Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus, insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque sumpserunt. Postremo, quod ubique apud socios aut hostis idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi exsequebantur: imitari quam invidere bonis malebant.

38 Arms and martial weapons from the Samnites, the insignia of the magistrates from the Tuscans they took for the most part. Finally, whatever anywhere among allies or enemies seemed suitable, they executed at home with the highest zeal: they preferred to imitate rather than to envy the good.

39 Sed eodem illo tempore Graeciae morem imitati verberibus animadvortebant in civis, de condemnatis summum supplicium sumebant.

39 But at that same time, imitating the custom of Greece, they punished citizens with beatings, and from the condemned they exacted the supreme punishment.

40 Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones valuere, circumveniri innocentes, alia huiusce modi fieri coepere, tum lex Porcia aliaeque leges paratae sunt, quibus legibus exsilium damnatis permissum est.

40 After the republic matured and, through the multitude of citizens, factions gained strength, the innocent began to be circumvented, and other things of this kind began to occur; then the Porcian Law and other laws were prepared, by which laws exile was permitted to the condemned.

41 Hanc ego causam, patres conscripti, quo minus novum consilium capiamus, in primis magnam puto.

41 This reason, Conscript Fathers, I consider especially great for our not adopting a new plan.

42 Profecto virtus atque sapientia maior illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere, quam in nobis, qui ea bene parta vix retinemus.

42 Assuredly, greater virtue and wisdom were in those men, who from small resources made so great an empire, than in us, who scarcely retain those things well acquired.

43 "Placet igitur eos dimitti et augeri exercitum Catilinae? Minume. Sed ita censeo: publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia, quae maxume opibus valent; neu quis de iis postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat; qui aliter fecerit, senatum existumare eum contra rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum."

43 "Does it therefore please that they be dismissed and that Catiline’s army be augmented? By no means. But thus I am of opinion: their monies are to be made public, they themselves to be held in chains through the municipalities which are most strong in resources; and let no one thereafter bring a motion about them to the senate nor transact with the people; whoever shall have done otherwise, let the senate esteem him about to act against the commonwealth and the safety of all."

[52]

1 Postquam Caesar dicundi finem fecit, ceteri verbo alius alii varie adsentiebantur. At M. Porcius Cato rogatus sententiam huiusce modi orationem habuit:

1 After Caesar made an end of speaking, the others, verbally, were variously assenting, one to another. But M. Porcius Cato, when asked his sentence (opinion), delivered an oration of this sort:

2 "Longe alia mihi mens est, patres conscripti, cum res atque pericula nostra considero et cum sententias nonnullorum ipse mecum reputo.

2 "My mind is far different, conscript fathers, when I consider our affairs and our perils, and when I with myself reckon up the opinions of some.

3 Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, aris atque focis suis bellum paravere; res autem monet cavere ab illis magis quam, quid in illos statuamus, consultare.

3 They seem to me to have discoursed about the penalty of those who have prepared war against their fatherland, their parents, their altars and hearths; but the matter warns to beware of them rather than to take counsel as to what we shall determine against them.

4 Nam cetera maleficia tum persequare, ubi facta sunt; hoc, nisi provideris, ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra iudicia inplores: capta urbe nihil fit reliqui victis.

4 For the other malefactions you will prosecute when they have been done; this one, unless you have provided beforehand that it not happen, when it has occurred you implore judgments in vain: with the city taken, nothing is left remaining to the vanquished.

5 Sed, per deos inmortalis, vos ego appello, qui semper domos, villas, signa, tabulas vostras pluris quam rem publicam fecistis: si ista, cuiuscumque modi sunt, quae amplexamini, retinere, si voluptatibus vostris otium praebere voltis, expergiscimini aliquando et capessite rem publicam!

5 But, by the immortal gods, I appeal to you, who have always made your houses, villas, statues, paintings of more value than the Republic: if those things, of whatever kind they are, which you embrace, you wish to retain, if you wish leisure to provide for your pleasures, wake up at last and take up the Republic!

6 Non agitur de vectigalibus neque de sociorum iniuriis: libertas et anima nostra in dubio est.

6 The matter is not about revenues nor about injuries to the allies: our liberty and our life are in doubt.

7 "Saepe numero, patres conscripti, multa verba in hoc ordine feci, saepe de luxuria atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum multosque mortalis ea causa advorsos habeo.

7 "Often and many times, Conscript Fathers, I have spoken many words in this order; often I have complained about the luxury and avarice of our citizens, and for that cause I have many mortals as adversaries.

8 Qui mihi atque animo meo nullius umquam delicti gratiam fecissem, haud facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam.

8 I, who had never granted to myself and to my own mind indulgence for any delict, was not easily condoning malefactions to another’s desire.

9 Sed ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen res publica firma erat: opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat.

9 But although you were holding these things of little account, nevertheless the Republic was firm: opulence tolerated negligence.

10 Nunc vero non id agitur, bonisne an malis moribus vivamus, neque quantum aut quam magnificum imperium populi Romani sit, sed haec, cuiuscumque modi videntur, nostra an nobiscum una hostium futura sint.

10 Now indeed the question is not whether we are to live by good or by bad morals, nor how great or how magnificent the imperium of the Roman People is, but whether these things—of whatever kind they seem—will be ours, or, together with ourselves, will be the enemies’.

11 Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et misericordiam nominat! Iam pridem equidem nos vera vocabula rerum amisimus: quia bona aliena largiri liberalitas, malarum rerum audacia fortitudo vocatur, eo res publica in extremo sita est.

11 Here someone names to me mansuetude and mercy! Long since indeed we have lost the true names of things: since the giving-away of others’ goods is called liberality, and audacity in wicked matters is called fortitude, for that reason the commonwealth is set at the extreme.

12 Sint sane, quoniam ita se mores habent, liberales ex sociorum fortunis, sint misericordes in furibus aerari; ne illi sanguinem nostrum largiantur et, dum paucis sceleratis parcunt, bonos omnis perditum eant!

12 Let them indeed, since thus manners stand, be liberal out of the fortunes of the allies, let them be merciful toward the thieves of the treasury; only let them not lavish our blood, and, while they spare a few criminals, go to destroy all good men!

13 "Bene et conposite C. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, credo falsa existumans ea, quae de inferis memorantur: divorso itinere malos a bonis loca taetra, inculta, foeda atque formidulosa habere.

13 "Well and in composed fashion C. Caesar a little before in this order discoursed about life and death, I suppose thinking false those things which are recounted about the infernal regions: that, by a divergent path, the wicked, apart from the good, have places—gloomy, uncultivated, foul, and fearsome.

14 Itaque censuit pecunias eorum publicandas, ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos, videlicet timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus coniurationis aut a multitudine conducta per vim eripiantur.

14 And so he judged that their monies were to be made public property, that they themselves were to be kept in custody in the municipalities, plainly fearing lest, if they are at Rome, they be snatched away by force either by the partisans of the conspiracy or by a hired multitude.

15 Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in urbe et non per totam Italiam sint aut non ibi plus possit audacia, ubi ad defendundum opes minores sunt!

15 As if indeed the wicked and the criminal were only in the City and not throughout all Italy, or as if audacity could not do more there, where the resources for defending are smaller!

16 Quare vanum equidem hoc consilium est, si periculum ex illis metuit; si in tanto omnium metu solus non timet, eo magis refert me mihi atque vobis timere.

16 Wherefore this counsel is indeed vain, if he fears peril from those men; if, in so great a fear of all, he alone does not fear, so much the more it concerns me to fear for myself and for you.

17 Quare, cum de P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote vos simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus coniuratis decernere!

17 Therefore, when you decide concerning P. Lentulus and the others, hold for certain that you are at the same time decreeing concerning Catiline’s army and all the conspirators!

18 Quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto illis animus infirmior erit; si paulum modo vos languere viderint, iam omnes feroces aderunt.

18 The more attentively you prosecute these things, the more infirm their spirit will be; if they see you only a little languishing, at once all the fierce will be at hand.

19 "Nolite existumare maiores nostros armis rem publicam ex parva magnam fecisse!

19 "Do not consider that our ancestors made the republic great from small by arms!

20 Si ita esset, multo pulcherrumam eam nos haberemus; quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea armorum atque equorum maior copia nobis quam illis est.

20 If that were so, we would have it much more splendid; for indeed, of allies and citizens, and besides of arms and horses, a greater supply is ours than theirs.

21 Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, quae nobis nulla sunt: domi industria, foris iustum imperium, animus in consulundo liber, neque delicto neque lubidini obnoxius.

21 But there were other things, which made them great, which we have not at all: industry at home, abroad a just authority, a spirit free in taking counsel, subject to neither wrongdoing nor lust.

22 Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam. Laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam. Inter bonos et malos discrimen nullum, omnia virtutis praemia ambitio possidet.

22 In place of these we have luxury and avarice, public penury, private opulence. We praise riches, we pursue inertia. Between good men and bad there is no discrimination; ambition possesses all the rewards of virtue.

23 Neque mirum: ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hic pecuniae aut gratiae servitis, eo fit, ut impetus fiat in vacuam rem publicam.

23 Nor is it a wonder: when you each, separately for himself, take counsel; when at home you serve pleasures, here you serve money or favor, it thus comes about that an assault is made upon an empty republic.

24 "Sed ego haec omitto. Coniuravere nobilissumi cives patriam incendere, Gallorum gentem infestissumam nomini Romano ad bellum arcessunt, dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est.

24 "But I omit these things. The most noble citizens have conspired to set the fatherland on fire, they summon the nation of the Gauls, most hostile to the Roman name, to war, the leader of the enemies with an army is over our head.

25 Vos cunctamini etiam nunc et dubitatis, quid intra moenia deprensis hostibus faciatis?

25 You are delaying even now and you doubt what you should do with enemies apprehended within the walls?

26 Misereamini censeo: deliquere homines adulescentuli per ambitionem atque etiam armatos dimittatis.

26 Have mercy, I advise: the men, adolescents, have been delinquent through ambition, and you should even dismiss them armed.

27 Ne ista vobis mansuetudo et misericordia, si illi arma ceperint, in miseriam convortat!

27 May that mansuetude and mercy not turn into misery for you, if they take up arms!

28 Scilicet res ipsa aspera est, sed vos non timetis eam. Immo vero maxume. Sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium exspectantes cunctamini, videlicet dis inmortalibus confisi, qui hanc rem publicam saepe in maxumis periculis servavere.

28 To be sure, the matter itself is harsh, but you are not afraid of it. On the contrary, very much so. But through inertia and the mollitude of spirit, each waiting for the other, you hesitate, plainly trusting in the immortal gods, who have often preserved this republic in the greatest perils.

29 Non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur: vigilando, agundo, bene consulundo prospere omnia cedunt. Ubi socordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, nequiquam deos implores: irati infestique sunt.

29 Not by vows nor by womanish supplications is the aid of the gods procured: by keeping vigil, by acting, by taking good counsel all things turn out prosperously. When you have delivered yourself over to sloth and cowardice, you implore the gods in vain: they are wrathful and hostile.

30 "Apud maiores nostros A. Manlius Torquatus bello Gallico filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem pugnaverat, necari iussit

30 "Among our ancestors, A. Manlius Torquatus, in the Gallic war, ordered his own son, because he had fought against the enemy contrary to command, to be put to death

31 atque ille egregius adulescens inmoderatae fortitudinis morte poenas dedit: vos de crudelissumis parricidis quid statuatis, cunctamini? Videlicet cetera vita eorum huic sceleri obstat.

31 and that distinguished youth paid the penalty with death for immoderate fortitude: do you hesitate as to what you should determine concerning the most cruel parricides? Evidently the rest of their life stands in the way of this crime.

32 Verum parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si famae suae, si dis aut hominibus umquam ullis pepercit!

32 But indeed, spare the dignity of Lentulus—if he himself has spared chastity, if his own fame, if he has ever spared any gods or any men!

33 Ignoscite Cethegi adulescentiae, nisi iterum patriae bellum fecit!

33 Forgive Cethegus’s adolescence, unless he has made war upon the fatherland again!

34 Nam quid ego de Gabinio, Statilio, Caepario loquar? Quibus si quicquam umquam pensi fuisset, non ea consilia de re publica habuissent.

34 For what am I to say about Gabinius, Statilius, Caeparius? For whom, if anything had ever been of any weight, they would not have entertained those counsels regarding the Republic.

35 "Postremo, patres conscripti, si mehercule peccato locus esset, facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnitis. Sed undique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum exercitu faucibus urget, alii intra moenia atque in sinu urbis sunt hostes; neque parari neque consuli quicquam potest occulte: quo magis properandum est.

35 "Finally, Conscript Fathers, if, by Hercules, there were room for a fault, I would readily allow you to be corrected by the thing itself, since you scorn words. But we are hemmed in on all sides. Catiline, with an army, is pressing at our very throat; others are enemies within the walls and in the bosom of the city; and nothing can be prepared or consulted upon in secret: therefore all the more must we make haste.

36 "Quare ego ita censeo: Cum nefario consilio sceleratorum civium res publica in maxuma pericula venerit iique indicio T. Volturci et legatorum Allobrogum convicti confessique sint caedem, incendia aliaque se foeda atque crudelia facinora in civis patriamque paravisse, de confessis, sicuti de manufestis rerum capitalium, more maiorum supplicium sumundum."

36 "Wherefore I thus judge: Since by the nefarious counsel of criminal citizens the Republic has come into very great perils, and since by the testimony of T. Volturcius and of the legates of the Allobroges they have been convicted and have confessed that they had prepared slaughter, arsons, and other foul and cruel crimes against the citizens and the fatherland, concerning those who have confessed, just as about manifest cases of capital matters, in accordance with the custom of the ancestors, punishment must be exacted."

[53]

1 Postquam Cato adsedit, consulares omnes itemque senatus magna pars sententiam eius laudant, virtutem animi ad caelum ferunt, alii alios increpantes timidos vocant. Cato clarus atque magnus habetur; senati decretum fit, sicuti ille censuerat.

1 After Cato had taken his seat, all the consulars and likewise a great part of the senate praise his opinion, they bear the virtue of his spirit to heaven, others, rebuking others, call them timid. Cato is held renowned and great; a decree of the senate is made, just as he had proposed.

2 Sed mihi multa legenti, multa audienti, quae populus Romanus domi militiaeque, mari atque terra praeclara facinora fecit, forte lubuit attendere, quae res maxume tanta negotia sustinuisset.

2 But to me, as I read many things and hear many things—the preeminent deeds which the Roman people has done at home and on campaign, by sea and on land—it chanced to be pleasing to attend to what factor had most sustained such great undertakings.

3 Sciebam saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legionibus hostium contendisse; cognoveram parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus, ad hoc saepe fortunae violentiam toleravisse, facundia Graecos, gloria belli Gallos ante Romanos fuisse.

3 I knew that very often with a small band they had contended with the great legions of the enemies; I had learned that with small forces wars had been waged with opulent kings; in addition to this, that they had often endured the violence of fortune; that in facundity the Greeks, in the glory of war the Gauls, had been before the Romans.

4 Ac mihi multa agitanti constabat paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse eoque factum uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem paucitas superaret.

4 And, as I was pondering many things, it was evident that the eminent virtue of a few citizens had accomplished all things, and thereby it came about that poverty surpassed riches, paucity surpassed multitude.

5 Sed postquam luxu atque desidia civitas corrupta est, rursus res publica magnitudine sua imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat ac, sicuti effeta parentum <vi>, multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit.

5 But after the state was corrupted by luxury and sloth, in turn the Republic, by its own magnitude, was sustaining the vices of commanders and magistrates; and, just as effete from the vigor of its forebears <vi>, for many seasons indeed hardly anyone at Rome was great in virtue.

6 Sed memoria mea ingenti virtute, divorsis moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et C. Caesar. Quos quoniam res obtulerat, silentio praeterire non fuit consilium, quin utriusque naturam et mores, quantum ingenio possum, aperirem.

6 But in my memory there were two men of immense virtue, with divergent mores, M. Cato and C. Caesar. Since circumstance had offered them, it was not my plan to pass them by in silence, but to lay open the nature and mores of each, as far as I can with my talent.

[54]

1 Igitur iis genus, aetas, eloquentia prope aequalia fuere, magnitudo animi par, item gloria, sed alia alii.

1 Therefore, for them lineage, age, and eloquence were nearly equal; magnanimity was equal, likewise glory, but of a different kind for each.

2 Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus habebatur, integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine et misericordia clarus factus, huic severitas dignitatem addiderat.

2 Caesar was held great by benefactions and munificence, Cato by integrity of life. The former became renowned for mansuetude and mercy; to the latter severity had added dignity.

3 Caesar dando, sublevando, ignoscundo, Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus est. In altero miseris perfugium erat, in altero malis pernicies. Illius facilitas, huius constantia laudabatur.

3 Caesar, by giving, by relieving, by pardoning, and Cato, by granting nothing as largess, obtained glory. In the one there was a refuge for the wretched, in the other a perdition for the wicked. The former’s affability, the latter’s constancy, were praised.

4 Postremo Caesar in animum induxerat laborare, vigilare; negotiis amicorum intentus sua neglegere, nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset; sibi magnum imperium, exercitum, bellum novum exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset.

4 Finally, Caesar had brought into his mind to labor, to keep vigil; intent upon the business of friends, to neglect his own, to deny nothing which would be worthy of a gift; for himself he longed for a great imperium, an army, a new war, where virtue might shine forth.

5 At Catoni studium modestiae, decoris, sed maxume severitatis erat;

5 But for Cato the zeal was for modesty, decorum, but most of all for severity;

6 non divitiis cum divite neque factione cum factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente abstinentia certabat; esse quam videri bonus malebat: ita, quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis illum sequebatur.

6 he contended not in riches with the rich nor in faction with the factious, but with the strenuous in virtue, with the modest in modesty, with the innocent in abstinence; he preferred to be good rather than to seem so: thus, the less he sought glory, the more it followed him.

[55]

1 Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam discessit, consul optumum factu ratus noctem, quae instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, tresviros, quae supplicium postulabat, parare iubet.

1 After, as I said, the senate departed to Cato’s sententia, the consul, deeming it best to do to anticipate the night which was pressing on, lest anything be altered in that interval, orders the triumvirs to prepare what the punishment demanded.

2 Ipse praesidiis dispositis Lentulum in carcerem deducit;

2 He himself, the guards having been posted, leads Lentulus down into the prison;

3 idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum ascenderis ad laevam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus.

3 the same is done for the others through the praetors. There is in the prison a place which is called the Tullianum, where, when you have ascended a little to the left, it is about twelve feet depressed in the ground.

4 Eum muniunt undique parietes atque insuper camera lapideis fornicibus iuncta; sed incultu, tenebris, odore foeda atque terribilis eius facies est.

4 It is fortified on all sides by walls and above by a vault joined with stone arches; but through neglect, darkness, and odor its aspect is foul and terrible.

5 In eum locum postquam demissus est Lentulus, vindices rerum capitalium, quibus praeceptum erat, laqueo gulam fregere.

5 Into that place, after Lentulus was lowered, the avengers of capital cases, to whom it had been ordered, strangled him with a noose.

6 Ita ille patricius ex gente clarissuma Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat, dignum moribus factisque suis exitium vitae invenit. De Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Caepario eodem modo supplicium sumptum est.

6 Thus that patrician, from the most illustrious gens of the Cornelii, who had held the consular imperium at Rome, found an end of life worthy of his character and deeds. Concerning Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, Caeparius, punishment was exacted in the same manner.

[56]

1 Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina ex omni copia, quam et ipse adduxerat et Manlius habuerat, duas legiones instituit, cohortis pro numero militum conplet.

1 While these things are being conducted at Rome, Catiline, from the whole force which both he himself had brought and Manlius had possessed, organizes two legions, fills the cohorts in proportion to the number of soldiers.

2 Deinde, ut quisque voluntarius aut ex sociis in castra venerat, aequaliter distribuerat ac brevi spatio legiones numero hominum expleverat, cum initio non amplius duobus milibus habuisset.

2 Then, as each man, whether a volunteer or from the allies, came into the camp, he distributed them equally and in a brief span had filled up the legions with the number of men, though at the beginning he had had not more than 2,000.

3 Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa; ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, sparos aut lanceas, alii praeacutas sudis portabant.

3 But from the whole force about a fourth part was equipped with military arms; the rest, as chance had armed each one, carried hunting-spears or lances, others carried sharpened stakes.

4 Sed postquam Antonius cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montis iter facere, modo ad urbem, modo in Galliam vorsus castra movere, hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare. Sperabat propediem magnas copias sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta patravissent.

4 But after Antonius was advancing with the army, Catiline began to make a march through the mountains, now moving his camp toward the city, now toward Gaul, giving the enemies no occasion of fighting. He was hoping before long to have great forces, if at Rome his allies had carried their undertakings through.

5 Interea servitia repudiabat, cuius generis initio ad eum magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus coniurationis fretus, simul alienum suis rationibus existumans videri causam civium cum servis fugitivis communicavisse.

5 Meanwhile he was repudiating servile bands, of which kind at the outset great forces were flocking to him, relying on the resources of the conspiracy, and at the same time deeming it alien to his calculations to seem to have shared the cause of citizens with fugitive slaves.

[57]

1 Sed postquam in castra nuntius pervenit Romae coniurationem patefactam, de Lentulo et Cethego ceterisque, quos supra memoravi, supplicium sumptum, plerique, quos ad bellum spes rapinarum aut novarum rerum studium illexerat, dilabuntur; reliquos Catilina per montis asperos magnis itineribus in agrum Pistoriensem abducit eo consilio, uti per tramites occulte perfugeret in Galliam Transalpinam.

1 But after a messenger arrived in the camp that at Rome the conspiracy had been laid open, that punishment had been exacted concerning Lentulus and Cethegus and the rest whom I mentioned above, the majority, whom the hope of rapine or a zeal for new affairs had enticed to the war, slip away; the rest Catiline leads off through the rough mountains by great marches into the Pistoian countryside, with this plan: that by bypaths he might secretly escape into Transalpine Gaul.

2 At Q. Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat ex difficultate rerum eadem illa existumans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare.

2 But Quintus Metellus Celer, with three legions, was stationed as a garrison in the Picene country, supposing from the difficulty of the situation that Catiline was agitating those same measures which we have said above.

3 Igitur ubi iter eius ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movit ac sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti.

3 Therefore, when he learned his route from the defectors, he swiftly moved the camp and took position beneath the very roots of the mountains, where there was a descent for him, hastening into Gaul.

4 Neque tamen Antonius procul aberat, utpote qui magno exercitu locis aequioribus expeditos in fuga sequeretur.

4 Nor, however, was Antonius far off, since, with a great army, in more level places he was following those unencumbered in their flight.

5 Sed Catilina, postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum, in urbe res advorsas, neque fugae neque praesidi ullam spem, optumum factu ratus in tali re fortunam belli temptare, statuit cum Antonio quam primum confligere.

5 But Catiline, after he sees himself enclosed by the mountains and the enemy’s forces, matters adverse in the city, and no hope either of flight or of protection, having deemed it the best thing to do in such a case to try the fortune of war, decided to engage with Antonius as soon as possible.

6 Itaque contione advocata huiusce modi orationem habuit:

6 Therefore, with an assembly convened, he delivered an oration of this sort:

[58]

1 "Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtutem non addere neque ex ignavo strenuum neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri.

1 "I know for certain, soldiers, that words do not add virtue, nor does the oration of a commander make a strenuous man out of a sluggard, or a brave army out of a timid one.

2 Quanta cuiusque animo audacia natura aut moribus inest, tanta in bello patere solet. Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequiquam hortere: timor animi auribus officit.

2 However much audacity is present in each one’s spirit by nature or by mores, just so much is wont to be evident in war. He whom neither glory nor perils arouse, you exhort in vain: fear of the mind obstructs the ears.

3 Sed ego vos, quo pauca monerem, advocavi, simul uti causam mei consili aperirem.

3 But I have called you together, in order that I might admonish you with a few words, and at the same time that I might lay open the cause of my counsel.

4 "Scitis equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi nobisque cladem attulerit quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim.

4 "You know indeed, soldiers, how great a calamity the sloth and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and upon us, and in what manner, while I was awaiting garrisons from the city, I have been unable to set out into Gaul.

5 Nunc vero quo loco res nostrae sint, iuxta mecum omnes intellegitis.

5 Now indeed in what condition our affairs are, you all understand as well as I.

6 Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia obstant; diutius in his locis esse, si maxume animus ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet.

6 Two armies of the enemy, one from the city, the other from Gaul, stand in the way; to remain longer in these places, even if spirit in the highest degree would bear it, the want of grain and of other things prohibits.

7 Quocumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est.

7 Wherever it pleases to go, the way must be opened by iron.

8 Quapropter vos moneo, uti forti atque parato animo sitis et, cum proelium inibitis, memineritis vos divitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris vostris portare.

8 Wherefore I admonish you to be of a brave and prepared spirit, and, when you enter battle, remember that you carry riches, honor, glory, and, moreover, liberty and fatherland in your right hands.

9 Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt: commeatus abunde, municipia atque coloniae patebunt;

9 If we conquer, all things will be safe for us: provisions in abundance, municipalities and colonies will be open;

10 si metu cesserimus, eadem illa advorsa fient, neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget, quem arma non texerint.

10 if we yield to fear, those same very things will become adverse, and neither place nor any friend will cover anyone whom arms have not covered.

11 Praeterea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo inpendet: nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus, illis supervacaneum est pugnare pro potentia paucorum.

11 Moreover, soldiers, not the same necessity hangs over us and over them: we contend for fatherland, for liberty, for life; for them it is superfluous to fight for the power of a few.

12 Quo audacius aggredimini memores pristinae virtutis!

12 Therefore, attack more audaciously, mindful of your former valor!

13 Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in exsilio aetatem agere, potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis bonis alienas opes exspectare:

13 You were permitted, with the utmost disgrace, to pass your lifetime in exile, some of you were able at Rome, your goods lost, to expect another’s resources:

14 quia illa foeda atque intoleranda viris videbantur, haec sequi decrevistis.

14 because those things seemed foul and intolerable to men, you decreed to follow these.

15 Si haec relinquere voltis, audacia opus est; nemo nisi victor pace bellum mutavit.

15 If you wish to relinquish these, audacity is needed; no one except a victor has exchanged war for peace.

16 Nam in fuga salutem sperare, cum arma, quibus corpus tegitur, ab hostibus avorteris, ea vero dementia est.

16 For to hope for safety in flight, when you turn away from the enemies the arms by which the body is protected, is truly madness.

17 Semper in proelio iis maxumum est periculum, qui maxume timent; audacia pro muro habetur.

17 Always in battle the greatest peril is to those who fear the most; audacity is held as a wall.

18 "Cum vos considero, milites, et cum facta vostra aestumo, magna me spes victoriae tenet.

18 "When I consider you, soldiers, and when I assess your deeds, a great hope of victory holds me.

19 Animus, aetas, virtus vostra me hortantur, praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortis facit.

19 Your spirit, age, and virtue encourage me; moreover, necessity, which makes even the timid brave.

20 Nam multitudo hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent angustiae loci.

20 For the narrowness of the place prevents the multitude of the enemy from surrounding us.

21 Quod si virtuti vostrae fortuna inviderit, cavete inulti animam amittatis neu capti potius sicuti pecora trucidemini quam virorum more pugnantes cruentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis!"

21 But if fortune should envy your virtue, beware that you do not lose your life unavenged, and do not, captured, be butchered like cattle; rather, fighting in the manner of men, leave to the enemies a bloody and mournful victory!"

[59]

1 Haec ubi dixit, paululum conmoratus signa canere iubet atque instructos ordines in locum aequum deducit. Dein remotis omnium equis, quo militibus exaequato periculo animus amplior esset, ipse pedes exercitum pro loco atque copiis instruit.

1 When he had said these things, having tarried a little, he orders the signals to be sounded and leads the drawn-up ranks down into level ground. Then, with the horses of all removed—so that, the danger being equalized for the soldiers, their spirit might be fuller—he himself on foot arrays the army according to the ground and the forces.

2 Nam uti planities erat inter sinistros montis et ab dextra rupe aspera, octo cohortis in fronte constituit, reliquarum signa in subsidio artius conlocat.

2 For since there was a plain between the mountains on the left and, on the right, a rough crag, he stationed eight cohorts in the front, and placed the standards of the rest in reserve more closely packed.

3 Ab iis centuriones, omnis lectos et evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit. C. Manlium in dextra, Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare iubet. Ipse cum libertis et colonis propter aquilam adsistit, quam bello Cimbrico C. Marius in exercitu habuisse dicebatur.

3 From them he draws off the centurions, all the chosen men and the evocati, and, besides, from the rank-and-file soldiers he brings up, armed, each of the best into the front line. He orders Gaius Manlius to take charge on the right, and a certain man of Faesulae on the left side. He himself, with freedmen and colonists, stands beside the eagle, which in the Cimbrian War Gaius Marius was said to have had in the army.

4 At ex altera parte C. Antonius, pedibus aeger quod proelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio legato exercitum permittit.

4 But on the other side, C. Antonius, ailing in his feet because he was unable to be present at the battle, entrusts the army to the legate M. Petreius.

5 Ille cohortis veteranas, quas tumultus causa conscripserat, in fronte, post eas ceterum exercitum in subsidiis locat. Ipse equo circumiens unumquemque nominans appellat, hortatur, rogat, ut meminerint se contra latrones inermis pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris atque focis suis certare.

5 He places the veteran cohorts, which he had conscripted on account of the tumult, in the front, and after them he stations the rest of the army in the reserves. He himself, riding around on horseback, addresses each man by name, exhorts, entreats, that they remember they are contending against brigands, unarmed, for their fatherland, for their children, for their altars and hearths.

6 Homo militaris, quod amplius annos triginta tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat, plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat; ea conmemorando militum animos accendebat.

6 A military man, in that for more than thirty years he had been a tribune or a prefect or a legate or a praetor in the army with great glory, he knew most of the men themselves and their brave deeds; by commemorating these he was kindling the soldiers’ spirits.

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1 Sed ubi omnibus rebus exploratis Petreius tuba signum dat, cohortis paulatim incedere iubet; idem facit hostium exercitus.

1 But when all things had been explored, Petreius gives the signal with the trumpet, he orders the cohorts to advance little by little; the enemy’s army does the same.

2 Postquam eo ventum est, unde a ferentariis proelium conmitti posset, maxumo clamore cum infestis signis concurrunt: pila omittunt, gladiis res geritur.

2 After they had come to the point from which the battle could be joined by the light-armed troops, with the greatest clamor they clash with standards at the ready: they cast aside their javelins, the action is carried on with swords.

3 Veterani pristinae virtutis memores comminus acriter instare, illi haud timidi resistunt: maxuma vi certatur.

3 The veterans, mindful of their former virtue, press hard at close quarters; the others, by no means timid, resist: the contest is waged with the utmost force.

4 Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie vorsari, laborantibus succurrere, integros pro sauciis arcessere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare, saepe hostem ferire: strenui militis et boni imperatoris officia simul exsequebatur.

4 Meanwhile Catiline, with the light-armed in the front line, kept busied, to succor those hard-pressed, to summon the fresh in place of the wounded, to provide for everything, to fight much himself, to strike the enemy often: he was at once executing the offices of a strenuous soldier and a good commander.

5 Petreius ubi videt Catilinam, contra ac ratus erat, magna vi tendere, cohortem praetoriam in medios hostis inducit eosque perturbatos atque alios alibi resistentis interficit. Deinde utrimque ex lateribus ceteros aggreditur.

5 When Petreius sees Catiline, contrary to what he had reckoned, pressing on with great force, he leads the praetorian cohort into the midst of the enemies and kills those thrown into disorder and others resisting in various places. Then on both sides from the flanks he assaults the rest.

6 Manlius et Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt.

6 Manlius and the Faesulan, fighting in the foremost ranks, fell.

7 Catilina postquam fusas copias seque cum paucis relictum videt, memor generis atque pristinae suae dignitatis in confertissumos hostis incurrit ibique pugnans confoditur.

7 Catiline, after he sees the forces routed and himself left with a few, mindful of his lineage and his pristine dignity, charges into the most crowded ranks of the enemy, and there, fighting, is run through.

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1 Sed confecto proelio tum vero cerneres, quanta audacia quantaque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Catilinae.

1 But with the battle finished, then indeed you would have discerned how great audacity and how great a force of spirit had been in Catiline’s army.

2 Nam fere quem quisque vivus pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima corpore tegebat.

2 For almost the spot which each man, alive, had seized by fighting, that same he covered with his body, his soul lost.

3 Pauci autem, quos medios cohors praetoria disiecerat, paulo divorsius, sed omnes tamen advorsis volneribus conciderant.

3 A few, however, whom the praetorian cohort had scattered in the middle, had fallen a little more apart, but all nevertheless with wounds to the front.

4 Catilina vero longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est paululum etiam spirans ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivus, in voltu retinens.

4 Catiline, however, was found far from his own, among the corpses of the enemy, still breathing a little and retaining in his countenance the ferocity of spirit which he had had while alive.

5 Postremo ex omni copia neque in proelio neque in fuga quisquam civis ingenuus captus est:

5 Finally, out of the whole force, not a single freeborn citizen was captured either in battle or in flight:

6 ita cuncti suae hostiumque vitae iuxta pepercerant.

6 thus all had spared their own life and that of the enemies equally.

7 Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam victoriam adeptus erat; nam strenuissumus quisque aut occiderat in proelio aut graviter volneratus discesserat.

7 Nor, however, had the army of the Roman people attained a joyful or bloodless victory; for every most strenuous man had either fallen in battle or had withdrawn grievously wounded.

8 Multi autem, qui e castris visundi aut spoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera amicum alii, pars hospitem aut cognatum reperiebant; fuere item, qui inimicos suos cognoscerent.

8 Many, however, who had gone out from the camp for the sake of viewing or despoiling, rolling over the enemy corpses, some found a friend, some a guest-friend or kinsman; there were likewise those who recognized their enemies.

9 Ita varie per omnem exercitum laetitia, maeror, luctus atque gaudia agitabantur.

9 Thus, variously throughout the whole army, joy, sorrow, lamentation, and rejoicings were stirred.