Lactantius: DE MORTIBUS PERSECUTORUM

[1] Audivit dominus orationes tuas, Donate carissime, quas in conspectu eius per omnes horas fratrum nostrorum, qui gloriosa confessione sempiternam sibi coronam pro fidei meritis quaesierunt.2 Ecce, deletis omnibus adversariis, restituta per orbem tranquillitate, profligata nuper ecclesia rursum exurgit et maiore gloria templum dei, quod ab impiis fuerat eversum, misericordia domini fabricatur. 3 Excitavit enim deus principes qui tyrannorum nefaria et cruenta imperia resciderunt <et> humano generi providerunt, ut iam quasi discusso tristissimi temporis nubilo mentes omnium pax iucunda et serena laetificet.

[1] The Lord has heard your prayers, Donate most dear, which in his sight you poured out through all the hours of our brothers, who by a glorious confession sought for themselves an everlasting crown for the merits of the faith.2 Behold, with all adversaries destroyed and tranquillity restored throughout the world, the church lately overthrown rises again, and the temple of God, which had been overturned by the impious, is rebuilt by the mercy of the Lord with greater glory. 3 For God has stirred up princes who have cut off the nefarious and bloody reigns of tyrants and provided for the human race, so that now, as if the darkest cloud of time were dispelled, the joyful and serene peace of all may gladden men’s minds.

4 Nunc post atrae tempestatis violentos turbines placidus aer et optata lux refulsit. Nunc placatus servorum suorum <precibus> deus iacentes et afflictos caelesti auxilio sublevavit, nunc maerentium lacrimas extincta impiorum conspiratione detersit. 5 Qui insultaverant deo, iacent, qui templum sanctum everterant, ruina maiore ceciderunt, qui iustos excarnificaverunt, caelestibus plagis et cruciatibus meritis nocentes animas profuderunt.

4 Now, after the violent whirlwinds of the dark storm, a calm air and the longed-for light have shone forth. Now, appeased by the of his servants, God has raised up the downcast and afflicted with heavenly aid; now he has wiped away the tears of the mourners, having quenched the conspiracy of the impious. 5 Those who had insulted God lie prostrate; those who had overthrown the holy temple have fallen by a greater ruin; those who slaughtered the righteous have, by heavenly wounds and deserved tortures, poured out souls to their hurt.

6 Sero id quidem, sed graviter ac digne. 7 Distulerat enim poenas eorum deus, ut ederet in eos magna et mirabilia exempla, quibus posteri discerent et deum esse unum et eundem iudicem digna vid<elicet> supplicia impiis ac persecutoribus inrogare. 8 De quo exitu <eorum tes>tificari placuit, ut omnes qui procul remoti fuerunt vel qui p<ostea fu>turi sunt, scirent quatenus virtutem ac maiestatem suam in ex<tinguen>dis delendisque nominis sui hostibus deus summus ostenderit.

6 It was indeed late, but grievously and worthily. 7 For God had deferred their punishments, that he might bring forth against them great and marvelous examples, by which posterity might learn and know that God is one and the same judge to inflict, namely, worthy punishments on the impious and persecutors. 8 Concerning whose end it pleased to give testimony, so that all who were far off or who would be later might know how far the highest God would display his power and majesty in extinguishing and destroying the enemies of his name.

Ab re ta<men non> est, si a principio, ex quo est ecclesia constituta, qui fuerint persecutores <eius> et quibus poenis in eos caelestis iudicis severitas vindicaverit, exponam.

Ab re ta<men non> est, si a principio, ex quo est ecclesia constituta, qui fuerint persecutores <eius> et quibus poenis in eos caelestis iudicis severitas vindicaverit, exponam. — It is not, however, the purpose here to set forth, from the very beginning when the Church was constituted, who its persecutors were and by what penalties the severity of the heavenly judge visited them.

[2] Extremis temporibus Tiberii Caesaris, ut scriptum legimus, dominus noster Iesus Christus a Iudaeis cruciatus est post diem decimum Kalendas Apriles duobus Geminis consulibus.2 Cum resurrexisset die tertio, congregavit discipulos, quos metus comprehensionis eius in fugam verterat, et diebus XL cum his commoratus aperuit corda eorum et scripturas interpretatus est, quae usque ad id tempus obscurae atque involutae fuerunt, ordinavitque eos et instruxit ad praedicationem dogmatis ac doctrinae suae disponens testamenti novi sollemnem disciplinam. 3 Quo officio repleto circumvolvit eum procella nubis et subtractum oculis hominum rapuit in caelum.

[2] In the final days of Tiberius Caesar, as is written, our Lord Jesus Christ was crucified by the Jews on the tenth day before the Kalends of April, in the consulship of the two Geminus;2 when he had risen on the third day he gathered the disciples, whom the fear of his apprehension had driven to flight, and having remained with them for 40 days he opened their hearts and expounded the Scriptures, which until that time had been obscure and folded up, and he ordained and instructed them for the preaching of his dogma and doctrine, arranging the solemn discipline of the New Testament; 3 this office being fulfilled, a storm of cloud encompassed him and, withdrawn from the eyes of men, bore him up into heaven.

4 Et inde discipuli, qui tunc erant undecim, adsumptis in locum Iudae proditoris Mathia <et> Paulo dispersi sunt per omnem terram ad evangelium praedicandum, sicut illis magister dominus imperaverat. Et per annos XXV usque ad principium Neroniani imperii per omnes provincias et civitates ecclesiae fundamenta miserunt. 5 Cumque iam Nero imperaret, Petrus Romam advenit et editis quibusdam miraculis, quae virtute ipsius dei data sibi ab eo potestate faciebat, convertit multos ad iustitiam deoque templum fidele ac stabile collocavit.

4 And thence the disciples, who then were eleven, having taken up Matthias into the place of Judas the traitor Paul, were scattered throughout all the land to preach the gospel, as their master the Lord had commanded them. And for 25 years, even to the beginning of Nero’s reign, they sent forth the foundations of churches through all the provinces and cities. 5 And when Nero now reigned, Peter came to Rome and, working certain miracles which by the power of God given to him through that authority he performed, turned many to righteousness and established a faithful and stable temple to God.

6 Qua re ad Neronem delata cum animadverteret non modo Romae, sed ubique cotidie magnam multitudinem deficere a cultu idolorum et ad religionem novam damnata vetusta transire, ut erat execrabilis ac nocens tyrannus, prosilivit ad excidendum caeleste templum delendamque iustitiam et primus omnium persecutus dei servos Petrum cruci adfixit, Paulum interfecit. 7 Nec tamen habuit impune. Respexit enim deus vexationem populi sui.

6 Wherefore, when this was brought to Nero and he perceived that not only at Rome but everywhere daily a great multitude were falling away from the cult of idols and, the ancient things being condemned, passing over to the new religion, he, being an execrable and harmful tyrant, leapt forth to destroy the heavenly temple and to ruin justice, and, first of all persecuting the servants of God, he fastened Peter to a cross and killed Paul. 7 Nor, however, did he go unpunished; for God looked upon the vexation of his people.

Deiectus itaque fastigio imperii ac devolutus a summo tyrannus impotens nusquam repente comparuit, ut ne sepulturae quidem locus in terra tam malae bestiae appareret. 8 Unde illum quidam deliri credunt esse translatum ac vivum reservatum, Sibylla dicente matricidam profugum a finibus <terrae> esse venturum, ut quia primus persecutus est, idem etiam novissimus persequatur et antichristi praecedat adventum, 9 <quod ne>fas est crede re; sicut duos prophetas vivos esse translatos in ultima <tempora> ante imperium Christi sanctum ac sempiternum, cum descendere coeperit, <quidam sanctor>um pronuntiant, eodem modo etiam Neronem venturum putant, <ut praecu>rsor diaboli ac praevius sit venientis ad vastationem terrae et huma<ni ge>neris eversionem.

Thrown therefore from the summit of empire and rolled down from the top, the tyrant, impotent, was suddenly seen nowhere, so that not even a place of burial on earth appeared for so evil a beast. 8 Whence some, raving, believe that he was translated and reserved alive, the Sibyl saying that the matricidal fugitive would come from the bounds of <the earth>, and that, because he was the first persecutor, the same would also persecute last and precede the advent of the Antichrist, 9 <which it is unlawful to believe>; just as some of the saints proclaim that two prophets have been translated alive in the last <times> before the holy and eternal kingdom of Christ, when he shall begin to descend, so likewise they suppose Nero will come, <as a forerunner> of the devil and a precursor of the one coming for the devastation of the earth and the overthrow of the human <race>.

[3] Post hunc interiectis aliquot annis alter non minor tyrannus ortus est. Qui cum exerceret invisam dominationem, subiectorum tamen cervicibus incubavit quam diutissime tutusque regnavit, donec impias manus adversus dominum tenderet.2 Postquam vero ad persequendum iustum populum instinctu daemonum incitatus est, tunc traditus in manus inimicorum luit poenas.

[3] After this, with some years intervening, another no less a tyrant arose. Who, while he exercised a hated domination, nevertheless pressed down upon the necks of the subjected and reigned as long and as securely as possible, until he stretched impious hands against the Lord.2 But when, incited by the instigation of demons, he began to persecute the righteous people, then delivered into the hands of his enemies he suffered punishment.

Nec satis ad ultionem fuit quod est interfectus domi; etiam memoria nominis eius erasa est. 3 Nam cum multa mirabilia opera fabricasset, cum Capitolium aliaque nobilia monumenta fecisset, senatus ita nomen eius persecutus est, ut neque titulorum eius relinquerentur ulla vestigia, gravissime decretis etiam mortuo notam inureret ad ignominiam sempiternam. 4 Rescissis igitur actis tyranni non modo in statum pristinum ecclesia restituta est, sed etiam multo clarius ac floridius enituit, secutisque temporibus, quibus multi ac boni principes Romani imperii clavum regimenque tenuerunt, nullos inimicorum impetus passa manus suas in orientem occidentemque porrexit, 5 ut iam nullus esset terrarum angulus tam remotus quo non religio dei penetrasset, nulla denique [dei] natio tam feris moribus vivens, ut non suscepto dei cultu ad iustitiae opera mitesceret.

Nor was it enough for vengeance that he was slain at home; even the memory of his name was erased. 3 For although he had built many wondrous works, and had made the Capitol and other noble monuments, the senate so pursued his name that neither of his titles left any trace, and by very grave decrees they even branded a mark on the dead to eternal ignominy. 4 Therefore, the acts of the tyrant being annulled, not only was the church restored to its former state, but it also strove much more clearly and more floridly; and in the times that followed, when many good princes of the Roman empire held the helm and government, having suffered no assaults of enemies it stretched forth its hands to east and west, 5 so that now no corner of the earth was so remote that the religion of God had not penetrated, nor finally any [dei] nation living in savage customs so that, once the worship of God was received, it would not be softened toward the works of justice.

Sed enim postea longa pax rupta est.

But afterwards the long peace was broken.

[4] Extitit enim post annos plurimos execrabile animal Decius, qui vexaret ecclesiam; quis enim iustitiam nisi malus persequatur?2 Et quasi huius rei gratia provectus esset ad illud principale fastigium, furere protinus contra deum coepit, ut protinus caderet. 3 Nam profectus adversum Carpos, qui tum Daciam Moesiamque occupaverant, statimque circumventus a barbaris et cum magna exercitus parte delectus ne sepultura quidem potuit honorari, sed exutus ac nudus, ut hostem dei oportebat, pabulum feris ac volucribus iacuit.

[4] For after very many years there arose the execrable man Decius, who vexed the church; for who pursues justice except an evil man?2 And as if advanced for the sake of this thing to that principal summit, he straightaway began to rage against God, so that he immediately fell. 3 For setting out against the Carpi, who then had occupied Dacia and Moesia, he was straightaway surrounded by barbarians and, with a great part of the army having been chosen, could not even be honored with burial, but stripped and naked, as befitted an enemy of God, he lay as food for beasts and birds.

[5] Non multo post Valerianus quoque non dissimili furore correptus impias manus in deum intentavit et multum quamvis brevi tempore iusti sanguinis fudit. At illum deus novo ac singulari poenae genere adfecit, ut esset posteris documentum adversarios dei semper dignam scelere suo recipere mercedem.2 Hic captus a Persis non modo imperium, quo fuerat insolenter usus, sed etiam libertatem, quam ceteris ademerat, perdidit vixitque in servitute turpissime.

[5] Not long after, Valerian also, seized by a like fury, directed impious hands against God and shed much, though in a short time, of the blood of the righteous. But God afflicted him with a new and singular kind of punishment, that he might be a lesson to posterity that the adversaries of God always receive a reward worthy of their crime.2 He, taken by the Persians, lost not only the empire, which he had used insolently, but also the freedom which he had taken from others, and lived in most shameful servitude.

3 Nam rex Persarum Sapor, is qui eum ceperat, si quando libuerat aut vehiculum ascendere aut equum, inclinare sibi Romanum iubebat ac terga praebere et imposito pede super dorsum eius illud esse verum dicebat exprobrans ei cum risu, non quod in tabulis aut parietibus Romani pingerent. 4 Ita ille dignissime triumphatus aliquamdiu vixit, ut diu barbaris Romanum nomen ludibrio ac derisui esset. 5 Etiam hoc ei accessit ad poenam, quod cum filium haberet imperatorem, captivitatis suae tamen ac servitutis extremae non invenit ultorem nec omnino repetitus est.

3 For the king of the Persians, Sapor, he who had taken him, whenever he wished to mount a chariot or a horse, ordered the Roman to bow to him and to present his back, and placing his foot upon that back would mockingly declare that this was true with a laugh, not because the Romans painted it on tablets or walls. 4 Thus he, having been triumphantly honored most worthily, lived for some time, so that the Roman name long remained a derision and mockery to the barbarians. 5 This also was added to his punishment: although he had a son who was emperor, he nevertheless found no avenger for his captivity and extreme servitude, nor was he reclaimed at all.

6 Postea vero quam pudendam vitam in illo dedecore finivit, derepta est ei cutis et exuta visceribus pellis infecta rubro colore, ut in templo barbarorum deorum ad memoriam clarissimi triumphi poneretur legatisque nostris semper esset ostentui, ne nimium Romani viribus suis fiderent, cum exuvias capti principis apud deos suos cernerent. 7 Cum igitur tales poenas de sacrilegis deus exegerit, nonne mirabile est ausum esse quemquam postea non modo facere, sed etiam cogitare adversus maiestatem singularis dei regentis et continentis universa?

6 Afterwards, when he had ended a shameful life in that disgrace, his skin was torn off and the flesh stripped from his entrails, the skin stained a red color, so that it might be placed in the temple of the barbarian gods as a memorial of the most renowned triumph and always be shown to our legates, lest the Romans trust too much in their own forces when they saw the spoils of a captured prince among the gods of those peoples. 7 Since therefore God exacted such punishments from sacrilegious men, is it not marvelous that anyone afterwards dared not only to do but even to think against the majesty of the singular God, ruler and restrainer of all things?

[6] Aurelianus, qui esset natura vesanus et praeceps, quamvis captivitatem Valeriani meminisset, tamen oblitus sceleris eius et poenae iram dei crudelibus factis lacessivit. Verum illi ne perficere quidem quae cogitaverat licuit, sed protinus inter initia sui furoris extintus est.2 Nondum ad provincias ulteriores cruenta eius scripta pervenerant, et iam Caenofrurio, qui locus est Thraciae, cruentus ipse humi iacebat falsa quadam suspicione ab amicis suis interemptus.

[6] Aurelian, who was by nature mad and headlong, although he had remembered Valerian’s captivity, nevertheless, having forgotten his crime and the wrath of God’s punishment, provoked it by cruel deeds. But it was not permitted him even to complete what he had planned; instead he was at once put to death at the outset of his fury.2 Not yet had his bloody writs reached the farther provinces, and already Caenofrurio, which is a place of Thrace, lay bloodied on the ground, himself slain by his friends through some false suspicion.

3 Talibus et tot exemplis coerceri posteriores tyrannos oportebat: at hi non modo territi non sunt sed audacius etiam contra deum confidentiusque fecerunt.

3 By such things and so many examples later tyrants ought to have been restrained: but these not only were not terrified, but even acted more boldly against God and with greater confidence.

[7] Diocletianus, qui scelerum inventor et malorum machinator fuit, cum disperderet omnia, ne a deo quidem manus potuit abstinere.2 Hic orbem terrae simul et avaritia et timiditate subvertit. Tres enim participes regni sui fecit in quattuor partes orbe diviso et multiplicatis exercitibus, cum singuli eorum longe maiorem numerum militum habere contenderent, quam priores principes habuerant, cum soli rem publicam gererent.

[7] Diocletianus, who was the inventor of crimes and the schemer of evils, when he was scattering all things could not refrain his hands even against God.2 He at once overturned the orb of the earth by both avarice and timidity. For he made three partners of his rule after the world was divided into four parts and the armies multiplied, since each of them strove to possess a far greater number of soldiers than the earlier princes had, while they alone administered the res publica.

3 Adeo maior esse coeperat numerus accipientium quam dantium, ut enormitate indictionum consumptis viribus colonorum desererentur agri et culturae verterentur in silvam. 4 Et ut omnia terrore complerentur, provinciae quoque in frusta concisae; multi praesides et plura officia singulis regionibus ac paene iam civitatibus incubare, item rationales multi et magistri et vicarii praefectorum, quibus omnibus civiles actus admodum rari, sed condemnationes tantum et proscriptiones frequentes, exactiones rerum innumerabilium non dicam crebrae, sed perpetuae, et in exactionibus iniuriae non ferendae. 5 Haec quoque <quomodo> tolerari <non> possunt quae ad exhibendos milites spectant?

3 So much had the number of receivers begun to be greater than of givers, that, with the strength of the colonists consumed by the enormity of the indictions, the fields were deserted and the cultivations were turned into forest. 4 And that all things might be filled with terror, the provinces likewise were cut to pieces; many praesides and several offices pressed upon single regions and almost already upon cities, likewise many rationales and magistri and vicarii of the prefects, to all of whom civil acts were very rare, but condemnations only and frequent proscriptions, exactions of innumerable goods—I will not call them frequent, but perpetual—and in those exactions injuries intolerable. 5 Haec quoque <quomodo> tolerari <non> possunt quae ad exhibendos milites spectant?

Idem insatiabili avaritia thesauros numquam minui volebat, sed semper extraordinarias opes ac largitiones congerebat, ut ea quae recondebat integra atque inviolata servaret. 6 Idem cum variis iniquitatibus immensam faceret caritatem, legem pretiis rerum venalium statuere conatus est; 7 tunc ob exigua et vilia multus sanguis effusus, nec venale quicquam metu apparebat et caritas multo deterius exarsit, donec lex necessitate ipsa post multorum exitium solveretur. 8 Huc accedebat infinita quaedam cupiditas aedificandi, non minor provinciarum exactio in exhibendis operariis et artificibus et plaustris, omnia quaecumque sint fabricandis operibus necessaria.

He, with insatiable avarice, would never allow the treasures to be diminished, but always heaped up extraordinary wealth and largesses, so that the things he stored away he might keep whole and inviolate. 6 He again, by various injustices, made for an immense dearness, and tried to enact a law fixing the prices of things for sale; 7 then, because of scarcity and baseness, much blood was shed, nor did anything seem saleable for fear, and the dearness blazed up far worse, until the law was relaxed by necessity itself after the destruction of many. 8 To this was added a boundless greed for building, and no less was the provincial exaction in furnishing workmen and artisans and wagons—every thing whatever necessary for works being constructed.

9 Hic basilicae, hic circus, hic moneta, hic armorum fabrica, hic uxori domus, hic filiae. Repente magna pars civitatis exciditur. Migrabant omnes cum coniugibus ac liberis quasi urbe ab hostibus capta.

9 Here the basilica, here the circus, here the mint, here the arms-factory, here a house for the wife, here for the daughter. Suddenly a great part of the city is destroyed. All were migrating with their spouses and children as if the city had been captured by enemies.

10 Et cum perfecta haec fuerant cum interitu provinciarum, "non recte facta sunt", aiebat, "alio modo fiant." Rursus dirui ac mutari necesse erat iterum fortasse casura. Ita semper dementabat Nicomediam studens urbi Romae coaequare. 11 Iam illud praetereo, quam multi perierint possessionum aut opum gratia.

10 And when these things had been accomplished with the destruction of the provinces, he kept saying, "they have not been done rightly; let them be done in another manner." Again it was necessary that they be torn down and changed, again perhaps about to fall. Thus he ever maddened Nicomedia, striving to make it coequal with the city of Rome. 11 I omit moreover how many have perished for the sake of possessions or of wealth.

Hoc enim usitatum et fere licitum consuetudine malorum. 12 Sed in hoc illud fuit praecipuum, quod ubicumque cultiorem agrum viderat aut ornatius aedificium, iam parata domino calumnia et poena capitalis, quasi non posset rapere aliena sine sanguine.

For this was customary and almost licit by the custom of evils. 12 But the chief thing in this was that wherever he saw a more cultivated field or a more ornate building, a calumny and capital punishment were already prepared for the master, as if he could not seize another's goods without blood.

[8] Quid frater eius Maximianus, qui est dictus Herculius? Non dissimilis ab eo: nec enim possent in amicitiam tam fidelem cohaerere, nisi esset in utroque mens una, eadem cogitatio, par voluntas, aequa sententia.2 Hoc solum differebant, quod avaritia maior in altero fuit, sed plus timiditatis, in altero vero minor avaritia, sed plus animi, non ad bene faciendum sed ad male.

[8] What of his brother Maximian, who is called Herculius? Not unlike him: for they could not have adhered in so faithful a friendship, unless in each there were one mind, the same cogitation, equal will, equal judgment.2 They differed only in this, that avarice was greater in one, but more timidity; in the other indeed less avarice, but more spirit— not for doing good but for evil.

3 Nam cum ipsam imperii sedem teneret Italiam subiacerentque opulentissimae provinciae, vel Africa vel Hispania, non erat in custodiendis opibus tam diligens, quarum illi copia suppetebat. 4 Et cum opus esset, non deerant locupletissimi senatores qui subornatis indiciis affectasse imperium dicerentur, ita ut effoderentur assidue lumina senatus. Cruentissimus fiscus male partis opibus affluebant.

3 For although he held the very seat of the empire in Italy, and the most opulent provinces lay subject to him, whether Africa or Hispania, he was not so diligent in guarding the wealth whose abundance was at his disposal. 4 And when need arose, there were not wanting very wealthy senators who, with fabricated charges, were said to have aspired to the empire, so that the lights of the senate were constantly dug out. The bloodiest fisc and the resources of the ill party flowed in.

5 Iam libido in homine pestifero non modo ad corrumpendos mares, quod est odiosum ac detestabile, verum etiam ad violandas primorum filias. Nam quacumque iter fecerat, avulsae a complexu parentum virgines statim praesto. 6 His rebus beatum se iudicabat, his constare felicitatem imperii sui putabat, si libidini et cupiditati malae nihil denegaret.

5 Now lust in the pestiferous man was directed not only to corrupting men, which is odious and detestable, but also to violating the daughters of the foremost. For wherever he had journeyed, virgins, torn from the embrace of their parents, were immediately at hand. 6 By these things he judged himself blessed, and by these he thought the felicity of his empire to consist, if he denied nothing to lust and to evil desire.

7 Constantium praetereo, quoniam dissimilis ceterorum fuit dignusque qui solus orbem teneret.

7 I pass over Constantius, since he was unlike the others and worthy — the one who alone held the world.

[9] Alter vero Maximianus, quem sibi generum Diocletianus asciverat, non his duobus tantum quos tempora nostra senserunt sed omnibus qui fuerunt malis peior.2 Inerat huic bestiae naturalis barbaries, effertitas a Romano sanguine aliena: non mirum, cum mater eius Transdanuviana infestantibus Carpis in Daciam novam transiecto amne confugerat. 3 Erat etiam corpus moribus congruens, status celsus, caro ingens et in horrendam magnitudinem diffusa et inflata.

[9] But the other, Maximian, whom Diocletian had chosen as his son‑in‑law, was worse not only than those two whom our times have known but than all who had been evil.2 There was in this beast a natural barbarity, a savagery foreign to Roman blood: no wonder, since his mother, a Transdanubian, having crossed the river fled for refuge into New Dacia when the Carpi were harassing. 3 His body too matched his morals: a lofty stature, vast flesh, spread out and swollen into a horrendous magnitude.

4 Denique et verbis et actibus et aspectu terrori omnibus ac formidini fuit. Socer quoque eum metuebat acerrime, cuius timoris haec fuit causa: 5 Narseus rex Persarum concitatus domesticis exemplis avi sui Saporis ad occupandum Orientem cum magnis copiis inhiabat. 6 Tunc Diocletianus, ut erat in omni tumultu meticulosus animique deiectus, simul et exemplum Valeriani timens, non ausus est obviam tendere, sed hunc per Armeniam misit ipse in Oriente subsistens et aucupans exitus rerum.

4 Finally, both in words and in acts and in appearance he was a terror to all and a cause of dread. His father‑in‑law also feared him most sharply, and the cause of that fear was this: 5 Narseus, king of the Persians, stirred up by the domestic examples of his grandfather Sapor, was eager to seize the East with great forces. 6 Then Diocletian, as he was in every tumult timorous and dejected in spirit, and at the same time fearing the example of Valerian, did not dare to march out to meet him, but sent him through Armenia while he himself remained in the East, watching and hunting for the outcome of events.

7 Ille insidiis usus barbaros, quibus mos est cum omnibus suis ad bellum pergere, multitudine impeditos et sarcinis occupatos non difficiliter oppressit fugatoque Narseo rege reversus cum praeda et manubiis ingentibus sibi attulit superbiam, Diocletiano timorem. 8 In tantos namque fastus post hanc victoriam elevatus est, ut iam detrectaret Caesaris nomen. Quod cum in litteris ad se datis audisset, truci vultu ac voce terribili exclamabat "Quo usque Caesar?" 9 Exinde insolentissime agere coepit, ut ex Marte se procreatum et videri et dici vellet tamquam alterum Romulum maluitque Romulam matrem stupro infamare, ut ipse diis oriundus videretur.

7 He made use of the ambuscades of the barbarians, as is their custom when they proceed to war with all their belongings, and he easily overwhelmed those impeded by their multitude and laden with packs; and, Narseus the king having been put to flight, he returned with great booty and plunder, bringing pride to himself and fear to Diocletian. 8 For he was raised to such arrogance after this victory that he now slighted the name of Caesar. When he heard this in letters sent to him addressed to himself, with a savage countenance and a terrible voice he cried out, "How long, Caesar?" 9 Thereafter he began to act most insolently, wishing to be both seen and called as sprung from Mars and as if another Romulus, and he preferred to outrage Romulus's mother by rape that he himself might appear sprung from the gods.

10 Sed differo de factis eius dicere, ne confundam tempora. Postea enim quam nomen imperatoris accepit exuto socero, tum demum furere coepit et contemnere omnia. 11 Diocles--<sic> enim ante imperium vocabatur--cum rem publicam talibus consiliis et talibus sociis everteret, cum pro sceleribus suis nihil non mereretur, tamdiu tamen summa felicitate regnavit, quamdiu manus suas iustorum sanguine non inquinaret.

10 But I refrain from speaking of his deeds, lest I confuse the times. For afterwards, when he took the name of emperor, his father-in-law having been set aside, then at last he began to rage and to despise all things. 11 Diocles--<sic> for thus he was called before his rule--while he overturned the republic with such counsels and such allies, and, for his crimes, deservedly nothing was lacking him, nevertheless reigned with the utmost felicity so long as he did not defile his hands with the blood of the righteous.

12 Quam vero causam persequendi habuerit exponam.

12 But I will explain what cause he had for pursuing.

[10] Cum ageret in partibus Orientis, ut erat pro timore scrutator rerum futurarum, immolabat pecudes et in iecoribus earum ventura quaerebat.2 Tum quidem ministrorum scientes dominum cum adsisterent immolanti, imposuerunt frontibus suis inmortale signum; quo facto fugatis daemonibus sacra turbata sunt. Trepidabant aruspices nec solitas in extis notas videbant et, quasi non litassent, saepius immolabant.

[10] When he was operating in the parts of the East, as he was, through fear, a scrutator of future things, he sacrificed beasts and sought the things to come in their livers.2 Then indeed the ministers, knowing their lord, when they stood by the sacrificer, imposed an immortal sign on their foreheads; with this done, the demons put to flight, the sacred rites were thrown into disorder. The haruspices trembled and did not see the customary marks in the entrails and, as if they had not performed the lustrations, sacrificed more frequently.

3 Verum identidem mactatae hostiae nihil ostendebant, donec magister ille aruspicum Tagis seu suspicione seu visu ait idcirco non respondere sacra, quod rebus divinis profani homines interessent. 4 Tunc ira furens sacrificare non eos tantum qui sacris ministrabant, sed universos qui erant in palatio iussit et in eos, si detrectassent, verberibus animadverti, datisque ad praepositos litteris, etiam milites cogi ad nefanda sacrificia praecepit, ut qui non paruissent, militia solverentur. 5 Hactenus furor eius et ira processit nec amplius quicquam contra legem aut religionem dei fecit.

3 But the repeatedly slain victims showed nothing, until that master of the haruspices, Tagis, either by suspicion or by sight, said that for that reason the sacred rites did not reply, because profane men were present at the divine matters. 4 Then, raging in fury, he ordered to be sacrificed not only those who served the rites, but all who were in the palace, and that against them, if they refused, punishment by blows should be inflicted; and, having given letters to the superiors, he even commanded that soldiers be compelled to the unspeakable sacrifices, so that those who had not appeared would be discharged from military service. 5 Thus far his fury and wrath proceeded, and he did nothing further against the law or the religion of the god.

6 Deinde interiecto aliquanto tempore in Bithyniam venit hiematum eodemque tum Maximianus quoque Caesar inflammatus scelere advenit, ut ad persequendos Christianos instigaret senem vanum, qui iam principium fecerat. Cuius furoris hanc causam fuisse cognovi.

6 Then, after a little time had passed, he came to winter in Bithynia, and at the same time Maximianus Caesar also arrived, inflamed with wickedness, to urge on the vain old man — who had already begun — to persecute the Christians. I learned that this was the cause of his fury.

[11] Erat mater eius deorum montium cultrix, quae cum esset , dapibus sacrificabat paene cotidie ac vicanis suis epulas exhibebat. Christiani abstinebant, et illa cum gentibus epulante ieiuniis hi et orationibus insistebant.2 Hinc concepit odium adversus eos ac filium suum non minus superstitiosum querelis muliebribus ad tollendos homines incitavit.

[11] His mother was a cultor of the gods of the mountains, who, being a very superstitious woman, sacrificed at feasts almost daily and provided banquets to her neighbors. The Christians abstained, and when she feasted with the gentiles, they persisted in fasts and prayers.2 From this she conceived hatred against them and incited her son, no less superstitious, by feminine complaints to destroy men.

3 Ergo habito inter se per totam hiemem consilio cum nemo admitteretur et omnes de summo statu rei publicae tractari arbitrarentur, diu senex furori eius repugnavit ostendens quam perniciosum esset inquietari orbem terrae, fundi sanguinem multorum; illos libenter mori solere; satis esse si palatinos tantum ac milites ab ea religione prohiberet. 4 Nec tamen deflectere potuit praecipitis hominis insaniam. Placuit ergo amicorum sententiam experiri.

3 Therefore, having held counsel among themselves through the whole winter, and since no one was admitted and all thought the highest condition of the res publica was at stake, the old man long resisted his fury, showing how pernicious it would be to disturb the orb of the earth, the shedding of the blood of many; that those men were wont willingly to die; that it would be enough if he merely prohibited the palatines and soldiers from that religion. 4 Yet he could not turn aside the madness of the headstrong man. It was therefore decided to try the judgment of friends.

5 Nam erat huius malitiae: cum bonum quid facere decrevisset, sine consilio faciebat, ut ipse laudaretur, cum autem malum, quoniam id reprehendum sciebat, in consilium multos advocabat, ut aliorum culpae adscriberetur quicquid ipse deliquerat. 6 Admissi ergo iudices pauci et pauci militares, ut dignitate antecedebant, interrogabantur. Quidam proprio adversus Christianos odio inimicos deorum et hostes religionum publicarum tollendos esse censuerunt, et qui aliter sentiebant, intellecta hominis voluntate vel timentes vel gratificari volentes in eandem sententiam congruerunt.

5 For this was his malice: when he had resolved to do some good thing, he did it without counsel, that he himself might be praised; but when evil, since he knew it to be blameworthy, he summoned many into counsel, so that whatever he had trespassed might be ascribed to the faults of others. 6 Therefore the judges admitted were few, and the soldiers few, as they preceded in rank, were interrogated. Some, out of a personal hatred against the Christians as enemies of the gods and foes of the public religions, judged that they must be removed; and those who thought otherwise, having perceived the man’s will, either through fear or wishing to oblige him, acceded to the same opinion.

7 Nec sic quidem flexus est imperator, ut accomodaret assensum, sed deos potissimum consulere statuit misitque aruspicem ad Apollinem Milesium. Respondit ille ut divinae religionis inimicus. 8 Traductus est itaque a proposito, et quoniam nec amicis nec Caesari nec Apollini poterat reluctari, hanc moderationem tenere conatus est, ut eam rem sine sanguine transigi iuberet, cum Caesar vivos cremari vellet qui sacrificio repugnassent.

7 Nor yet was the emperor so turned as to accommodate assent, but he resolved rather to consult the gods and sent a haruspex to Apollo of Miletus. That man answered as an enemy of divine religion. 8 He was therefore led aside from his purpose, and since he could not resist his friends nor the Caesar nor Apollo, he tried to hold to this moderation, that he should order the affair to be settled without bloodshed, Caesar wishing that those who resisted the sacrifice be burned alive.

[12] Inquiritur peragendae rei dies aptus et felix ac potissimum Terminalia deliguntur, quae sunt a.d. septimum Kalendas Martias, ut quasi terminus imponeretur huic religioni.

[12] They inquired for a suitable and auspicious day on which the matter was to be carried out, and above all chose the Terminalia, which is on the seventh day before the Kalends of March, as if a boundary were to be imposed upon this religion.

Ille dies primus leti primusque malorum
causa fuit,

That day was the first of death and the first cause of evils,

quae et ipsis et orbi terrarum acciderunt. 2 Qui dies cum illuxisset agentibus consulatum senibus ambobus octavum et septimum, repente adhuc dubia luce ad ecclesiam praefectus cum ducibus et tribunis et rationalibus venit et revulsis foribus simulacrum dei quaeritur, scripturae repertae incenduntur, datur omnibus praeda, rapitur, trepidatur, discurritur. 3 Ipsi vero in speculis--in alto enim constituta ecclesia ex palatio videbatur--diu inter se concertabant, utrum ignem potius supponi oporteret.

which befell both themselves and the whole world. 2 When that day had dawned for the actors — the consulships of the two old men being the eighth and the seventh — suddenly, while the light was still uncertain, the praefect came to the church with dukes and tribunes and rationals, and with the doors torn off a simulacrum of the god was sought; the scriptures found were burned, spoil was given to all, things were seized, there was alarm, and people ran about. 3 They themselves, however, on the ramparts — for the church, set high, seemed to rise out of the palace — long debated among themselves whether it were more proper to set fire to it.

4 Vicit sententia Diocletianus cavens, ne magno incendio facto pars aliqua vivitatis arderet. Nam multae ac magnae domus ab omni parte cingebant. 5 Veniebant igitur praetoriani acie structa cum securibus et aliis ferramentis et immissi undique fanum illud editissimum paucis horis solo adaequarunt.

4 Diocletian's judgment prevailed, heeding lest in a great fire some part of the dwellings should burn. For many and large houses surrounded it on every side. 5 Therefore the praetorians came in battle-line formed with axes and other iron tools, and, being sent in from all quarters, they levelled that very lofty shrine to the ground in a few hours.

[13] Postridie prosopositum est edictum quo cavebatur, ut religionis illius homines carerent omni honore ac dignitate, tormentis subiecti essent, ex quocumque ordine aut gradu venirent, adversus eos omnis actio valeret, ipsi non de iniuria, non de adulterio, non de rebus ablatis agere possent, libertatem denique ac vocem non haberent.2 Quod edictum quidam etsi non recte, magno tamen animo deripuit et conscidit, cum irridens diceret victorias Gothorum et Sarmatarum propositas. 3 Statimque perductus non modo extortus, sed etiam legitime coctus cum admirabili patientia postremo exustus est.

[13] On the next day an edict was promulgated by which it was ordered that the men of that religion should be deprived of every honor and dignity, be subjected to torments, whatever order or rank they came from, that against them every action should avail, they themselves could not sue for injury, nor for adultery, nor for things taken away, and finally would have no liberty nor voice.2 That edict some, although not rightly, yet with great spirit tore down and cut up, mocking and saying that the victories of the Goths and Sarmatians were mere pretence. 3 And immediately, having been led away, he was not only extorted but even legitimately forced, and with admirable patience at last was burned.

[14] Sed Caesar non contentus est edicti legibus; aliter Diocletianum aggredi parat.2 Nam ut illum ad propositum crudelissimae persecutionis impelleret, occultis ministris palatio subiecit incendium, et cum pars quaedam conflagrasset, Christiani arguebantur velut hostes publici et [cum] ingenti invidia simul cum palatio Christianorum nomen ardebat: illos consilio cum eunuchis habito de extinguendis principibus cogitasse, duos imperatores domi suae paene vivos esse combustos. 3 Diocletianus vero, qui semper se volebat videri astutum et intellegentem, nihil potuit suspicari, sed ira inflammatus excarnificari omnes suos protinus praecepit.

[14] But Caesar was not content with the laws of the edict; he prepares to assail Diocletian otherwise.2 For that he might drive him to the purpose of the most cruel persecution, he set a fire beneath the palace by secret ministers, and when a certain part had been conflagrated, the Christians were accused as if public enemies and, with great enmity, the name of Christians burned together with the palace: that they, having held counsel with the eunuchs about extinguishing the princes, had caused two emperors in their own house to be almost burned alive. 3 Diocletian, however, who always wished to appear astute and understanding, could suspect nothing, but, inflamed with anger, at once ordered that all his own be put to the sword.

4 Sedebat ipse atque innocentes igne torrebat; item iudices universi, omnes denique qui erant in palatio magistri data potestate torquebant. 5 Erant certantes quis prior aliquid inveniret: nihil usquam reperiebatur, quippe cum familiam Caesaris nemo torqueret. Aderat ipse et instabat nec patiebatur iram inconsiderati senis deflagrare.

4 He himself sat and burned the innocents with fire; likewise the judges of the whole, indeed all who were in the palace, the masters given authority, were torturing. 5 They vied as to who would first contrive something: nothing was found anywhere, since of course no one would torture the household of the Caesar. He was present and urged them on and would not allow the wrath of the rash old man to blaze forth.

6 Sed quindecim diebus interiectis aliud rursus incendium molitus est, sed celerius animadversum, nec tamen auctor apparuit. 7 Tunc Caesar medio hiemis profectione parata prorupit eodem die, contestans fugere se, ne vivus arderet.

6 But with fifteen days intervening he again set about another fire, which was perceived more quickly, yet no contriver appeared. 7 Then Caesar, his departure having been prepared in mid‑winter, burst forth on that same day, declaring that he would flee, lest he be burned alive.

[15] Furebat ergo imperator iam non in domesticos tantum, sed in omnes; et primam omnium filiam Valeriam coniugemque Priscam sacrificio pollui coegit.2 Potentissimi quondam eunuchi necati, per quos palatium et ipse ante constabat; comprehensi presbyteri ac ministri et sine ulla probatione aut confessione damnati cum omnibus suis deducebantur. 3 Omnis sexus et aetatis homines ad exustionem rapti, nec singuli, quoniam tanta erat multitudo, sed gregatim circumdato igni ambiebantur; domestici alligatis ad collum molaribus mari mergebantur.

[15] The emperor therefore raged now not only against household members, but against all; and he compelled the first of all, his daughter Valeria, and her husband Prisca, to be defiled by sacrifice.2 Once very powerful eunuchs were killed, through whom the palace itself had previously been known; seized were presbyters and ministers, and, without any proof or confession, they were condemned and led away with all their households. 3 Men of every sex and age were snatched up for burning, not individually, since the multitude was so great, but in herds they were surrounded by fire and put to death; household slaves, with stones tied about their necks, were plunged into the sea.

4 Nec minus in ceterum populum persecutio violenter incubuit. Nam iudices per omnia templa dispersi universos ad sacrificia cogebant. 5 Pleni carceres erant, tormentorum genera inaudita excogitabantur, et ne cui temere ius diceretur, arae in secretariis ac pro tribunali positae, ut litigatores prius sacrificarent atque ita causas suas dicerent, sic ergo ad iudices tamquam ad deos adiretur.

4 Nor less did persecution press violently upon the rest of the people. For judges, scattered through all the temples, were driving everyone to the sacrifices. 5 The prisons were full, unheard-of kinds of torments were devised, and lest anyone rashly be given justice, altars were placed in the secretariats and before the tribunal, so that litigants should first sacrifice and thus plead their causes; and so one was to approach the judges as if to gods.

6 Etiam litterae ad Maximianum atque Constantium commeaverant, ut eadem facerent: quorum sententia in tantis rebus expectata non erat. Et quidem senex Maximianus libens paruit per Italiam, homo non adeo clemens. 7 Nam Constantius, ne dissentire a maiorum praeceptis videretur , conventicula, id est parietes, qui restitui poterant, dirui passus est, verum autem dei templum, quod est in hominibus, incolume servavit.

6 Letters had likewise come to Maximian and to Constantius, urging them to do the same: whose decision in so great matters had not been expected. 7 And indeed the old Maximian willingly obeyed throughout Italy, a man not so merciful. For Constantius, lest he seem to dissent from the precepts of his predecessors, permitted the conventicula, that is, the walls which could be rebuilt, to be torn down; but he kept the true temple of God, which is in men, uninjured.

[16] Vexabatur ergo universa terra et praeter Gallias ab oriente usque ad occasum tres acerbissimae bestiae saeviebant.

[16] The whole land therefore was vexed, and save for the Gauls from east even to west three most savage beasts were raging.

          2 non, mihi si linguae centum <sint> oraque centum,
          ferrea vox, omnes scelerum comprendere formas,
          omnia poenarum percurrere nomina possim.

          2 no, if to me there were a hundred tongues and a hundred mouths,
          an iron voice, I could encompass all the shapes of crimes,
          and run through all the names of punishments.

quae iudices per provincias iustis atque innocentibus intulerunt. 3 Verum quid opus est illa narrare praecipue tibi, Donate carissime, qui praeter ceteros tempestatem turbidae persecutionis expertus es? 4 Nam cum incidisses in Flaccinum praefectum, non pusillum homicidam, deinde in Hieroclem ex vicario praesidem, qui auctor et consiliarius ad faciendam persecutionem fuit, postremo in Priscillianum successorem eius, documentum omnibus invictae fortitudinis praebuisti. 5 Novies enim tormentis cruciatibusque variis subiectus novies adversarium gloriosa confessione vicisti, novem proeliis diabolum cum satellitibus suis debellasti, novem victoriis saeculum cum suis terroribus triumphasti.

which the judges inflicted through the provinces on the just and the innocent. 3 But what need is there to recount those things especially to you, Donatus most dear, who beyond others have endured the tempest of a turbulent persecution? 4 For when you fell into the hands of Flaccinus the prefect, no mean homicidal man, then into Hierocles, from the vicar a governor, who was the author and counsellor for effecting the persecution, and finally into Priscillianus his successor, you furnished to all a testimony of unconquered fortitude. 5 For nine times subjected to various torments and tortures, nine times you conquered the adversary by a glorious confession; in nine battles you routed the devil with his satellites; by nine victories you triumphed over the world with its terrors.

6 Quam iucundum illud spectaculum deo fuit, cum victorem te cerneret non candidos equos aut immanes elephantos, sed ipsos potissimum triumphatores currui tuo subiugantem! 7 Hic est verus triumphus, cum dominatores dominantur. Victi enim tua virtute ac subiugati sunt, quandoquidem nefanda iussione contempta omnes apparatus ac terriculas tyrannicae potestatis fide stabili et robore animi profligasti.

6 How delightful that spectacle was to God, when he beheld you the conqueror not with white horses or huge elephants, but chiefly subduing the very triumphators to your chariot! 7 This is the true triumph, when the dominators are dominated. For they were conquered by your virtue and subdued, since, their nefarious command being scorned, you routed all the apparatus and petty forces of tyrannical power by steadfast faith and strength of spirit.

8 Nihil adversus te verbera, nihil ungulae, nihil ignis, nihil ferrum, nihil varia tormentorum genera valuerunt: adimere tibi fidem ac devotionem nulla vis potuit. 9 Hoc est esse discipulum dei, hoc est militem Christi, quem nullus hostis expugnet, nullus lupus de castris caelestibus rapiat, nullus laqueus iudicat, nullus dolor vincat, nullus cruciatus affligat. 10 Denique post illas novem gloriosissimas pugnas, quibus a te diabolus victus est, non est ausus ulterius congredi tecum, quem tot proeliis expertus est non posse superari.

8 Nothing — neither lashes, nor hoofs, nor fire, nor iron, nor the varied kinds of torments — availed against you: no force could take from you your faith and devotion. 9 This is to be a disciple of God, this is to be a soldier of Christ, whom no enemy will storm, no wolf snatch from the heavenly camps, no snare condemn, no pain conquer, no torture afflict. 10 Finally, after those nine most glorious fights, by which the devil was vanquished by you, he did not dare to engage with you further, for having encountered you in so many battles he learned that you could not be overcome.

11 Et cum tibi parata esset victrix corona, desiit amplius provocare, ne iam sumeres; quam licet non acceperis in praesenti, tamen integra tibi pro virtutibus tuis et meritis in regno domini reservatur. Sed redeamus ad ordinem rerum.

11 And when a victorious crown was prepared for you, it ceased further to provoke, lest you now take it; which, although you do not accept it in the present, nevertheless is kept whole for you because of your virtues and merits in the kingdom of the Lord. But let us return to the order of things.

[17] Hoc igitur scelere perpetrato Diocletianus, cum iam felicitas ab eo recessisset, perrexit statim Romam, ut vicennalium diem celebraret, qui erat futurus a.d. duodecimum Kalendas Decembres.2 Quibus sollemnibus celebratis cum libertatem populi Romani ferre non poterat, impatiens et aeger animi prorupit ex urbe impendentibus Kalendis Ianuariis, quibus illi nonus consultatus deferebatur. 3 Tredecim dies tolerare non potuit, ut Romae potius quam Ravennae procederet consul, sed profectus hieme saeviente, frigore atque imbribus verberatus morbum levem, at perpetuam contraxit vexatusque per omne iter lectica plurimum vehebatur.

[17] Therefore, that crime having been perpetrated, Diocletian, when good fortune had already departed from him, immediately went on to Rome to celebrate the vicennial day, which was to be on a.d. 12th Kalends of December.2 When those solemnities had been celebrated, since he could not bear to grant the freedom of the Roman people, impatient and sick at heart he burst forth from the city with the impending Kalends of January, to which that ninth consultation of theirs was being deferred. 3 He could not endure thirteen days to proceed to Ravenna rather than to remain at Rome as consul, but having set out in the raging winter, beaten by cold and by rains he contracted a slight illness, yet a lasting one, and harried, he was carried for the whole journey for the most part in a litter.

4 Sic aestate transacta per circuitum ripae Istricae Nicomediam venit, morbo iam gravi insurgente; quo cum se premi videret, prolatus est tamen, ut circum quem fecerat dedicaret anno post vicennalia repleto. 5 Deinde ita languore <est> oppressus, ut per omnes deos pro vita eius rogaretur, donec Idibus Decembribus luctus repente in palatio, maestitia et lacrimae iudicum, trepidatio et silentium tota civitate. 6 Iam non modo mortuum, sed etiam sepultum dicebant, cum repente mane postridie pervagari fama quod viveret, domesticorum ac iudicum vultus alacritate mutari.

4 Thus, the summer having passed, he came to Nicomedia by way of the circuit of the Istrian shore, a grave illness now arising; when he saw himself pressed by it, yet he was prolonged, so that he might dedicate around which he had made when the vicennalia year was completed. 5 Then so oppressed by languor <est> that prayers were made to all the gods for his life, until on the Ides of December mourning suddenly in the palace, sorrow and the judges’ tears, trepidation and silence through the whole city. 6 They were already saying him not only dead but even buried, when suddenly on the following morning a rumor spread that he lived, and the faces of his household and of the judges were changed with alacrity.

7 Non defuerunt qui suspicarentur celari mortem eius, donec Caesar veniret, ne quid forte a militibus novaretur. 8 Quae suspicio tantum valuit, ut nemo crederet eum vivere, nisi Kalendis Martiis prodisset, vix agnoscendus, quippe qui anno fere toto aegritudine tabuisset. 9 Et ille Idibus Decembribus morte sopitus animam receperat, nec tamen totam.

7 There were not wanting those who suspected that his death was being concealed until the Caesar should arrive, lest anything perhaps be altered by the soldiers. 8 That suspicion carried such weight that no one believed him to be alive unless he should appear on the Kalends of March, scarcely to be recognized, since he had wasted away by sickness for almost the whole year. 9 And he, on the Ides of December, smitten by death, had yielded up his soul, yet not wholly.

Demens enim factus est, ita ut certis horis insaniret, certis resipisceret.

For he became mad, so that at certain hours he raved, at certain he regained his senses.

[18] Nec multis post diebus Caesar advenit, non ut patri gratularetur, sed ut eum cogeret imperio cedere. Iam conflixerat nuper Maximiano sene eumque terruerat iniecto armorum civilium metu.2 Agressus est ergo Diocletianum primum molliter et amice, iam senem esse dicens, iam minus validum et administrandae rei publicae inhabilem; debere illum requiescere post labores.

[18] Not many days afterward Caesar arrived, not to congratulate the father, but to compel him to yield to imperial rule. He had recently clashed Maximian, the old man, and had terrified him by the threatened force of civil arms.2 He therefore approached Diocletian first mildly and as a friend, saying that he was already an old man, now less strong and unfit to administer the res publica; that he ought to take rest after his labors.

Simul et exemplum Nervae proferebat, qui imperium Traiano tradidisset. 3 Ille vero aiebat et indecens esse, si post tantam sublimis fastigii claritatem in humilis vitae tenebras decidisset, et minus tutum, quod in tam longo imperio multorum sibi odia quaesisset; 4 Nervam vero uno anno imperantem, cum pondus et curam tantarum rerum vel aetate vel insolentia ferre non quiret, abiecisse gubernaculum rei publicae atque ad privatam vitam redisse, in qua consenuerat. Verum si nomen imperatoris cuperet adipisci, impedimento nihil esse quominus omnes Augusti nuncuparentur.

At the same time he brought forward the example of Nerva, who had handed the empire to Trajan. 3 That man indeed used to say that it would be unbecoming if, after so great a loftiness of eminence, he had fallen into the shades of a humble life, and less safe, since in so long an empire he would have sought the hatreds of many against himself; 4 and that Nerva, ruling for one year, when he could not, either from age or from weakness, bear the weight and care of so great affairs, had cast off the helm of the res publica and returned to private life, in which he had grown old. But if he desired to obtain the name of imperator, there was nothing to prevent all from being proclaimed Augusti.

5 At ille, qui orbem totum iam spe invaserat, quoniam sibi aut nihil praeter nomen aut <non> multum videbat accedere, respondit debere ipsius dispositionem in perpetuum conservari, ut duo sint in re publica maiores, qui summam rerum teneant, item duo minores, qui sint adiumento; inter duos facile posse concordiam servari, inter quattuor pares nullo modo. 6 Si ipse cedere noluisset, se sibi consulturum, ne amplius minor et extremus esset. Iam fluxisse annos quindecim <quibus> in Illyricum id est ad ripam Danuvii relegatus cum gentibus barbaris luctare tur, cum alii intra laxiores et quietiores terras delicate imperarent.

5 But he, who had already seized the whole world with hope, since to him either nothing beyond the name or not much seemed to be added, answered that his arrangement ought to be preserved forever, so that there be two senior men in the republic, who hold the supreme command of affairs, and likewise two juniors, who be for assistance; between two concord can easily be kept, among four peers in no wise. 6 If he himself would not wish to yield, he would consult with himself, lest he become still the lesser and most remote. Fifteen years had now passed in which he had been relegated to Illyricum, that is to the bank of the Danube, to struggle with barbarian peoples, while others ruled delicately within freer and more peaceful lands.

7 His auditis senex languidus, qui iam et Maximiani senis litteras acceperat scribentis quaecumque locutus fuisset, et didicerat augeri ab eo exercitum, lacrimabundus "Fiat" inquit "si hoc placet".

7 When these things had been heard, the languid old man, who had already received the letters of old Maximian — letters writing whatever he had spoken — and had learned that an army was being raised by him, tearful said, "Let it be, if this pleases."

8 Supererat ut communi consilio omnium Caesares legerentur. "Quid opus est consilio, cum sit necesse illis duobus placere quicquid nos fecerimus?"--"Ita plane. Nam illorum filios nuncupari necesse est." Erat autem Maximiano <filius> Maxentius, huius ipsius Maximiani gener, homo perniciosae ac malae mentis, adeo superbus et contumax, ut neque patrem neque socerum solitus sit adorare, et idcirco utrique invisus fuit.

8 It remained that by the common counsel of all the Caesars should be chosen. "What need is there of counsel, when it is necessary that those two approve whatever we shall have done?"—"Exactly so. For their sons must now be named." Now Maxentius was, however, Maximian's <son>, the son‑in‑law (gener) of this very Maximian, a man of pernicious and evil mind, so proud and contumacious that he was not accustomed to adore either father or father‑in‑law, and therefore he was hateful to both.

10 Constantio quoque filius erat Constantinus, sanctissimus adulescens et illo fastigio dignissimus, qui insigni et decoro habitu corporis et industria militari et probis moribus et comitate singulari a militibus amaretur, a privatis et optaretur, eratque tunc praesens iam pridem a Diocletiano factus tribunus ordinis primi. 11 "Quid ergo fiat?"--"Ille" inquit "dignus non est. Qui enim me privatus contempsit, quid faciet, cum imperium acceperit?"--Hic vero et amabilis est et ita imperaturus, ut patre suo melior et clementior iudicetur."--"Ita fiet ut ego non possim facere quae velim.

10 Constantius also had a son, Constantine, a most holy youth and most worthy of that eminence, who by his conspicuous and comely bearing of body and military industry and honest morals and singular courtesy was loved by the soldiers and esteemed and desired by private citizens, and who was then present, having long before been made by Diocletian a tribune of the first order. 11 "What then shall be done?"—"He," he says, "is not worthy. For he who as a private man despised me, what will he do when he has received power?"—"But he is both amiable and so fit to command that he will be judged better and more merciful than his father."—"So it will be that I shall not be able to do what I wish."

Eos igitur oportet nuncupari qui sint in mea potestate, qui timeant, qui nihil faciant nisi meo iussu."--12 "Quos ergo faciemus?"--"Severum" inquit.--"Illumne saltatorem temulentum ebriosum, cui nox pro die est et dies pro nocte?"--"Dignus" inquit "quoniam militibus fideliter praefuit, et cum misi ad Maximianum, ut ab eo induatur."--13 "Esto. Alterum quem dabis?"--"Hunc" inquit, ostendens Daiam adulescentem quendam semibarbarum, quem recens iusserat Maximinum vocari de suo nomine. Nam et ipsi Diocletianus nomen ex parte mutaverat ominis causa, quia Maximianus fidem summa religione praestabat.--14 Quis est hic quem mihi offers?"--"Meus" inquit "affinis."--At ille gemibundus "Non idoneos homines mihi das, quibus tutela rei publicae committi possit.

Therefore they ought to be named now who are in my power, who fear, who will do nothing except by my command."--12 "Whom then shall we make?"--"Severus," he said.--"That drunken, raucous dancer, for whom night is day and day is night?"--"Worthy," he said, "since he faithfully commanded the soldiers, and when I sent him to Maximian to be invested by him."--13 "So be it. Whom else will you give?"--"This one," he said, showing Daias, a certain young man half-barbarian, whom he had recently ordered to be called Maximinus from his own name. For Diocletian himself had also in part changed his name for the sake of omen, because Maximian displayed fidelity with the highest religiosity.--14 "Who is this whom you offer me?"--"My" he said, "kinsman."--But the other, groaning, "You give me unsuitable men, to whom the guardianship of the commonwealth can be entrusted.

" "Probavi eos" inquit.--"Tu videris, qui regimen imperii suscepturus es. 15 Ego satis laboravi et providi quemadmodum me imperante res publica staret incolumis. Si quid accesserit adversi, mea culpa non erit."

" "I have approved them," he said.--"You will be the one, you who are about to undertake the governance of the empire. 15 I have labored enough and have provided how, with me ruling, the res publica might stand unharmed. If any adverse thing shall have come to pass, it will not be my fault."

[19] Cum haec essent constituta, proceditur Kalendis Mais. Constantinum omnes intuebantur, nulla erat dubitatio; milites qui aderant et primores militum electi et acciti ex legionibus in hunc unum intenti gaudebant, optabant, et vota faciebant.2 Erat locus altus extra civitatem ad milia fere tria, in cuius summo Maximianus ipse purpuram sumpserat, et ibi columna fuerat erecta cum Iovis signo.

[19] When these things had been settled, they advanced on the Kalends of May. All eyes were upon Constantine; there was no doubt; the soldiers present and the senior soldiers, chosen and summoned from the legions, intent upon this one man, rejoiced, desired, and made vows.2 There was a high place outside the city about three thousand paces away, on the summit of which Maximian himself had taken the purple, and there a column had been erected bearing the sign of Jupiter.

Eo pergitur. 3 Contio militum convocatur. Incipit senex cum lacrimis alloquitur milites: se invalidum esse, requiem post labores petere, imperium validioribus tradere, alios Caesares subrogare.

He proceeds thereto. 3 An assembly of the soldiers is summoned. The old man begins, and with tears addresses the soldiers: that he is weak, that he seeks rest after labors, that he will hand over the imperium to stronger men, and that he will subrogate other Caesars.

Summa omnium expectatio, quid afferret. 4 Tunc repente pronuntiat Severum et Maximinum Caesares; opstupefiunt omnes. In tribunali Constantinus adstabat susum; haesitare inter se num Constantini immutatum nomen esset, cum in conspectu omnium Maximianus manum retrorsus extendens protraxit a tergo Daiam Constantino repulso et exutum vestem privatam constituit in medium.

The height of everyone's expectation as to what would happen. 4 Then suddenly he proclaims Severus and Maximinus as Caesars; all are astonished. On the tribunal Constantine was standing up; they hesitated among themselves whether Constantine's name had been changed, when, in the sight of all, Maximian, with his hand turned back, extending it, dragged forward from the rear a certain Daiam, Constantine being thrust aside, and set him, stripped of his private garment, in the midst.

Mirari omnes qui esset, unde esset.5 Nemo tamen reclamare ausus est cunctis insperatae novitate rei turbatis. Huic purpuram Diocetianus iniecit suam qua se exuit, et Diocles iterum factus est. 6 Tum descenditur, et reda per civitatem veteranus rex foras exportatur in patriamque dimittitur.

All wondered who he was, and whence he came.5 Yet no one dared to protest, all being disturbed by the unexpected novelty of the matter. Diocletian threw his own purple upon him whereby he divested himself, and Diocles was made again.6 Then they descended, and the old king was borne out through the city in a carriage and dismissed into his native country.

Daia vero sublatus nuper a pecoribus et silvis, statim scutarius, continuo protector, mox tribunus, postridie Caesar, accepit Orientem calcandum et conterendum, quippe qui neque militiam neque rem publicam sciret, iam non pecorum, sed militum pastor.

Daia, however, lately raised from the flocks and the woods, straightaway a scutarius, immediately protector, soon tribune, on the next day Caesar, received the East to be trodden and crushed, for he who knew neither soldiery nor the res publica was now no longer a shepherd of flocks but of soldiers.

[20] Maximianus postquam senibus expulsis quod voluit effecit, se iam solum totius orbis domi num [esse] ferebat, nam Constantium quamvis priorem nominari esset necesse, contemnebat, quod et natura mitis esset et valitudine corporis impeditus.2 Hunc sperabat brevi obiturum, et si non obisset, vel invitum exuere facile videbatur. Quid enim faceret, si a tribus cogeretur imperium deponere?

[20] After Maximianus, having expelled the old men, had accomplished what he wanted, he now carried himself as if he alone were the master of the whole world, for although it was necessary that Constantius be named the senior, he despised him, because he was both mild by nature and hindered by weakness of body.2 He hoped that this man would die soon, and if he did not die, it seemed easy to strip him of office even unwillingly. For what would he do, if he were forced by the three to lay down the imperium?

3 Habebat ipse Licinium veteris contubernii amicum et a prima militia familiarem, cuius consiliis ad omnia regenda utebatur; sed eum Caesarem facere noluit, ne filium nominaret, ut postea in Constantii locum nuncuparet Augustum atque fratrem, 4 tunc vero ipse principatum teneret ac pro arbitrio suo debacchatus in orbem terrae vicennalia celebraret, ac substituto Caesare filio suo, tunc erat novennis, et ipse deponeret, ita cum imperii summam tenerent Licinius ac Severus et secundum Caesarum nomen Maximinus et Candidianus, inexpugnabili muro circumsaeptus securam et tranquillam degeret senectutem. 5 Huc consilia eius tendebant. Sed deus, quem sibi fecit infestum, cuncta illius cogitata dissolvit.

3 He himself had Licinius, a comrade of old tenting and familiar from his first military service, whose counsels he used for governing all things; but he would not make him Caesar, lest he name his son, so that afterwards he might appoint an Augustus in Constantius’s place and a brother, 4 and then himself hold the principate and, at his own will, revel throughout the orb of the earth celebrating vicennial festivals for twenty years, and with a substituted Caesar his son—who was then nine years old—and he himself would lay down power, thus while Licinius and Severus held the supreme command of the empire and Maximinus and Candidianus bore the secondary name of Caesar, enclosed by an impregnable wall he might pass a secure and tranquil old age. 5 Such were the designs to which his counsels tended. But the god, whom he had made hostile to himself, dissolved all his plotted schemes.

[21] Adeptus igitur maximam potestatem ad vexandum orbem, quem sibi patefecerat, animum intendit.2 Nam post devictos Persas, quorum hic ritus, hic mos est, ut regibus suis in servitium se addicant et reges populo suo tamquam familia utantur, hunc morem nefarius homo in Romanam terram voluit inducere: quem ex illo tempore victoriae sine pudore laudabat. 3 Et quia id aperte iubere non poterat, sic agebat, ut et ipse libertatem hominibus auferret.

[21] Having therefore obtained the greatest power for vexing the orb which he had opened to himself, he turned his mind to it.2 For after the Persians were defeated, among whom this rite, this custom is, that they surrender themselves into service to their kings and the kings use their people as a household, this nefarious man wished to introduce that custom into Roman land: which from that time he shamelessly hailed as a victory. 3 And because he could not openly command it, he so acted that he himself might also strip men of their liberty.

In primis honores ademit. Torquebantur ab eo non decuriones modo, sed primores etiam civitatum, egregii ac perfectissimi viri, et quidem in causis levibus atque civilibus. Si morte digni viderentur, cruces stabant, sin minus, compedes parati.

First of all he stripped them of honors. They were tormented by him not only the decuriones, but even the primores of the cities, men eminent and most accomplished, and indeed for slight and civil causes. If they seemed worthy of death, crosses stood ready; if not, shackles were prepared.

4 Matres familias ignavae ac nobiles in gynaeceum rapiebantur; si quis esset verberandus, defixi in stabulo pali quattuor stabant, ad quos nullus umquam servus distendi solebat. 5 Quid lusorium vel delicias eius referam? Habebat ursos ferociae ac magnitudinis suae simillimos, quos toto imperii sui tempore elegerat; quotiens delectari libuerat, horum aliquem adferri nominatim iubebat.

4 Idle and noble household matrons were snatched away into the gynaeceum; if anyone was to be beaten, four stakes fixed in the stable stood, to which no slave ever used to be stretched. 5 What shall I relate of his playthings or his delights? He had bears most like his own ferocity and magnitude, which he had chosen throughout the whole time of his empire; whenever it pleased him to be entertained, he ordered that one of these be brought by name.

6 His omnibus non plane comedendi, sed obsorbendi obiectabant: quorum artus cum dissiparentur, ridebat suavissime nec umquam sine humano cruore cenabat. Dignitatem non habentibus poena ignis fuit. 7 Id exitii primo adversus Christianos permiserat datis legibus, ut post tormenta damnati lentis ignibus urerentur.

6 These things they set before them not plainly for eating but for sucking up: when the limbs of these were being consumed, he laughed most sweetly and never dined without human gore. Those not having dignity suffered the punishment of fire. 7 He had at first permitted this destruction against the Christians by laws granted, so that, after torments, the condemned would be burned with slow fires.

8 Qui cum delegati fuissent, subdebatur primo pedibus lenis flamma tamdiu, donec callum solorum contractum igni ab ossibus revelleretur. 9 Deinde incensae faces et exstinctae admovebantur singulis membris, ita ut locus ullus in corpore relinqueretur intactus, et inter haec suffundebatur facies aqua frigida et os umore abluebatur, ne arescentibus siccitate faucibus cito spiritus redderetur; 10 quod postremo accidebat, cum per multum diem decocta omni cute vis ignis ad intima viscera penetrasset. 11 Hinc rogo facto cremabatur corpora iam cremata.

8 When they had been delegated, a gentle flame was first applied beneath the soles of the feet so long until the callus of the soles, contracted by the fire, was torn from the bones. 9 Then burning torches and extinguished brands were applied to each limb, so that no place in the body was left intact, and meanwhile the face was poured over with cold water and the mouth was bathed with moisture, lest, the throats drying, the spirit be quickly restored; 10 which finally occurred, when after a long day, with every skin boiled, the force of the fire had penetrated to the innermost viscera. 11 From there, with a pyre made, the bodies already charred were consumed by fire.

Lecta ossa et in pulverem comminuta iactabantur in flumina ac mare.

Collected bones, crushed into powder, were thrown into the rivers and into the sea.

[22] Quae igitur in Christianis excruciandis didicerat, consuetudine ipsa in omnes exercebat.2 Nulla <poena> penes eum levis, non insulae, non carceres, non metalla, sed ignis, crux ferae in illo erant cotidiana et facilia. 3 Domestici et administratores lancea emendabantur.

[22] What therefore he had learned in torturing Christians, by custom he exercised on all.2 No <punishment> was slight with him — not islands, not prisons, not mines; but fire and the savage cross were daily and easy for him. 3 Household servants and administrators were corrected with the lance.

In causa [poena] capitis [et] animadversio gladii admodum paucis quasi beneficium deferebatur, qui ob merita vetera impetraverant bonam mortem. 4 Iam illa <prae> his levia fuerant: eloquentia extincta, causidici sublati, iure consulti aut relegati aut necati. Litterae autem inter malas artes habitae et qui eas noverant, pro inimicis hostibusque protriti et execrati.

In cases of [punishment] of the head [and] the application of the sword were conferred to very few, as if a favor, those who by former merits had obtained a good death. 4 Now those <prae> these had been light: eloquence extinguished, the advocates removed, jurists either exiled or slain. Letters, however, were held among the evil arts, and those who knew them were driven down and execrated as enemies and foes.

5 Licentia rerum omnium solutis legibus adsumpta et iudicibus data. Iudices militares humanitatis litterarum rudes sine adsessoribus in provincias immissi.

5 With liberty of all things assumed when laws were loosened and handed over to judges. Military judges, unlearned in the humanities of letters, were sent into the provinces without assessors.

[23] At vero illud publicae calamitatis et communis luctus omnium fuit, census in provincias et civitates semel missus. Censitoribus ubique diffusis et omnia exagitantibus hostilis tumultus et captivitatis horrendae species erant.2 Agri glebatim metiebantur, vites et arbores numerabantur, animalia omnis generis scribebantur, hominum capita notabantur; in civitatibus urbanae ac rusticae plebes adunatae, fora omnia gregibus familiarum referta; unus quisque cum liberis, cum servis aderant, tormenta ac verbera personabant, filii adversus parentes suspendebantur, fidelissimi quique servi contra dominos vexabantur, uxores adversus maritos.

[23] But indeed that was a public calamity and the common mourning of all: the census was once sent into the provinces and cities. With census-takers spread everywhere and examining everything, there were hostile tumults and the horrifying spectacles of captivity.2 Fields were reaped glebe by glebe, vines and trees were numbered, animals of every kind were entered on registers, the heads of men were noted; in cities, both urban and rural, the plebs was gathered together, all the fora filled with herds of households; each one was present with his children and with his slaves, torments and scourges resounded, sons were suspended against their parents, the most faithful of servants were set against their masters, wives against their husbands.

3 Si omnia defecerant, ipsi contra se torquebantur et cum dolor vicerat, adscribebantur quae non habebantur. 4 Nulla aetatis, valitudinis excusatio, aegri et debiles deferebantur, aestimabantur aetates singulorum, parvulis adiciebantur anni, senibus detrahebantur. Luctu et maestitia plena omnia.

3 If all things had failed, they themselves were turned against one another, and when pain prevailed, things not possessed were inscribed as theirs. 4 No excuse of age or of health availed: the sick and the weak were reported, the ages of individuals were estimated, years were added to the little ones, and taken away from the old. All was full of mourning and sadness.

5 Quae veteres ad versus victos iure belli fecerant, et ille adversus Romanos Romanisque subiectos facere ausus est, quia parentes eius censui subiugati fuerant, quem Traianus Daciis assidue rebellantibus poenae gratia victor imposuit. 6 Post hoc pecuniae pro capitibus pendebantur et merces pro vita dabatur. Non tamen isdem consistoribus fides habebatur, sed alii super alios mittebantur tamquam plura inventuri, et ut duplicabatur semper, illis non invenientibus, sed ut libuit addentibus, ne frustra missi viderentur.

5 What the ancients had done to those conquered by the law of war, he dared to do against the Romans and those subject to the Romans, because his parents had been subjected to the census — which Trajan, as victor over the Dacians continuously rebelling, imposed for the sake of punishment. 6 After this money was demanded per head and ransoms were given for life. Yet confidence was not placed in the same census-officials, but some were sent over others as if to discover more, and so it was always doubled — those not finding, but those adding as they pleased, lest they appear to have been sent in vain.

7 Interea minuebantur animalia et mortales obibant et nihilo minus solvebantur tributa pro mortuis, ut nec vivere iam nec mori saltim gratis liceret. Mendici supererant soli a quibus nihil exigi posset; quos ab omni genere iniuriae tutos miseria et infelicitas fecerat. 8 Atque homo iste pius misertus est illis, ut non egerent.

7 Meanwhile beasts were dwindling and mortals were dying, and nevertheless tributes were paid for the dead, so that neither to live now nor at least to die was permitted gratis. Beggars alone remained from whom nothing could be exacted; misery and unhappiness had made them safe from every kind of injury. 8 And that pious man took pity on them, so that they were not in want.

Congregari omnes iussit et exportatos naviculis in mare mergi. Adeo hominem misericordem, qui providerit ne quis illo imperante miser esset! 9 Ita dum cavet ne quis simulatione mendicitatis censum subterfugiat, multitudinem verorum miserorum contra omne ius humanitatis occidit.

He ordered that all be gathered and that those carried off in little boats be plunged into the sea. So merciful a man, who provided that no one, while he ruled, should be miserable! 9 Thus, while he guarded that no one should evade the census by a pretence of mendicity, he slew a multitude of truly wretched people contrary to every law of humanity.

[24] Iam propinquavit illi iudicium dei secutumque tempus est quo res eius dilabi ac fluere coeperunt.2 Nondum animum intenderat ad evertendum pellendumve Constantium, dum est occupatus his rebus quas superius exposui; et expectabat obitum eius, sed tamen celeriter non putabat obiturum. 3 Qui cum graviter laboraret, miserat litteras, ut filium suum Constantinum remitteret sibi videndum, quem iam dudum <frustra repetierat>. 4 Ille vero nihil minus volebat.

[24] Now the judgment of God drew near to him, and the time followed in which his affairs began to slip away and to flow.2 He had not yet bent his mind to overthrowing or expelling Constantine, since he was occupied with those matters which I have set forth above; and he awaited his death, yet he did not think that he would die quickly. 3 Who, when he was grievously ill, had sent letters that his son Constantine be sent back to him to be seen, whom already long ago . 4 He, however, desired nothing of the sort.

Nam et [in] insidiis saepe iuvenem adpetiverat, quia palam nihil audebat, ne contra se arma civilia et, quod maxime verebatur, odia militum concitaret, <et> sub obtentu exercitii ac lusus feris illum obiecerat, 5 sed frustra, quoniam dei manus hominem protegebat. Qui illum de manibus eius liberavit in ipso cardine. Namque saepius <rogatus> cum iam diu negare non posset, dedit illi sigillum inclinante iam die praecepitque, ut postridie mane acceptis mandatis proficisceretur, vel ipse illum occasione aliqua retentaturus vel praemissurus litteras, ut [Constantinus] a Severo teneretur.

For even in ambushes he had often attacked the youth, because he ventured nothing openly, lest he stir up civil arms against himself and, what he most feared, the hatreds of the soldiers, <et> under the pretext of exercise and games he had exposed him to wild beasts, 5 but in vain, since the hand of God protected the man. Who freed him from his hands on the very threshold. For oftentimes <rogatus>, when he could no longer deny for long, gave him a seal, the day already inclining, and ordered that on the next morning, having received the commands, he should set out, either that he himself by some occasion would detain him or would send letters ahead, so that [Constantinus] might be held by Severus.

6 Quae cum ille prospiceret, quiescente iam imperatore post cenam properavit exire sublatisque per mansiones multas omnibus equis publicis evolavit. 7 Postridie imperator eum cum consulto ad medium diem usque dormisset, vocari eum iubet. Dicitur ei post cenam statim profectus.

6 Which when he foresaw, with the emperor now resting after dinner he hurried to depart, and, having taken up from many mansiones all the public horses, he rode off; 7 the next day, the emperor, who had deliberately slept until mid-day, ordered that he be summoned. It is said that he set out at once after dinner.

Indignari ac fremere coepit. Poscebat equos publicos, ut eum retrahi faceret. Nudatus ei cursus publicus nuntiatur.

He began to be indignant and to rage. He demanded the public horses, that they should cause him to be drawn back. Stripped, his public conveyance was announced to him.

Vix lacrimas tenebat. 8 At ille incredibili celeritate usus pervenit ad patrem iam deficientem, qui ei militibus commendato imperium per manus tradidit. Atque ita in lecto suo requiem vitae, sicut optabat, accepit.

He could scarcely hold back his tears. 8 But he, using incredible celerity, reached his father already failing, who, the command having been entrusted to the soldiers, delivered the imperium to him by his hands. And thus in his own bed he received the rest of his life, as he had wished.

9 Suscepto imperio Constantinus Augustus nihil egit prius quam Christianos cultui ac deo suo reddere. Haec fuit prima eius sanctio sanctae religionis restitutae.

9 Having taken up the empire, Constantine Augustus did nothing first but restore Christians to their cult and to his God. This was his first sanction of the restored holy religion.

[25] Paucis post diebus laureata imago eius adlata est ad malam bestiam. Deliberavit diu an susciperet.2 In eo paene res fuit, ut illam et ipsum qui attulerat exureret, nisi eum amici ab illo furore flexissent admonentes eum periculi, quod universi milites, quibus invitis ignoti Caesares erant facti, suscepturi Constantinum fuissent atque ad eum concursuri alacritate summa, si venisset armatus.

[25] A few days later his laureate image was carried to the savage beast. He deliberated long whether to receive it.2 The matter was almost such that he would have burned that image and the man who had brought it, had not his friends turned him from that fury, admonishing him of the danger — that all the soldiers, to whom, against their wills, unknown Caesars had been set over them, would have taken up Constantine and, if he had come armed, would have run together to him with the greatest alacrity.

3 Suscepit itaque imaginem admodum invitus atque ipsi purpuram misit, ut ultro ascivisse illum in societatem videretur. 4 Iam turbatae rationes eius fuerant nec poterat alterum extra numerum nuncupare, ut voluerat. 5 Sed illud excogitavit, ut Severum, qui erat aetate maturior, Augustum nuncuparet, Constantinum vero non imperatorem, sicut erat factus, sed Caesarem cum Maximino appellari iuberet, ut eum de secundo loco reiceret in quartum.

3 He therefore received the image very unwillingly and sent him the purple, so that he might seem to have voluntarily admitted him into the society. 4 By now his arrangements had been disturbed and he could not name another beyond the number, as he had wished. 5 But he devised that Severus, who was more mature in years, should be named Augustus, and that Constantine, although he had been made imperator, should be ordered to be called Caesar together with Maximinus, so that he would be cast back from the second place into the fourth.

[26] Compositae ei res quodam modo iam videbantur, cum subito illi alius terror adlatus est, generum ipsius Maxentium Romae factum imperatorem. Cuius motus haec fuit causa.2 Cum statuisset censibus institutis orbem terrae devorare, ad hanc usque prosiluit insaniam, ut ab hac captivitate ne populum quidem Romanum fieri vellet immunem.

[26] Things now seemed in some way settled for him, when suddenly another terror was brought — that his son‑in‑law Maxentius had been made emperor in Rome. The cause of whose movement was this.2 When he had resolved, with the censuses established, to devour the world, he sprang into such madness that from this captivity he would not even wish the Roman people to be exempt.

Ordinabantur iam censitores qui Romam missi describerent plebem. 3 Eodem fere tempore castra quoque praetoria sustulerat. Itaque milites pauci, qui Romae in castris relicti erant, opportunitatem nancti occisis quibusdam iudicibus non invito populo, qui erat concitatus, Maxentium purpuram induerant.

Censors were already being appointed who, sent to Rome, would enrol the people. 3 At almost the same time he had also removed the praetorian camp. And so a few soldiers who had been left in the camps at Rome, having seized an opportunity — with some judges slain and the people, who had been stirred up, not unwilling — had put on Maxentius’s purple.

4 Quo nuntio allato aliquantum rei novitate turbatus est nec tamen nimium territus. Et oderat hominem et tres Caesares facere non poterat. Satis visum est semel fecisse quod noluit.

4 On the bringing of that message he was somewhat disturbed by the novelty of the matter, yet not overly terrified. And he hated the man, and could not make three Caesars. It seemed sufficient that he had once done what he did not wish.

5 Severum arcessit, hortatur ad recipiendum imperium. Mittit eum cum exercitu Maximiani ad expugnandum Maxentium, et mittit Romam. In qua milites illi summis deliciis saepissime excepti non modo salvam esse illam urbem, sed ibi vivere optarent.

5 He summons Severus, urging him to accept the empire. He sends him with the army of Maximian to overthrow Maxentius, and sends him to Rome. In which those soldiers, most often welcomed with the highest delights, not only wished that that city be safe, but even chose to live there.

6 Maxentius tanti facinoris sibi conscius, licet iure hereditatis paternos milites traducere ad se posset, cogitans tamen fieri posse ut Maximianus socer id ipsum metuens Severum in Illyrico relinqueret atque ipse cum suo exercitu ad se oppugnandum veniret, quaerebat quatenus se a periculo impendente muniret. 7 Patri suo post depositum imperium in Campania moranti purpuram mittit et bis Augustum nominat. Ille vero et rerum novarum cupidus et qui deposuerat invitus, libenter arripuit.

6 Maxentius, conscious of so great a crime, although by the right of inheritance he could transfer his father's soldiers to himself, yet thinking that it might happen that Maximian, fearing that very thing, would leave Severus in Illyricum and himself come with his army to attack him, sought how far he might fortify himself against the impending danger. 7 To his father, who, after having laid down the empire, was remaining in Campania, he sends the purple and proclaims him Augustus twice. That man, both eager for novelties and one who had been deposed unwillingly, gladly seized it.

8 Severus interim vadit et ad muros urbis armatus accedit. Statim milites sublatis signis abeunt et se <ei> contra quem venerant, tradunt. 9 Quid restabat deserto nisi fuga?

8 Meanwhile Severus goes and armed approaches the walls of the city. Immediately the soldiers, with their standards lifted, depart and deliver themselves to <ei> against whom they had come. 9 What remained for the man deserted but flight?

Sed occurrebat iam resumpto imperio Maximianus, cuius adventu Ravennam confugit ibique se cum paucis militibus inclusit. 10 Qui cum videret futurum ut Maximiano traderetur, dedidit se ipse vestemque purpuream eidem a quo acceperat, reddidit. 11 Quo facto nihil aliud impetravit nisi bonam mortem.

But Maximian now opposed the restored rule; on his arrival he fled to Ravenna and there shut himself up with a few soldiers. 10 When he saw that it would come to pass that he would be handed over to Maximian, he surrendered himself and restored the purple garment to the same man from whom he had received it. 11 With this done he obtained nothing else but a good death.

Nam venis eius incisis leniter mori coactus est. [Ab hoc capite suos persequi.]

For his veins having been cut, he was compelled to die gently. [From this chapter his followers pursue his own account.]

[27] Herculius vero cum Maximiani nosset insaniam, cogitare coepit illum audita nece Severi inflammatum ira susceptis inimicitiis cum exercitu esse venturum et fortasse adiuncto Maximino ac duplicatis copiis, quibus resisti nullo modo posset, urbe munita et rebus diligenter instructa proficiscitur in Galliam, ut Constantinum partibus suis conciliaret suae minoris filiae nuptiis.2 He, however, when he knew Maximianus’ madness, began to think that, Severus having been reported slain, inflamed by anger at the received enmities he would come with an army, and perhaps with Maximinius joined and with doubled forces, against which one could in no way resist; and from a fortified city, carefully provided with all things, he set out into Gaul, that he might reconcile Constantine to his side by the marriage of his younger daughter. Meanwhile that man, having gathered an army, invaded Italy, approached the city to destroy the senate and to slaughter the people; but he found everything closed and fortified. There was no hope of breaking in, the assault difficult, and not enough troops to invest the walls; for he who had never seen Rome judged it to be not much larger than the cities he knew.

3 Tunc quaedam legiones detestantes scelus, quod socer generum oppugnaret et quod Romani milites Romam, translatis signis imperium reliquerunt. 4 Et iam ceteri milites nutabant, cum ille fracta superbia dimissisque animis Severi exitum metuens ad pedes militum provolutus orabat ne hosti traderetur, donec promissis ingentibus flexit animos eorum et retro signa convertit ac fugam trepidus capessivit, in qua opprimi facillime potuit, si cum paucis quispiam sequeretur. 5 Quod cum timeret, dedit militibus potestatem ut dispersi quam latissime diriperent omnia vel corrumperent, ut si quis insequi voluisset, utensilia non haberet.

3 Then certain legions, detesting the crime that the father‑in‑law was attacking his sons‑in‑law and that the Roman soldiers, the standards having been transferred, had abandoned Rome and relinquished the command. 4 And now the remaining soldiers were wavering, when he, his pride broken and his spirits cast down, fearing Severus’s fate, fell prostrate at the soldiers’ feet and begged not to be handed over to the enemy; until, with vast promises, he bent their minds, turned the standards back, and began a trembling flight, in which he could very easily have been crushed, if anyone had pursued with a few men. 5 Because he feared this, he gave the soldiers leave to spread out and plunder everything as widely as possible or to destroy it, so that if anyone wished to pursue, they would not have utensils to use.

6 Vastata est igitur ea pars Italiae qua pestiferum illud agmen incessit, expilata omnia, mulieres corruptae, virgines violatae, extorti parentes et mariti, ut filias, ut coniuges, ut opes suas proderent. Abactae tamquam de barbaris praedae pecorum ac iumentorum. 7 Hoc modo se ad sedes suas recepit, cum Romanus quondam imperator, nunc populator Italiae, hostiliter universa vexasset.

6 That part of Italy therefore was laid waste through which that pestiferous column marched: everything plundered, women defiled, virgins violated, parents and husbands extorted to surrender their daughters, their wives, their riches. Driven off as if booty of cattle and beasts of burden by barbarians. 7 Thus he returned to his seats, after the Roman—once an emperor, now the ravager of Italy—had hostilely laid everything waste.

8 Olim quidem ille ut nomen imperatoris acceperat, hostem se Romani nominis erat professus, cuius titulum immutari volebat, ut non Romanum imperium, sed Daciscum cognominaretur.

8 Once indeed, when he had received the name of emperor, he had professed himself an enemy of the Roman name, and he wished that its title be changed, so that the Roman empire would not be called Roman but be surnamed Dacian.

[28] Post huius fugam cum se Maximianus alter e Gallia recepisset, habebat imperium commune cum filio. Sed iuveni magis parebatur quam seni, quippe cum prior et maior filii potestas, qui etiam patri reddiderat imperium.2 Ferebat iniquo animo senex quod non posset libere facere quae vellet, et filio suo puerili aemulatione invidebat.

[28] After this flight, when the other Maximian had withdrawn from Gaul, they held the imperium together with his son. But the younger was obeyed more than the old man, since he was prior and the son’s power greater, who had even restored the imperium to his father.2 The old man bore it with an unjust spirit that he could not freely do what he wished, and envied his son with a puerile rivalry.

Cogitabat ergo expellere adulescentem, ut sibi sua vindicaret: quod facile videbatur, quia milites <ei> erant qui Severum reliquerant. 3 Advocavit populum ac milites quasi contionem de praesentibus rei publicae malis habiturus. De quibus cum multa dixisset, convertit ad filium manus et illum esse dicens auctorem malorum, illum principem calamitatum, quas res publica sustineret, deripuit ab humeris eius purpuram.

Therefore he plotted to expel the youth, in order to reclaim his own rights for himself: which seemed easy, because the soldiers were his who had deserted Severus. 3 He summoned the people and the soldiers as if to a contio to speak about the present ills of the res publica. After he had said much about these, he turned his hands upon his son, declaring him the author of evils, the prince of the calamities which the res publica endured, and he tore the purple from his shoulders.

4 Exutus ille praecipitem se de tribunali dedit et a militibus exceptus est. Quorum ira et clamore perturbatus est senex impius et ab urbe Roma tamquam Superbus alter exactus [est].

4 Stripped of it, he threw himself headlong from the tribunal and was caught by the soldiers. Disturbed by their anger and shouting, the impious old man was driven out from the city of Rome as another Superbus [was].

[29] Rediens rursus in Gallias, ubi aliquantum moratus [est], profectus ad hostem filii sui Maximianum, quasi ut de componendo rei publicae statu [et] cum eo disputaret, re autem vera, ut illum per occasionem reconciliationis occideret ac regnum eius teneret exclusus a suo.2 Quo cumque venisset, aderat ibi Diocles a genere nuper accitus, ut quod ante non fecerat, praesente illo imperium Licinio daret substituto in Severi locum. Itaque fit utroque praesente.

[29] Returning again into Gaul, where he lingered for a while, he set out against his son's enemy Maximianus, ostensibly as if to dispute with him about composing the state of the republic, but in truth so that, by the occasion of a reconciliation, he might put him to death and hold his kingdom, he himself being shut out from his own.2 Wherever he had come, there was present Diocles, recently summoned from his line, so that what he had not done before, with that man present he would give the imperium to Licinius, appointed in Severus's place. And so it happened with both present.

Sic uno tempore sex fuerunt. 3 Qua re impeditis consiliis senex Maximianus tertiam quoque fugam moliebatur: Redit in Galliam plenus malae cogitationis ac sceleris, ut Constantinum imperatorem, generum suum, generi filium, dolo malo circumveniret, et ut posset fallere, deponit regiam vestem. Francorum gens in armis erat.

Thus at one time there were six. 3 Whereupon, his plans impeded, the old man Maximian was plotting a third flight as well: he returned into Gaul full of evil thought and crime, that by wicked deceit he might entrap Constantine the emperor, his son-in-law, the son of his son-in-law, and that, in order that he might be able to deceive, he laid aside the royal robe. The people of the Franks were in arms.

4 Persuadet nihil suspicanti, ne omnem secum exercitum duceret. Paucis militibus posse barbaros debellari , ut et ipse haberet exercitum quem occuparet, et ille opprimi posset ob militum paucitatem. 5 Credit adulescens ut perito ac seni, paret ut socero: proficiscitur relicta militum parte maiore.

4 He persuades the unsuspecting man not to lead the whole army with him. That with few soldiers the barbarians can be subdued, so that he himself might have an army to seize, and that the other could be overwhelmed on account of the small number of soldiers. 5 The young man believes him as one experienced and old, obeys him as a son‑in‑law to his father‑in‑law: he sets out having left the greater part of the soldiers behind.

Ille paucis diebus expectatis cum iam Constantinum aestimaret intrasse fines barbarorum, repente purpuram sumit, thesauros invadit, donat ut solet large; fingit de Constantino quae in ipsum protinus recciderunt. 6 Imperatori propere quae gesta sunt, nuntiantur. Admirabili celeritate cum exercitu revolat.

He, a few days having been waited, when he judged that Constantine had already entered the borders of the barbarians, suddenly takes the purple, seizes the treasuries, gives lavishly as he is wont; he invents things about Constantine which immediately recoiled upon himself. 6 The deeds that had occurred are quickly reported to the emperor. With admirable swiftness he flies back with the army.

Opprimitur homo ex improviso, nondum satis instructus, milites ad imperatorem suum redeunt. 7 Occupaverat Massiliam et portas observaverat. Accedit propius imperator et in muro adstantem alloquitur, non aspere nec hostiliter, sed rogat quid sibi voluisset, quod ei defuisset, cur faceret quod ipsum praecipue non deceret.

Opprimitur homo ex improviso, nondum satis instructus, milites ad imperatorem suum redeunt. 7 He had seized Massilia and had watched the gates. The emperor draws nearer and addresses him, standing on the wall, not harshly nor hostilely, but asks what he had wished for himself, what had been lacking to him, and why he did that which especially was unbecoming to him.

Ille vero ingerebat maledicta de muris. 8 Tum subito a tergo eius portae reserantur, milites recipiuntur. Attrahitur ad imperatorem rebellis imperator, pater impius, socer perfidus.

He indeed uttered curses against the walls. 8 Then suddenly the gates at his rear are opened, the soldiers are taken back. The rebel emperor is led to the emperor — an impious father, a perfidious father-in-law.

Audit scelera quae fecit, detrahitur ei vestis et increpito vita donatur.

He hears the crimes which he committed; his garment is stripped from him, and life is granted with rebuke.

[30] Sic amisso imperatoris ac soceri honore humilitatis impatiens alias rursus insidias machinatus est, quia semel habuit impune.2 Vocat filiam Faustam eamque nunc precibus nunc blandimentis sollicitat ad proditionem mariti, alium digniorem virum pollicetur; petit, cubiculum patens relinqui et neglegentius custodiri sinat. 3 Pollicetur illa facturam et refert protinus ad maritum.

[30] Thus, having lost the honor of the emperor and of his father-in-law, impatient of humiliation he again contrived other plots, because he had once gone unpunished.2 He summons his daughter Fausta and, now by prayers, now by blandishments, entices her to the betrayal of her husband, promises another man more worthy; he asks that the bedchamber be left open and that it be suffered to be guarded more negligently. 3 She promises that she will do it and at once reports back to her husband.

Componitur scaena qua manifesto facinus teneretur. Supponitur quidam vilis eunuchus qui pro imperatore moriatur. 4 Surgit ille nocte intempesta, videt omnia insidiis opportuna.

A scene is arranged in which the crime would be manifestly committed. A certain lowly eunuch is substituted who is to die for the emperor. 4 That man rises in the unseasonable night, and sees everything suitable for the ambushes.

Rari excubitores erant et ii quidem longius; quibus tamen dicit vidisse somnium quod filio suo narrare vellet. Ingreditur armatus et spadone obtruncato prosilit gloriabundus ac profitetur quid admiserit. 5 Repente se ex altera parte Constantinus ostendit cum globo armatorum.

There were few sentinels, and those indeed were farther off; to whom, however, he says he had seen a dream which he wished to relate to his son. He enters armed and, the spadone having been cut down, springs forward boastful and professes what he had committed. 5 Suddenly Constantine shows himself from the other side with a host of armed men.

Profertur e cubiculo cadaver occisi; haeret manifestarius homicida et mutus stupet, quasi

The corpse of the slain is carried forth from the chamber; the manifest witness clings to the murderer and the mute man stands stupefied, as if

          dura silex aut stet Marpesia cautes
          impietatis ac sceleris increpatur. Postremo datur ei potestas liberae mortis,
          ac nodum informis leti trabe nectit ab alta.

          let hard flint or the Marpesian crag stand
          he is reproved for impiety and crime. Finally he is granted the power of a free death,
          and from on high he ties the knot of shapeless death with a beam.

6 Ita ille Romani nominis maximus imperator, qui post longum temporis intervallum cum ingenti gloria viginti annorum vota celebravit, eliso et fracto superbissimo gutture vitam detestabilem turpi et ingeminosa morte finivit.

6 Thus that greatest imperator of the Roman name, who after a long interval of time with great glory celebrated the vows of twenty years, with his most superb throat crushed and broken finished a detestable life by a shameful and double death.

[31] Ab hoc deus religionis ac populi sui vindex oculos ad Maximianum alterum transtulit, nefandae persecutionis auctorem, ut in eo etim maiestatis ostenderet, iam de agendis et ipse vicennalibus cogitabat.2 <Et ut>, qui iam dudum provincias afflixerat auri argentique indictionibus factis, quae promiserat redderet, etiam in nomine vicennalium securem alteram inflixit. 3 Qua vexatione generis humani exactio celebrata sit maxime rei annonariae, quis enarrare digne potest?

[31] From him the god, avenger of religion and of his people, turned his eyes to the other Maximian, the author of the wicked persecution, that in him he might also show the force of his majesty; and now he himself was thinking likewise about carrying out the vicennalia.2 And since he had long before afflicted the provinces with levies of gold and silver by certain assessments, that he might restore what he had promised, he also in the name of the vicennalia inflicted a second axe. 3 By what vexation of the human race that exacting was celebrated, above all in matters of the grain supply, who can rightly relate?

Officiorum omnium milites vel potius carnifices singulis adhaerebant. Cui prius satisfieret, incertum, venia non habentibus nulla. Sustinendi multiplices cruciatus, nisi exhiberetur statim quod non erat.

Soldiers of every duty, or rather executioners, clung to each individual. To whom they should first render satisfaction was uncertain; to those lacking pardon there was none. Many tortures had to be endured, unless immediately that which did not exist was produced.

4 Multis custodiis circumsaepto nulla respirandi facultas, nullo tempore anni vel exigua requies. Frequens super isdem hominibus vel ipsis iudicibus vel militibus iudicum pugna. Nulla area sine exactore, nulla vindemia sine custode, nihil ad victum laborantibus relictum.

4 Enclosed by many guards, no faculty of breathing, at no time of the year or only scant repose. Frequent fighting over the same men, even the judges themselves or the judges' soldiers. No area without an exactor, no vintage without a custodian, nothing left for those laboring for sustenance.

Quae quamquam intolerabilia sint, eripi ab ore hominum cibos labore quaesitos, tamen sustentabile aliquo modo vel spe futurorum. 5 Quid vestis omnis generis? Quid aurum?

Which things, although they are intolerable — that foods sought by labour are snatched from the mouths of men — are nevertheless in some way supportable, even by the hope of the future. 5 What of garments of every kind? What of gold?

Quid argentum? Nonne haec necesse est ex venditis fructibus comparari? Unde igitur haec, o dementissime tyranne, praestabo, cum omnes fructus auferas, universa nascentia violenter eripias?

What of silver? Surely these things must necessarily be procured from the fruits sold? Whence then, O most demented tyrant, shall I provide them, when you take away all the fruits and violently snatch up all things newly born?

6 Quis ergo non bonis suis eversus est, ut opes, quae sub imperio eius fuerunt, conraderentur ad votum, quod non erat celebraturus?

6 Who then has not been deprived of his goods, that the opes which were under his imperium might be squandered for the vow which he was not going to celebrate?

[32] Nuncupato igitur Licinio imperatore Maximinus iratus nec Caesarem se nec tertio loco nominari volebat.2 Mittit ergo ad eum saepe legatos, orat sibi pareat, dispositionem suam servet; cedat aetati et honorem deferat canis. 3 At ille tollit audacius cornua et praescriptione temporis pugnat: sese priorem esse debere, qui prior sumpserit purpuram; preces eius et mandata contempsit.

[32] Now therefore, with Licinius proclaimed emperor, Maximinus, enraged, would not have himself named either Caesar nor placed in the third position.2 He therefore often sends legates to him, begs that he obey him, that he keep his disposition/position; that he yield to age and defer the honor to the dog. 3 But he more boldly lifts up his horns and, by a prescription of time, fights his case: that he ought to be prior who first assumed the purple; he scorned his entreaties and commands.

4 Dolet bestia et mugit, quod cum ideo ignobilem fecisset Caesarem, ut sibi obsequens esset, is tamen tanti beneficii sui oblitus voluntati ac precibus suis impie repugnaret. 5 Victus contumacia tollit Caesarum nomen et se Liciniumque Augustos appellat, Maximinum et Constantinum filios Augustorum. Maximinus postmodum scribit quasi nuntians in campo Martio proxime celebrato Augustum se ab exercitu nuncupatum.

4 The beast laments and lows, because although for that reason he had made the ignoble man Caesar so that he might be obedient to him, yet that man, forgetful of so great a benefit, impiously resisted his will and his supplications. 5 Overcome by contumacy he casts off the name of Caesar and calls himself and Licinius Augusti, Maximinus and Constantine sons of the Augusti. Maximinus afterwards writes, as if announcing, that at the Field of Mars lately celebrated he was proclaimed Augustus by the army.

Recepit ille maestus ac dolens et universos quattuor imperatores iubet nominari.

He received it sad and grieving, and ordered that all four emperors be named.

[33] Iam decimus et octavus annus agebatur, cum percussit eum deus insanabili plaga. Nascitur ei ulcus malum in inferiori parte genitalium serpitque latius.2 Medici secant curant.

[33] Now the eighteenth year was being passed, when a god struck him with an incurable plague. An evil ulcer arises for him in the lower part of the genitals and spreads more widely.2 The physicians cut and treat it.

Sed inducta iam cicatrice scinditur vulnus et rupta vena fluit sanguis usque ad periculum mortis, vix tamen cruor sistitur. Nova ex integro cura. Tandem perducitur ad cicatricem.

But, the scar now having been formed, the wound is torn open and a vein ruptured, and blood flows even to the danger of death, yet scarcely is the gore staunched. A new cure afresh. At last he is brought to the cicatrix.

3 Rursus levi corporis m<otu v>ulneratur; plus sanguinis quam ante decurrit. Albescit ipse atque absumptis viribus tenuatur, et tunc quidem rivus cruoris inhibetur. 4 Incipit vulnus non sentire medicinam; proxima quaeque cancer invadit et quanto magis circumsecatur, latius saevit.

3 Again he is wounded by a slight motion of the body (m<otu v>ulneratur); more blood flows away than before. He himself grows pale and, his strength consumed, is weakened, and then indeed the stream of blood is checked. 4 The wound begins not to feel medicine; every neighboring cancer attacks, and the more it is cut around, the more widely it rages.

Quanto curatur, increscit.

The more it is treated, the more it grows.

cessere magistri.
Phillyrides Chiron Amythaoniusque Melampus.

the masters gave way.
Phillyrides, Chiron, Amythaonius, and Melampus.

Undique medici nobiles trahuntur; nihil humanae manus promovent. 5 Confugitur ad idola: Apollo et Asclepius orantur, remedium flagitatur. Dat Apollo curam; malum multo peius augetur.

From all sides noble physicians are drawn; nothing is advanced by the hands of men. 5 One resorts to idols: Apollo and Asclepius are prayed to, a remedy is begged. Apollo grants care; the malady is made all the worse.

6 Iam non longe pernicies aberat et inferiora omnia corripuerat. Conputrescunt forinsecus viscera et in tabem sedes tota dilabitur. Non desinunt tamen infelices medici vel sine spe vincendi mali fovere curare.

6 Now ruin was not far off and had seized all the lower parts. The entrails putrefy outwardly, and the whole seat sinks away into corruption. Yet the unfortunate physicians do not cease even to foster care, tending the malady as if without hope of conquering it.

7 Repercussum medullis malum recidit introrsus et interna comprehendit, vermes intus creantur. Odor it non modo per palatium, sed totam civitatem pervadit. Nec mirum, cum iam confusi essent exitus stercoris et urinae.

7 The malady, recoiling to the marrow, falls back inward and seizes the internal parts, and worms are created within. The odor spreads not only through the palace but throughout the whole city. Nor is it strange, since the outlets of dung and urine had already been confused together.

8 Comestur a vermibus et in putredinem corpus cum intolerandis dorolibus solvitur.

8 The body is eaten by worms and dissolved into putrefaction with intolerable pains.

          Clamores simul horrendos ad sidera tollit,
          quales mugitus, fugit <cum> saucius <aram>
          taurus.

          At once he raises horrendous cries to the stars,
          such as the bellowing, a wounded bull flees the .

9 Adponebantur ad sedem fluentem cocta et calida animalia, ut vermiculos eliceret calor. Quis resolutis inaestimabile scatebat examen et tamen multo maiorem copiam tabescendorum viscerum pernicies fecunda generaverat. 10 Iam diverso malo partes corporis amiserant speciem.

9 Boiled and hot animals were placed at the flowing seat, so that the heat might draw out little worms. Which, with the parts loosened, poured forth an inestimable swarm, and yet the fertile pestilence had bred a much greater abundance of wasting viscera. 10 Already, by a different evil, they had lost the semblance of parts of the body.

Superior usque ad vulnus aruerat et miserabili macie cutis lurida longe inter ossa consederat, inferior sine ulla pedum forma in utrium modum inflata discreverat. 11 Et haec facta sunt per annum perpe tem, cum tandem malis domitus deum coactus est confiteri. Novi doloris urgentis per intervalla exclamat se restituturum dei templum satisque pro scelere facturum.

The upper part had withered up to the wound, and the lurid skin, in miserable emaciation, had sunk far between the bones; the lower part, without any shape of feet, had swollen apart in both directions. 11 And these things occurred for a continuous year, when at last, subdued by evils, he was compelled to confess God. Knowing the urgent new pain, he cried out at intervals that he would restore the temple of God and would make sufficient amends for the crime.

Et iam deficiens edictum misit huiusmodi:

And now, failing, he sent an edict of this kind:

[34] "Inter cetera quae pro rei publicae semper commodis atque utilitate disponimus, nos quidem volueramus antehac iuxta leges veteres et publicam disciplinam Romanorum cuncta corrigere atque id providere, ut etiam Christiani, qui parentum suorum reliquerant sectam, ad bonas mentes redirent,2 siquidem quadam ratione tanta eosdem Christianos voluntas invasisset et tanta stultitia occupasset, ut non illa veterum instituta sequerentur, quae forsitan primum parentas eorundem constituerant, sed pro arbitrio suo atque ut isdem erat libitum, ita sibimet leges facerent quas observarent, et per diversa varios populos congregarent. 3 Denique cum eiusmodi nostra iussio extitisset, ut ad veterum se instituta conferrent, multi periculo subiugati, multi etiam deturbati sunt. 4 Atque cum plurimi in proposito perseverarent ac videremus nec diis eosdem cultum ac religionem debitam exhibere nec Christianorum deum observare, contemplatione mitissimae nostrae clementiae intuentes et consuetudinem sempiternam, qua solemus cunctis hominibus veniam indulgere, promptissimam in his quoque indulgentiam nostram credidimus porrigendam.

[34] "Among the other things which we always arrange for the common good and utility of the res publica, we indeed had wished formerly, according to the old laws and the public discipline of the Romans, to correct and provide for all things so that even Christians, who had abandoned the sect of their parents, might return to good minds,2 since in some manner a will had assailed those same Christians and such folly had possessed them that they did not follow those ancient institutions which perhaps at first their parents had established, but by their own arbitrium and as it pleased them they made laws for themselves to observe, and by differences they gathered diverse peoples together. 3 Finally, when our command had been such that they should be brought back to the institutions of their ancestors, many were subjected to danger, many were even ousted. 4 And when very many persevered in that purpose and we saw that they neither paid the same cult and religion due to the gods nor observed the God of the Christians, beholding with the most gentle contemplation of our clemency and the age-old custom by which we are wont to grant indulgence to all men, we judged our very ready indulgence ought to be extended also in these matters.

Ut denuo sint Chrsitiani et conventicula sua componant, ita ut ne quid contra disciplinam agant. 5 <Per> aliam autem epistolam iudicibus significaturi sumus quid debeant observare. Unde iuxta hanc indulgentiam nostram debebunt deum suum orare pro salute nostra et rei publicae ac sua, ut undique versum res publica praestetur incolumis et securi vivere in sedibus suis possint."

That they be Christians again and settle their conventicles, so that they do nothing against discipline. 5 <Per> moreover, by another letter we will notify the judges what they ought to observe. Wherefore, according to this indulgence of ours, they ought to pray to their God for our safety and for the safety of the res publica and their own, so that the commonwealth may be preserved unharmed everywhere and they may be able to live securely in their dwellings.

[35] Hoc edictum proponitur Nicomediae pridie Kalendas Maias ipso octies et Maximino iterum consulibus.2 Tunc apertis carceribus, Donate carissime, cum ceteris confessoribus e custodia liberatus es, cum tibi carcer sex annis pro domicilio fuerit.3 Nec tamen ille hoc facto veniam sceleris accepit a deo, sed post dies paucos commendatis Licinio coniuge sua et filio atque in manum traditis, cum iam totius corporis membra diffluerent, horrenda tabe consumptus est. 4 Idque cognitum Nicomediae <medio> mensis eiusdem, cum futura essent vicennalia Kalendis Martiis impendentibus.

[35] This edict was posted at Nicomedia on the day before the Kalends of May, with him consul for the eighth time and Maximinus consul again.2 Then, the prisons being opened, most dear Donate, you, with the other confessors, were freed from custody, since the prison had been your home for six years. 3 Nor, however, did he thereby obtain pardon for his crime from God, but after a few days, his Licinius, his wife and his son having been entrusted and handed over into custody, when already the limbs of his whole body were wasting away, he was consumed by a dreadful disease. 4 And this became known at Nicomedia in the <middle> of that same month, when the vicennalia to come were impending on the Kalends of March.

[36] Quo nuntio Maximinus audito dispositis ab Oriente cursibus pervolavit, ut provincias occupa ret ac Licinio morante omnia sibi usque ad fretum Chalcedonium vindicaret, ingressusque Bithyniam, quo sibi ad praesens favorem conciliaret, cum magna omnium laetitia sustulit censum.2 Discordia inter ambos imperatores ac paene bellum. Diversas ripas armati tenebant, sed condicionibus certis pax et amicitia componitur et in ipso fretu foedus fit ac dexterae copulantur.

[36] On hearing that message Maximinus, his forces arrayed from the East, flew across in order to seize the provinces and, Licinius delaying, to claim for himself everything as far as the Chalcedonian strait; and having entered Bithynia, by which for the present he might conciliate favor, he collected the tax with the great joy of all.2 A discord between the two emperors and almost war ensued. They held the opposite banks armed, but on agreed terms peace and friendship were composed, and in the very strait a treaty was made and their right hands clasped.

3 Redit ille securus et fit qualis in Syria et in Aegypto fuit. Imprimis indulgentiam Christianis communi titulo datam tollit, subornatis legationibus civitatum quae peterent, ne intra civitates suas Christianis conventicula extruere liceret, ut suasu coactus et impulsus facere videretur quod erat sponte facturus. 4 Quibus annuens novo more sacerdotes maximos per singulas civitates singulos ex primoribus fecit, qui et sacrificia per omnes deos suos cotidie facerent et veterum sacerdotum ministerio subnixi darent operam, <ut> Christiani neque <conventicula> fabricarent neque publi ce aut privatim coirent, sed comprehensos suo iure ad sacrificia cogerent vel iudicibus offerrent.

3 He returned secure and became as he had been in Syria and in Egypt. First he abolishes the indulgence given to Christians by a common title, having manufactured legations of cities that petitioned, so that it might not be allowed for Christians to erect conventicles within their cities, that by counsel, compelled and urged, he might seem to do what he would have done of his own accord. 4 Assenting to these, in a new manner he made high priests through each city single men from the foremost, who would both perform sacrifices daily to all their gods and, relying on the ministry of the ancient priests, give their service, Christians neither should build nor meet publicly or privately, but when seized be compelled by his authority to sacrifices or be offered to the judges.

5 Parumque hoc fuit, nisi etiam provinciis ex altiore dignitatis gradu singulos quasi pontifices superponeret, et eos utrosque candidis clamidibus ornatos iussit incedere. 6 Facere autem para bat quae iam dudum in Orientis partibus fecerat. Nam cum clementiam specie tenus profiteretur, occidi servos dei vetuit, debilitari iussit.

5 And this would have been little, had he not also set over the provinces, from a higher grade of dignity, each one as it were pontiffs, and ordered both of them to walk about adorned in white cloaks. 6 Moreover he was preparing to do what he had long since done in the parts of the East. For while he professed clemency only in appearance, he forbade the killing of the servants of God and ordered them to be debilitated.

7 Itaque confessoribus effodiebantur oculi, amputaban tur manus, pedes detruncabantur, nares vel auriculae desecabantur.

7 Therefore from the confessors eyes were dug out, hands were amputated, feet were cut off, nostrils or ears were severed.

[37] Haec ille moliens Constantini litteris deterretur, dissimulavit ergo, et tamen si quis inciderat, mari occulte mergebantur. Consuetudinem quoque suam non intermisit ut in palatio per singulos dies sacrificaretur.2 Et hoc primus invenerat, ut animalia omnia quibus vescebatur, non a coquis, sed a sacerdotibus ad aras immolarentur nihilque prorsus mensae adponeretur nisi aut delibatum aut sacrificatum aut perfusum mero, ut quisquis ad cenam vocatus esset, inquinatus inde atque impurus exiret.

[37] While he, bent on these things, was deterred by Constantine’s letters, he therefore dissembled; and yet if anyone had fallen, they were secretly drowned in the sea. He likewise did not cease his custom that sacrifices be offered in the palace every single day.2 And he was the first to contrive this, that all the animals with which they fed themselves should be immolated at the altars not by cooks but by priests, and that nothing at all be set on the table unless either cleansed, or sacrificed, or sprinkled with wine, so that whoever was invited to the meal would go out thence defiled and impure.

3 In ceteris quoque magistri sui similis, nam si quid reliqui vel Diocles vel Maximianus reliquerant, hic abrasit sine ullo pudore auferens omnia. 4 Itaque horrea privatorum claudebantur, apothecae obsignabantur, debita in futuros annos exigebantur. Hinc fames agris ferentibus, hinc caritas inaudita.

3 In other matters also like his master; for if anything had been left by either Diocles or Maximianus, this man scraped it away without any shame, carrying off everything. 4 And so the granaries of private persons were shut, store-rooms were sealed, debts were exacted into future years. Hence famine in the producing fields, hence unheard-of scarcity.

5 Armentorum ac pecorum greges ex agris rapiebantur ad sacrificia cotidiana, quibus suos adeo corruperat, ut aspernarentur annonam. Et effundebat passim sine delectu, sine modo, cum satellites universos, quorum numerus ingens erat, pretiosis vestibus et aureis nummis expungeret, gregariis et tironibus argentum daret, barbaros omni genere largitionis honoraret. 6 Nam quod viventium bona vel auferebat vel dono suis dabat, ut quisque petierat aliena, nescio an agendas illi fuisse gratias putem, quod more clementium latronum incruenta spolia detrahebat.

5 The herds of cattle and flocks of beasts were seized from the fields for the daily sacrifices, by which he had so corrupted his own people that they scorned the provision. And he lavished everywhere without selection, without measure, when he decked out the entire bodyguard, whose number was vast, with costly garments and gold coins, gave silver to the rank-and-file and recruits, and honored the barbarians with every sort of largesse. 6 For what of the living’s goods he either carried off or gave as a gift to his own, as each had asked he took others’ property; I know not whether I should think thanks due to him, since like the more merciful robbers he stripped off bloodless spoils.

[38] Illud vero capitale et supra omnes qui fuerunt, corrumpendi cupiditas! Quid dicam nescio nisi caecam et effrenatam, et tamen his verbis exprimi res pro indignatione sua non potest: vicit officium linguae sceleris magnitudo.2 Eunuchi leones scrutabantur omnia.

[38] But that capital vice, and above all that ever was, the desire to corrupt! What shall I say I do not know, except blind and unbridled; and yet by these words the thing cannot be expressed according to its own indignation: the magnitude of the crime overcame the duty of the tongue.2 Eunuchs and lions searched everything.

Ubicumque liberalior facies erat, secedendum patribus ac maritis fuit. Detrahebantur nobilibus feminis vestes itemque virginibus et per singulos artus inspiciebantur, ne qua pars corporis regio cubili esset indigna. Si qua detractaverat, in aqua necabatur, tamquam maiestatis crimen esset sub illo adultero pudicitia.

Wherever a more liberal visage was, they were to withdraw to their fathers and husbands. Garments were torn off noble women and likewise virgins, and they were inspected through every limb, lest any part of the body be unworthy for the royal bed. If any had been stripped, she was killed in water, as if chastity under that adulterer were a crime against majesty.

3 Aliqui constupratis uxoribus, quas ob castitatem ac fidem carissimas habebant, cum dolorem ferre non possent, se ipsos etiam necaverunt. Sub hoc monstro pudicitiae integritas nulla, nisi ubi barbaram libidinem deformitas insignis arcebat. 4 Postremo hunc iam induxerat morem, ut nemo uxorem sine permissu eius duceret, ut ipse in omnibus nuptiis praegustator esset.

3 Some, their wives having been ravished, whom they held most dear for chastity and faith, since they could not endure the pain, even put themselves to death. Under this monster there was no integrity of chastity, except where a conspicuous deformity kept back the barbarous lust. 4 At last he had now introduced the custom that no one should take a wife without his permission, that he himself should be the praegustator at all marriages.

5 Ingenuas virgines imminutas servis suis donabat uxores. Sed et comites eius sub tali principe imitabantur s<tupra et hospit>um suorum cubilia impune violabant: quis enim vindicaret? Mediocrium filias, ut cuique libuerat, rapiebat.

5 He gave freeborn virgins, diminished, to his servants as wives. But his companions, under such a prince, imitated him, and s<tupra et hospit>um suorum cubilia impune violabant: for who indeed would avenge? He carried off the daughters of the middling classes, as it pleased each one.

Primariae, quae rapi non poterant, in beneficiis petebantur, nec recu sare licebat subscribente imperatore, quin aut pereundum esset aut habendus gener aliquis bar barus. 6 Nam fere nullus stipator in latere ei nisi ex gente eorum qui a Gothis tempore vicennali um terris suis pulsi Maximiano se tradiderant malo generis humani, ut illi barbarum servitutem fugientes in Romanos dominarentur. 7 His satellitibus et protectoribus cinctus Orientem ludibrio habuit.

Firstborn daughters, who could not be seized, were sought in benefices, and it was not permitted to refuse with the emperor subscribing, unless one must either perish or accept some barbarian as son-in-law. 6 For almost no attendant stood at his side except of the race of those who, having been driven from their lands by the Goths in the twenty‑year time, had delivered themselves to Maximian — a scourge of the human kind — so that they, fleeing barbarian servitude, might lord it over the Romans. 7 With these satellites and protectors girding him, he held the East up to derision.

[39] Denique cum libidinibus suis hanc legem dedisset, ut fas putaret quicquid concupisset, ne ab Augusta quidem, quam nuper appellaverat matrem, potuit temperare.2 Venerat post obitum Maximiani ad eum Valeria, cum se putaret in partibus eius tutius moraturam eo maxime, quod habebat uxorem. 3 Sed animal nefarium protinus inardescit.

[39] Finally, when he had given this law to his lusts, that he judged whatever he desired to be lawful, he could not even restrain himself from Augusta, whom he had lately called mother.2 Valeria had come to him after the death of Maximian, since she thought that she would be safer in his quarters, especially because he had a wife. 3 But the nefarious animal straightway burned with passion.

Adhuc in atris vestibus erat mulier nondum luctus tempore impleto, legatis praemissis in matrimonio postulat eiecturus uxorem. Si impetrasset, respondit illa libere quae sola poterat: 4 primo non posse de nuptiis in illo ferali habitu agere tepidus adhuc cineribus mariti sui, patris eius; deinde illum impie facere, quod sibi fidam coniugem repudiet, idem utique facturus et sibi; postremo nefas esse illius nominis ac loci feminam sine more, sine exemplo maritum alterum experiri. 5 Nuntiatur homini quid esset ausa.

She was still in black garments, the period of mourning not yet fulfilled; with envoys sent ahead he demands her for marriage, proposing to cast out the wife. If he had obtained it, she replied freely, as she alone could: 4 first, that she could not enter into nuptials in that funeral attire, her husband's — his father’s — ashes still warm; next, that it would make him impious, since he would repudiate a faithful wife to her, the very same thing he would surely do to himself; lastly, that it was nefas for a woman of that name and place, without custom and without example, to try a second husband. 5 The man is informed of what she had dared.

Libido in iram furoremque convertitur. Statim mulierem proscribit, bona eius rapit, aufert comites, spadones in tormentis necat, ipsam cum matre in exilium relegat nec in locum certum, sed huc atque illuc praecipitem cum ludibrio exturbat et amicas eious afficto adulterio damnat.

Desire is turned into anger and fury. Immediately he proscribes the woman, seizes her goods, carries off her companions, puts the eunuchs to death on the rack, banishes her with her mother into exile — not to any fixed place, but hurls them headlong here and there with derision — and condemns her friends on the charge of adulterous intercourse with him.

[40] Erat clarissima femina, cui ex filiis iuvenibus iam nepotes erant. Hanc Valeria tamquam ma trem alteram diligebat; cuius consilio negatam sibi suspicatur. Dat negotium praesidi Ý Erati neoÝ, ut eam cum dedecore interficiat.

[40] There was a most illustrious woman, who already had grandsons by her young sons. Valeria loved this woman as if a second mother; it was suspected that she had refused (the match) at that woman’s advice. She entrusts the business to the praeses ÝErati neoÝ, that he might put her to death with disgrace.

2 Huic aliae duae adiunguntur aeque nobiles, quarum altera filiam virginem Vestalem Romae reliquerat, furtivae tunc Valeriae familiaris, altera virum habuit senatorem, non nimis Augustae proxima. Sed utraque ob eximiam pulchritudinem corporis ac pudicitiam necabantur. 3 Rapiuntur subito mulieres non ad iudicium, sed ad latrocinium; nec enim quisquam accusator extabat, invenitur quidam Iudaeus ob alia facinora reus, qui spe impunitatis inductus adversus insontes mentiatur.

2 To this woman two other equally noble ones are joined, of whom one had left a daughter, a Vestal virgin, at Rome, then a furtive attendant of Valeria, the other had a husband who was a senator, not unduly near to Augusta. But each was slain on account of the exceptional beauty of her body and her chastity. 3 The women are suddenly seized not for trial but for robbery; for no accuser existed — a certain Jew is found guilty of other crimes, who, led by hope of impunity, lies against the innocent.

Iudex aequus et diligens extra civitatem <eum> cum praesidio, ne lapidibus obruatur, producit. Agebatur haec tragoedia Nicaeae. 4 Inrogantur tor menta Iudaeo, dicit quae iussus <fuerat; illae ne obl>oquerentur, pugnis a tortioribus coercentur.

The just and diligent judge leads him out of the city with a guard, lest he be pelted with stones. This tragedy was being performed at Nicaea. 4 Torments are inflicted on the Jew; he declares what he had been ordered <fuerat; illae ne obl>oquerentur, and the women, so that they should not speak against it, are restrained by the torturers with blows.

Innocentes duci iubentur. Fletus et comploratio non illius tantum mariti qui aderat bene meritae uxori, sed omnium quos res indigna et inaudita contraxerat. 5 Ac ne impetu populi de carnificum manibus raperentur, promoti militari modo instructi, clibanarii, sagittarii prosequuntur.

The innocents are ordered to be led away. There was weeping and lamentation not only from that husband who was present for his well-deserving wife, but from all whom the unworthy and unheard-of affair had drawn together. 5 And lest by the rush of the people they be snatched from the hands of the executioners, the clibanarii, advanced and equipped in military fashion, and the archers escort them.

Ita mediae inter cuneos armatorum ad supplicium deductae. 6 Iacuissentque insepultae domesticis in fugam versis, nisi eas furtiva amicorum misericordia sepelisset. Nec adultero impunitas promissa persolvitur, sed patibulo adfixus aperit omne mysterium et sub extremo spiritu [inquit] omnibus qui videbant, innocentes occisas esse testatur.

Thus led out to execution in the middle between the ranks of the armed. 6 And they would have lain unburied, their household having been put to flight, if the secret mercy of friends had not buried them. Nor is the impunity promised to the adulterer fulfilled, but, nailed to the gallows, he reveals every mystery and, at the last breath, [he said] testifies to all who saw that the slain were innocent.

[41] Augusta vero in desertas quasdam Syriae solitudines relegata patrem suum Diocletianum per occultos gnarum calamitatis suae fecit.2 Mittit ille legatos et rogat, ut ad se filiam remittat; nihil proficit. Iterum ac saepius obsecrat; non remittitur.

[41] But the Augusta, having been relegated into certain deserted solitudes of Syria, made her father Diocletian aware of her calamity by secret messengers. 2 He sends envoys and begs that his daughter be sent back to him; nothing avails. Again and oft he beseeches; she is not returned.

3 Postremo cognatum suum quendam, miltarem ac potentem virum, legat, qui eum beneficiorum suorum admonitum deprecetur. Is quoque imperfecta legatione irritas preces renuntiat.

3 Finally he sends a certain kinsman, a soldier and a powerful man, as legate, that he, reminded of his benefits, might entreat him. He too, with the legation incomplete, declares the prayers to be vain.

[42] Eodemque tempore senis Maximiani statuae Constantini iussu revellebantur et imagines ubicumque pictus esset, detrahebantur. Et quia senes ambo simul plerumque picti erant et imagines simul deponebantur amborum.2 Itaque <Diocletianus> cum videret vivus quod nulli um quam imperatorum acciderat, duplici aegritudine adfectus moriendum sibi esse decrevit.

[42] At the same time the statues of the old man Maximian were torn down by Constantine’s command and his likenesses wherever he had been painted were taken away. And because the two old men were for the most part painted together and the images of both were removed together.2 Therefore <Diocletianus>, when he saw while alive what had befallen no other of the emperors, afflicted by a double sorrow, decreed that he must die.

Iactabat se huc atque illuc aestuante anima per dolorem nec somnum nec cibum capiens. Suspiria et gemitus, crebrae lacrimae, iugis volutatio corporis, nunc in lecto, nunc humi. 3 Ita viginti annorum felicissimus imperator ad humilem vitam deiectus a deo et proculcatus iniuriis atque in odium vitae deductus postremo fame atque angore confectus est.

He was flinging himself hither and thither, his soul seething with pain, taking neither sleep nor food. Sighs and groans, frequent tears, continual tossing of the body, now on the bed, now on the ground. 3 Thus the most fortunate emperor of twenty years, cast down by God to a humble life and trampled by injuries and driven into a hatred of life, at last was overcome by hunger and anguish.

[43] Unus iam supererat de adversariis dei : cius nunc exitum ruinamque subnectam. Cum haberet aemulationem adversus Licinium, quia praelatus ei a Maximiano fuerat, licet nuper cum eo amicitiam confirmasset. Tamen ut audivit Constantini sororem Licinio esse desponsam, existimavit affinitatem illam duorum imperatorum contra se copulari.

[43] One now remained of the enemies of God, : to whom now downfall and ruin were to be fastened. He bore a rivalry against Licinius, because he had been preferred before him by Maximian, although he had lately confirmed friendship with him. Yet when he heard that Constantine’s sister had been betrothed to Licinius, he judged that that alliance of the two emperors was being knit together against him.

3 Et ipse legatos ad urbem misit occulte societatem Maxentii atque amicitiam postulatum. Scribit etiam familiariter. Recipiuntur legati benigne; fit amicitia, utriusque imagines simul locantur.

3 And he himself sent legates to the city secretly, having requested the society and friendship of Maxentius. He also writes familiarly. The legates are received kindly; a friendship is made, and the images of both are placed together.

4 Maxentius tamquam divi num auxilium libenter amplectitur; iam enim bellum Constantino indixerat quasi necem patris sui vindicaturus. 5 Unde suspicio inciderat senem illum exitiabilem finxisse discordiam cum filio, ut ad alios succidendos viam sibi faceret, quibus omnibus sublatis sibi ac filio totius orbis imperium vindicaret. 6 Sed id falsum fuit.

4 Maxentius, as if the aid of the divine one, gladly embraces it; for already he had declared war upon Constantine as though to avenge the death of his father. 5 Whence the suspicion had arisen that that deadly old man had feigned a discord with his son, so as to make a way to strike down others, and with all these removed to claim for himself and his son the empire of the whole world. 6 But that was false.

Nam id propositi habebat, ut et filio et ceteris extinctis se ac Diocletianum restitueret in regnum.

For he had that design: that, with his son and the others removed, he might restore himself and Diocletian to the kingdom.

[44] Iam mota inter eos fuerant arma civilia. Et quamvis se Maxentius Romae contineret, quod responsum acceperat periturum esse, si extra portas urbis exisset, tamen bellum per idoneos duces gerebatur.2 Plus virium Maxentio erat, quod et patris sui exercitum receperat a Severo et suum proprium de Mauris atque Gaetulis nuper extraxerat.

[44] Now civil arms had been stirred among them. And although Maxentius kept himself in Rome, because he had received word that he would perish if he went outside the city gates, nevertheless the war was conducted by capable commanders.2 More strength was with Maxentius, for he had received his father’s army from Severus and had recently drawn up his own from the Mauri and the Gaetuli.

3 Dimicatum, et Maxentiani milites praevalebant, donec postea confirmato animo Constantinus et ad utrumque paratus copias omnes ad urbem propius admovit et a regione pontis Mulvii consedit. 4 Imminebat dies quo Maxentius imperium ceperat, qui est a.d. sextum Kalendas Novembres, et quinquennalia terminabantur. 5 Commonitus est in quiete Constantinus, ut caeleste signum dei notaret in scutis atque ita proelium committeret.

3 A battle was fought, and Maxentius’s soldiers prevailed, until afterwards, Constantine, his spirit confirmed and prepared for either event, drew all his troops nearer to the city and encamped in the region of the Mulvian Bridge. 4 The day on which Maxentius had taken the imperial power was drawing near — which is the 6th day before the Kalends of November — and the five-year games were ending. 5 Constantine was warned in sleep to mark the heavenly sign of God on the shields and thus begin the battle.

Facit ut iussus est et transversa X littera, summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis notat. Quo signo armatus exercitus capit ferrum. Procedit hostis obviam sine imperatore pontemque transgreditur, acies pari fronte concurrunt, summa vi utrimque pugnatur:

As he was ordered, he makes and by a transverse letter X, with the top of the head bent, marks Christ on the shields. By this sign the armed army takes up the sword. The enemy advances to meet them without the emperor and crosses the bridge; the battle-lines clash front to front, and the combat is fought with the greatest force on both sides:

Neque his fuga nota neque illis.

Flight was known neither to these nor to those.

7 Fit in urbe seditio et dux increpitatur velut desertor salutis publicae cumque <conspiceretur>, repente populus--circenses enim natali suo edebat--una voce subclamat Constantinum vinci non posse. 8 Qua voce consternatus proripit se ac vocatis quibusdam senatoribus libros Sibyllinos inspici iubet, in quibus repertum est illo die hostem Romanorum esse periturum. 9 Quo responso in spem victoriae inductus procedit, in aciem venit.

7 A sedition arises in the city and the leader is rebuked as if a deserter of the public safety, and when <was seen>, suddenly the people—for they were holding the games on his birthday—cry out with one voice that Constantine cannot be overcome. 8 Startled by this cry he rushes forth and, certain senators having been summoned, orders the Sibylline books to be inspected, in which it was found that on that day the enemy of the Romans would perish. 9 By this response, led into hope of victory, he advances and comes into the battle line.

Pons a tergo eius scinditur. Eo viso pugna crudescit et manus dei supererat aciei. Maxentianus proterretur, ipse in fugam versus properat ad pontem, qui interruptus erat, ac multitudine fugientium pressus in Tiberim deturbatur.

The bridge at his rear is cut. At the sight of this the battle grows fierce and the hand of God was over the line. Maxentius is put to rout; he himself hastens in flight toward the bridge, which had been broken, and, pressed by the multitude of fugitives, is cast down into the Tiber.

10 Confecto tandem acerbissimo bello cum magna senatus populique Romani laetitia susceptus imperator Constantinus Maximini perfidiam cognoscit, litteras deprehendit, statuas et imagines invenit. 11 Senatus Constantino virtutis gratia primi nominis titulum decrevit, quem sibi Maximinus vindicabat: ad quem victoria liberatae urbis cum fuisset adlata, non aliter accepit, quam si ipse victus esset. 12 Cognito deinde senatus decreto sic exarsit dolore, ut inimicitias aperte profiteretur, convicia iocis mixta adversus imperatorem maximum diceret.

10 The most bitter war at last having been ended, and the emperor Constantine received with great joy by the senate and people of Rome, he learns of Maximinus’s perfidy, discovers letters, and finds statues and images. 11 The senate decreed to Constantine, for the sake of his virtue, the title of the first name, which Maximinus claimed for himself; and when the victory of the liberated city had been brought to him, he received it no otherwise than as if he himself had been vanquished. 12 When he then learned of the senate’s decree, he burned so with sorrow that he openly declared enmities, and uttered insults mixed with jests against the greatest emperor.

[45] Constantinus rebus in urbe compositis hieme proxima Mediolanum concessit. Eodem Licinius advenit, ut acciperet uxorem.2 Maximinus ubi eos intellexit nuptiarum sollemnibus occupatos, exercitum movit e Syria hieme [quam] cum maxime saeviente et mansionibus geminatis in Bithyniam concurrit debilitato agmine.

[45] Constantine, the affairs in the city having been settled, in the next winter withdrew to Mediolanum. Eodem Licinius advenit, ut acciperet uxorem.2 When Maximinus perceived that they were occupied with the solemnities of a wedding, he moved his army from Syria in winter, when it was raging most fiercely, and, with the quarters doubled, hurried into Bithynia with his host weakened.

3 Nam maximis imbribus et nivibus et luto et frigore et labore iumenta omnis generis amissa sunt, quorum miserabilis per viam strages speciem iam futuri belli et similem cladem militibus nuntiabat. 4 Nec ipse intra fines suos moratus est, sed transiecto protinus freto ad Byzantii portas accessit armatus. Erant ibi milites praesidiarii, ad huius modi casus a Licinio conlocati.

3 For by very great rains and snows and by mud and cold and toil beasts of burden of every kind were lost, whose pitiable slaughter along the road already announced the semblance of a war about to be and a like calamity for the soldiers. 4 Nor did he himself remain within his own bounds, but having straightway crossed the strait he came armed to the gates of Byzantium. There were soldiers as a garrison there, placed by Licinius for such kinds of emergencies.

Hos primum muneribus et promissis inlicere temptavit, postea vi et oppugnatione terrere, nec tamen quicquam vis aut promissa valuerunt. 5 Iam consumpti erant dies undecim, per quos fuit spatium nuntios litterasque mittendi ad imperatorem, cum milites non fide, sed paucitate diffisi se ipsos dederunt. Hinc promovit Heracliam et illic eadem ratione detentus aliquot dierum tempus amisit.

At first he tried to entice them with gifts and promises, afterwards to terrify them by force and assault; yet neither force nor promises availed anything. 5 The days had now reached eleven, during which there was opportunity to send messengers and letters to the emperor, since the soldiers, distrusting not in loyalty but in their small numbers, surrendered themselves. From there he advanced to Heraclia, and there, detained by the same circumstance, lost the space of several days.

6 Et iam Licinius festinato itinere cum paucis Hadrianopolim venerat, cum ille accepta et deditionem Perintho aliquantum moratus processit ad mansionem milia decem et octo; nec enim poterat ulterius, Licinio iam secundam mansionem tenente distantem milibus totidem. 7 Qui collectis ex proximo quantis potuit militibus pergebat obviam Maximino, magis ut eum moraretur quam proposito dimicandi aut spe victoriae, quippe cum ille septuaginta milium armatorum exercitum duceret, ipse vix triginta milium numerum collegisset. Sparsi enim milites per diversas regiones fuerant ad adunari omnes angustiae temporis non sinebant.

6 And now Licinius, by a hurried march with a few men, had come to Hadrianopolis, when he, having received the surrender of Perinthus and having delayed somewhat, advanced to the station eighteen miles off; for he could not go further, Licinius already holding a second station at the same distance of eighteen miles. 7 He, having gathered from the neighborhood as many soldiers as he could, proceeded to meet Maximinus, more to detain him than with the design of fighting or in hope of victory, since the latter led an army of seventy thousand armed men, while he himself had scarcely assembled the number of thirty thousand. For the soldiers had been dispersed through diverse regions to be gathered, and the shortness of time did not permit all to be mustered.

[46] Propinquantibus ergo exercitibus iam futurum propediem proelium videbatur.2 Tum Maxi minus eiusmodi votum Iovi vovit, ut si victoriam cepisset, Christianorum nomen extingueret funditusque deleret. 3 Tunc proxima nocte Licinio quiescenti adsistit angelus dei monens, ut ocius surgeret atque oraret deum summum cum omni exercitu suo; illius fore victoriam, si fecisset.

[46] With the armies therefore drawing near, a battle soon seemed imminent.2 Then Maximus vowed to Jupiter a vow of this sort, that if he should have taken victory he would root out and utterly destroy the name of the Christians. 3 Then on the next night, as Licinius was sleeping, an angel of God stood by and warned him that he should quickly rise and pray to the highest God with his whole army; victory would be his if he did so.

4 Post has voces cum surgere sibi visus esset et cum ipse qui monebat adstaret, tunc docebat eum, quomodo et quibus verbis esset orandum. 5 Discusso deinde somno notarium iussit acciri et sicut audierat, haec verba dictavit: »Summe deus, te rogamus, sancte deus, te rogamus. Omnem iustitiam tibi commendamus, salutem nostram tibi commendamus, imperium nostrum tibi commendamus.

4 After these words, when it seemed to him that he ought to rise and when the one who was warning him stood by, then he taught him how and with what words he should pray. 5 Having shaken off sleep, he next ordered a notary to be summoned and, just as he had heard, dictated these words: »Highest God, we ask you, holy God, we ask you. We entrust to you all justice, we entrust to you our safety, we entrust to you our dominion.

Per te vivimus, per te victores et felices existimus. Summe, sancte deus, preces nostras exaudi; bracchia nostra ad te tendimus, exaudi sancte, summe deus." 7 Scribuntur haec in libellis pluribus et per praepositos tribunosquue mittuntur, ut suos quisque milites doceat. Crevit animus universis victoriam sibi credentibus de caelo nuntiatam.

"Per te vivimus, per te victores et felices existimus. Summe, sancte deus, preces nostras exaudi; bracchia nostra ad te tendimus, exaudi sancte, summe deus." 7 These words are written on several little booklets and sent by the praepositi and by the tribunes, that each may teach his soldiers. The spirit of all who believed the victory to have been announced from heaven grew strong.

8 Statuit imperator proelium diei Kalendarum Maiarum, quae octavum annum nuncupationis eius implebant, ut suo potissimum natali vinceretur, sicut ille victus est Romae. 9 Maximinus voluit praeire maturius; pridie mane aciem composuit, ut natalem suum postridie victor celebraret. Nuntiatur in castra movisse Maximinum.

8 The emperor fixed the battle for the day of the Kalends of May, which completed the eighth year of his nuncupation, so that he might above all be vanquished on his own nativity, as that one was vanquished at Rome. 9 Maximinus wished to go forth earlier; on the previous morning he drew up his line of battle, that he might celebrate his birthday the next day as victor. It is reported that Maximinus moved into the camp.

Capiunt milites arma obviamque procedunt. Campus intererat sterilis ac nudus, quem vocant Ergenum. 10 Erat iam utraque acies in conspectu.

The soldiers take up arms and advance to meet them. The plain between was barren and bare, which they call Ergenum. 10 Both battle-lines were already in sight.

Liciniani scuta deponunt, galeas resolvunt, ad caelum manus tendunt praeeuntibus praepositis et pro imperatore precem dicunt. Audit acies peritura precantium murmur. 11 Illi oratione ter dicta virtute iam pleni reponunt capitibus galeas, scuta tollunt.

The Licinians lay down their shields, loosen their helmets, stretch their hands to heaven for those going before placed in charge, and pray for the emperor. The army about to perish hears the murmur of the praying. 11 With the prayer thrice spoken and already full of virtue, they replace their helmets upon their heads and lift up their shields.

Procedunt imperatores ad conloquium. 12 Ferri non potuit Maxi minus ad pacem: contemnebat enim Licinium ac desertum iri a militibus existimabat, quod ille esset in largiendo tenax, ipse autem profusus, eoque proposito moverat bellum, ut exercitu Licinii sine certamine accepto ad Constantinum duplicatis viribus statim pergeret.

The emperors advance to the conference. 12 Maximus could not be brought any more toward peace: for he scorned Licinius and believed that he would be deserted by the soldiers, because he was sparing in largesse while he himself was prodigal, and with that purpose he had stirred up war, so that with Licinius’s army taken without contest he might immediately march against Constantine with doubled forces.

[47] Ergo propius acceditur, tubae canunt, signa procedunt. Liciniani impetu facto adversarios invadunt. Illi vero perterriti nec gladios expedire nec tela iacere quiverunt.

[47] Then they drew nearer, the trumpets sounded, the standards advanced. The Licinians, an onset made, attacked their adversaries. Those, however, terrified, could neither draw their swords nor hurl their spears.

2 Maximinus aciem circumire ac milites Licinianos nunc precibus sollicitare, nunc donis. Nullo loco auditur. Fit impetus in eum et ad suos refugit.

2 Maximinus goes about the battle‑line and now besieges the Licinian soldiers with prayers, now with gifts. He is heard nowhere. An attack is made upon him and he flees back to his own men.

Caedebatur acies eius impune et tantus numerus legionum, tanta vis militum a paucis metebatur. 3 Nemo nominis, nemo virtutis, nemo veterum praemiorum memor; quasi ad devotam mortem, non ad proelium venissent, sic eos deus summus iugulandos subiecit inimicis. Iam strata erat ingens multitudo.

His battle-line was being cut down with impunity, and so great a number of legions, so great a force of soldiers was being reaped by a few. 3 No one of name, no one of courage, no one mindful of the ancient rewards; as if they had come to a devoted death, not to a fight, thus the supreme god subjected them to the enemies to be slaughtered. Already a vast multitude lay strewn.

4 Videt Maximinus aliter rem geri quam putabat. Proiecit purpuram et sumpta veste servili fugit ac fretum traiecit. At in exercitu pars dimidia prostrata est, pars autem vel dedita vel in fugam [est] <con>versa est; ademerat enim pudorem deserendi desertor imperator.

4 Maximinus sees the thing carried otherwise than he had thought. He cast off the purple and, having put on a servile garment, fled and crossed the strait. But in the army half were prostrated, and the rest either surrendered or were turned into flight; for the deserter-emperor had taken away the shame of being deserted.

5 At ille Kalendis Mais, id est una nocte atque una die ***, Nico mediam alia nocte pervenit, cum locus proelii abesset milia centum sexaginta, raptisque filiis et uxore et paucis ex palatio comitibus petivit Orientem. 6 Sed in Cappadocia collectis ex fuga et ab Oriente militibus substitit. Ita vestem resumpsit.

5 But on the Kalends of May, that is in one night and one day ***, Nico arrived in the middle of another night, when the place of battle was distant one hundred sixty miles, and with his sons and wife having been carried off and a few companions from the palace seized, he sought the East. 6 But in Cappadocia, with soldiers gathered from the flight and from the East, he halted. Thus he resumed his robe.

[48] Licinius vero accepta exercitus parte ac distributa traiecit exercitum in Bithyniam paucis post pugnam diebus et Nicomediam ingressus gratiam deo, cuius auxilio vicerat, retulit ac die Iduum Iuniarum Constantino atque ipso ter consulibus de resituenda ecclesia huius modi litteras ad praesidem datas proponi iussit:

[48] Licinius, having received a portion of the army and distributed it, crossed over into Bithynia a few days after the battle, and entering Nicomedia returned thanks to the god by whose aid he had prevailed; and on the Ides of June, with Constantine and himself serving as consuls for the third time, he ordered that letters of this kind, concerning the restoring of the church, given to the praeses, be produced.

2 »Cum feliciter tam ego [quam] Constantinus Augustus quam etiam ego Licinius Augustus apud Mediolanum convenissemus atque universa quae ad commoda et securitatem publicam pertinerent, in tractatu haberemus, haec inter cetera quae videbamus pluribus hominibus profutura, vel in primis ordinanda esse credidimus, quibus divinitatis reverentia continebatur, ut daremus et Christianis et omnibus liberam potestatem sequendi religionem quam quisque voluisset, quod quicquid <est> divinitatis in sede caelesti nobis atque omnibus qui sub potestate nostra sunt constituti, placatum ac propitium possit existere. 3 Itaque hoc consilium salubri ac recticissima ratione ineundum esse credidimus, ut nulli omnino facultatem abnegendam putaremus, qui vel observationi Christianorum vel ei religioni mentem suam dederet quam ipse sibi aptissimam esse sentiret, ut possit nobis summa divinitas, cuius religioni liberis mentibus obsequimur, in omnibus solitum favorem suum benivolentiamque praestare. 4 Quare scire dicationem tuam convenit placuisse nobis, ut amotis omnibus omnino condicionibus quae prius scriptis ad officium tuum datis super Christianorum nomine <continebantur, et quae prorsus sinistra et a nostra clementia aliena esse> videbantur, <ea removeantur.

2 »Since, happily, both I, Constantine Augustus, and I likewise Licinius Augustus had met at Milan, and had the whole business that pertained to the convenience and public security under discussion, among other things which we saw would be profitable to many men, or should be ordered in the first place, we judged these to be established, in which reverence for the divinity was contained, namely that we should give both to Christians and to all a free power to follow whichever religion each wished, so that whatever is of the divinity in the heavenly seat might be placated and propitious to us and to all who are placed under our authority. 3 Therefore we believed that this resolution ought to be entered upon with wholesome and most correct reason, so that in no wise should we think the faculty to be denied to anyone who either adhered to the observance of the Christians or gave his mind to that religion which he himself felt most suitable, that the highest divinity, to whose religion with free minds we yield obedience, may show in all things his customary favor and goodwill to us. 4 Wherefore it is fitting that your jurisdiction know that it pleased us that, all conditions whatever having been removed which were formerly written and given to your office concerning the name of Christians and which seemed utterly hostile and alien to our clemency, those things be removed.

Et> nunc libere ac simpliciter unus quisque eorum, qui eandem observandae religionis Christianorum gerunt voluntatem citram ullam inquietudinem ac molestiam sui id ipsum observare contendant. 5 Quae sollicitudini tuae plenissime significanda esse credidimus, quo scires nos liberam atque absolutam colendae religionis suae facultatem isdem Christianis dedisse. 6 Quod cum isdem a nobis indultum esse pervideas, intellegit dicatio tua etiam aliis religionis suae vel observantiae potestatem similiter apertam et liberam pro quiete temporis nostri <esse> concessam, ut in colendo quod quisque delegerit, habeat liberam facultatem.

And> now freely and simply each one of them who bears the same observance of the Christians’ religion shall strive to observe that very thing without any disturbance or molestation to himself. 5 We thought this should be made fully known to your solicitude, so that you might know we have given to those Christians the free and absolute faculty of practising their religion. 6 And since you perceive that this has been granted by us to those same people, understand that your edict has likewise granted to others the power of their own religion or observance, similarly open and free, for the quiet of our time, so that in worshipping whatever each one has chosen he may have free faculty.

<Quod a nobis factum est ut neque cuiquam> honori neque cuiquam religioni <detractum> aliquid a nobis <videatur>. 7 Atque hoc insuper in persona Christianorum statuendum esse censuimus, quod, si eadem loca, ad quae antea convenire consuerant, de quibus etiam datis ad officium tuum litteris certa antehac forma fuerat comprehensa, priore tempore aliqui vel a fisco nostro vel ab alio quocumque videntur esse mercati, eadem Christianis sine pecunia et sine ulla pretii petitione, postposita omni frustratione atque ambiguitate restituant; qui etiam dono fuerunt consecuti, eadem similiter isdem Christianis quantocius reddant; etiam vel hi qui emerunt vel qui dono fuerunt consecuti, si petiverint de nostra benivolentia aliquid, vicarium postulent, quo et ipsis per nostram clementiam consulatur. Quae omnia corpori Christianorum protinus per intercessionem tuam ac sine mora tradi oportebit. 9 Et quoniam idem Christiani non [in] ea loca tantum ad quae convenire consuerunt, sed alia etiam habuisse noscuntur ad ius corporis eorum id est ecclesiarum, non hominum singulorum, pertinentia, ea omnia lege quam superius comprehendimus, citra ullam prorsus ambiguitatem vel controversiam isdem Christianis id est corpori et conventiculis eorum reddi iubebis, supra dicta scilicet ratione servata, ut ii qui eadem sine pretio sicut diximus restituant, indemnitatem de nostra benivolentia sperent.

<Which has been done by us so that nothing may seem to be taken away by us from any honor or from any religion>. 7 And this moreover we judged ought to be established in the person of the Christians, that if the same places, at which they were formerly wont to meet, which had previously been included in a certain form in the letters given to your office, at an earlier time some appear to have bought either from our fisc or from any other, the same be restored to the Christians without money and without any demand of price, every frustration and ambiguity being set aside; and those things which were acquired as a gift, likewise the same be returned to the same Christians as soon as possible; moreover whether those who bought or those who obtained by gift, if they shall have sought anything from our benevolence, they may demand a vicarage, whereby also by our clemency assistance may be afforded to them. All these things must be delivered forthwith to the body of the Christians through your intercession and without delay. 9 And since the same Christians are known to have had rights not only in those places to which they were wont to assemble, but also in other things pertaining to the right of their body, that is of the churches and not of single men, you shall command that all those things be rendered to the same Christians, that is to their body and their congregations, by the law which we have set down above, without any ambiguity or controversy whatever, the aforesaid manner being observed, so that those who restore the same without price, as we have said, may hope for indemnity from our benevolence.

10 In quibus omnibus supra dicto corpori Christianorum intercessionem tuam efficacissimam exhibere debebis, ut praeceptum nostrum quantocius compleatur, quo etiam in hoc per clementiam nostram quieti publicae consulatur. 11 Hactenus fiet, ut, sicut superius comprehensum est, divinus iuxta nos favor, quem in tantis sumus rebus experti, per omne tempus prospere successibus nostris cum beatitudine publica perseveret. 12 Ut autem huius sanctionis <et> benivolentiae nostrae forma ad omnium possit pervenire notitiam, prolata programmate tuo haec scripta et ubique proponere et ad omnium scientiam te perferre conveniet, ut huius nostrae benivolentiae [nostrae] sanctio latere non possit."

10 In all these things you must render your most effective intercession for the above‑said body of Christians, so that our precept may be fulfilled as soon as possible, whereby also in this matter by our clemency public peace may be provided for. 11 Thus it shall be, that, as has been set forth above, the divine favor toward us, which we have experienced in such affairs, may for all time prosperously endure with our successes together with public felicity. 12 And so that the form of this sanction and of our goodwill may come to the knowledge of all, it will be fitting that you, having carried forward your program, set these writings forth everywhere and bring them to the knowledge of all, so that the sanction of this our goodwill [nostrae] cannot lie hidden.

13 His litteris propositis etiam verbo hortatus est, ut conventicula <in> statum pristinum redderentur. Sic ab eversa ecclesia usque ad restitutam fuerunt anni decem, menses plus minus quattuor.

13 With these letters laid before them he also encouraged by word that the conventicles be restored into their former state. Thus from the church overthrown until the restored one there were ten years, months more or less four.

[49] Sequenti autem Licinio cum exercitu tyrannum profugus concessit et rursus Tauri montis angustias petiit. Munimentis ibidem ac turribus fabricatis iter obstruere conatus est et inde detrusus perrumpentibus omnia victoribus Tarsum postremo confugit.2 Ibi cum iam terra marique premeretur nec ullum speraret refugium; angore animi ac metu confugit ad mortem quasi ad remedium malorum, quae deus in caput eius ingessit.

[49] With Licinius following with the army, the tyrant, having fled, withdrew and again sought the narrows of Mount Taurus. Having there constructed bulwarks and towers, he attempted to block the road, and being driven down from there by those breaking through, he finally fled to Tarsus before the victorious ones.2 There, when he was already pressed by land and sea and hoped for no refuge, in anguish of mind and fear he fled to death as if to a remedy for the evils which God had laid upon his head.

3 Sed prius cibo se infersit ac vino ingurgitavit, ut solent ii qui hoc ultimo se facere arbitrantur, et sic hausit venenum. Cuius vis referto stomacho repersussa valere non potuit in praesens, sed in languorem malum versum est pestilentiae similem, ut diutius protracto spiritu cruciamenta sentiret. Iam saevire in eum coeperat virus.

3 But first he fed himself and gulped down wine, as those do who think to do this last, and so he drank the poison. Its force, driven back upon his distended stomach, could not take effect at once, but turned into a sick languor like pestilence, so that, with the breath prolonged, he felt torments. Already the venom had begun to rage in him.

4 Cuius vi cum praecordia eius furerent, insustentabili dolore usque ad rabiem mentis elatus est, adeo ut per dies quattuor insania percitus haustam manibus terram velut esuriens devoraret. 5 Deinde post multos gravesque cruciatus cum caput suum parietibus infligeret, exilierunt oculi eius de caveis; tunc demum, amisso visu, deum videre coepit candidatis ministris de se iudicantem. 6 Exclamabat ergo sicut ii qui torquentur solent, et non se, sed alios fecisse dicebat.

4 By whose force his breast was raging, he was raised by an unbearable pain to a frenzy of mind, so that for four days, smitten by madness, he with his hands devoured the scooped-up earth as if starving. 5 Then, after many and grievous torments, when he struck his head against the walls, his eyes burst forth from their sockets; then at last, sight lost, he began to see God judging him with ministers clothed in white. 6 He therefore cried out like those who are wont to be tormented, and declared that not he but others had done it.

Deinde quasi tormentis adactus fatebatur Christum subinde deprecans et implorans, ut suimet misereretur. 7 Sic inter gemitus quos tamquam cremaretur edebat, nocentem spiritum detestabili genere mortis efflavit.

Then, as if driven by torments, he confessed Christ, continually begging and imploring that he himself would have mercy. 7 Thus, amid the groans which he uttered as though he were being burned, he breathed out his guilty spirit by a detestable kind of death.

[50] Hoc modo deus universos persecutores nominis sui debellavit, ut eorum nec stirps nec radix ulla remaneret.2 Nam Licinius summa rerum potitus in primis Valeriam, quam Maximinus iratus ne post fugam quidem, cum sibi videret esse pereundum, fuerat ausus occidere, item Candidianum, quem Valeria ex concubina genitum ob sterilitatem adoptaverat, necari iussit. 3 Mulier tamen ut eum vicisse cognovit, mutato habitu comitatui eius se <im>miscuit, ut fortunam Candidiani specularetur; <qui> quia Nicomediae se obtulerat et in honore haberi videbatur, nihil tale metuens occisus est.

[50] In this way God routed all the persecutors of his name, so that neither their stock nor any root remained.2 For Licinius, having obtained the supreme power of affairs, first of all ordered Valeria to be killed — whom Maximinus, enraged, had dared not to put to death even after his flight, when he saw that he himself was fated to die — and likewise Candidianus, whom Valeria had adopted, born of a concubine because of her sterility. 3 The woman, however, when she learned that he had prevailed, having changed her dress mingled herself <im>with his retinue, to observe the fortune of Candidianus; <qui>, because he had presented himself at Nicomedia and seemed to be held in honor, fearing nothing of that sort, was slain.

4 Et illa exitu eius audito protinus fugit. Idem Severi filium Severianum iam aetate robustum, qui fugientem Maximinum fuerat ex acie secutus, tamquam post obitum eius de sumenda purpura cogitasset, capitali sententiae subiectum interemit. 5 Qui omnes Licinium iam pridem quasi malum metuentes, cum lenti Licinio, in omnia Maximiani <bona> hereditatis iure suo <ne> cedere, item Maximino negaverat.

4 And she, when she heard of his exit, immediately fled. The same man killed Severus’s son Severianus, already robust in years, who had followed the fleeing Maximinus from the battle-line, as if he had thought of taking up the purple after his death; he put him to death by a capital sentence. 5 All these, having long feared Licinius as it were an evil, since to the gentle Licinius he had refused to <b>yield the goods</b> of Maximian’s inheritance by his own right, he had likewise denied [them] to Maximinus.

6 Ipsius quoque Maximini filium [suum] maximum agentem iam annos octo et filiam septennem, quae desponsa fuerat Candidiano, extinxit. Sed prius mater eorum in Orontem praecipitata est; ibi saepe illa castas feminas mergi iusserat. 7 Sic omnes impii vero et iusto iudicio dei eadem quae fecerunt, receperunt.

6 He likewise destroyed even Maximinus’s own eldest son, already completing eight years, and a daughter of seven years, who had been betrothed to Candidianus. But before that their mother was hurled into the Orontes; there she had often ordered chaste women to be drowned. 7 Thus all the impious, by the just judgment of God, received the same things which they had done.

[51] Valeria quoque per varias provincias quindecim mensibus plebeio cultu pervagata postremo apud Thessalonicam cognita, comprehensa cum matre poenas dedit.2 Ductae igitur mulieres cum ingenti spectaculo et miseratione tanti casus ad supplicium, et amputatis capitibus corpora earum in mare abiecta sunt. Ita illis pudicitia et condicio exitio fuit.

[51] Valeria also, having wandered through various provinces for fifteen months in plebeian dress, at last being recognized at Thessalonica, when seized with her mother suffered the penalty.2 The women therefore were led to execution with great spectacle and with pity at so great a case, and, their heads having been cut off, their bodies were cast into the sea. Thus chastity and condition were to them destruction.

[52] Quae omnia secundum fidem--scienti enim loquor--ita ut gesta sunt mandanda litteris credi di, ne autem memoria tantarum rerum interiret aut si quis historiam scribere voluisset, [non] corrumperet veritatem vel peccata illorum adversus deum vel iudicium dei adversus illos reticendo.2 Cuius aeternae pietati gratias agere debemus, qui tandem respexit in terram, quod gregem suum partim vastatum a lupis rapacibus partim vero dispersum reficere ac recolligere dignatus est et bestias malas extirpare, quae divini gregis pascua protriverant, cubilia dissipaverant. 3 Ubi sunt modo magnifica illa et clara per gentes Ioviorum et Herculiorum cognomina.

[52] All these things according to faith— for I speak knowing— so that as they were done they should be committed to letters to be believed, lest the memory of so many matters perish, or if anyone wished to write a history, he might not corrupt the truth either by concealing their sins against God or by concealing God’s judgment against them.2 To whose eternal piety we ought to give thanks, who at length looked down upon the earth and deigned to restore and recollect his flock, which was partly laid waste by rapacious wolves and partly dispersed, and to extirpate the evil beasts which had driven off the pastures of the divine flock and scattered their lairs. 3 Where now are those magnificent and famous surnames among the peoples of the Jovians and Herulians?

Quae primum a Dioclete ac Maximiano insolenter adsumpta ac postmodum ad successores eorum translata vigerunt? Nempe delevit ea dominus et erasit de terra. 4 Celebremus igitur triumphum dei cum ex ultatione, victoriam domini cum laudibus frequentemus, diurnis nocturnisque precibus celebre mus, ut pacem post annos decem plebi suae datam confirmet in saeculum.

Which things first insolently assumed by Diocletian and Maximian and afterwards transferred to their successors prevailed? Truly the Lord destroyed them and erased them from the earth. 4 Let us therefore celebrate the triumph of God with exultation; let us frequent the victory of the Lord with praises; let us celebrate with day and night prayers, that he may confirm the peace given to his people after ten years for ever.

Tu praecipue, Donate carissime, qui a deo mereris audiri, dominum deprecare, ut misericordiam suam servet etiam famulis suis propitius ac mitis, ut omnes insidias atque impetus diaboli a populo suo arceat, ut florescentis ecclesiae perpetuam quietem custodiat.

You especially, most dear Donate, who deserve to be heard by God, beseech the Lord that he keep his mercy also propitious and gentle to his servants, that he ward off all the snares and assaults of the devil from his people, and that he preserve the perpetual peace of the flourishing Church.