Ammianus: RES GESTAE A FINE CORNELI TACITI

1 Post emensos insuperabilis expeditionis eventus languentibus partium animis, quas periculorum varietas fregerat et laborum, nondum tubarum cessante clangore vel milite locato per stationes hibernas, fortunae saevientis procellae tempestates alias rebus infudere communibus per multa illa et dira facinora Caesaris Galli, qui ex squalore imo miseriarum in aetatis adultae primitiis ad principale culmen insperato saltu provectus ultra terminos potestatis delatae procurrens asperitate nimia cuncta foedabat. Propinquitate enim regiae stirpis gentilitateque etiam tum Constantini nominis efferebatur in fastus, si plus valuisset, ausurus hostilia in auctorem suae felicitatis, ut videbatur.

1 After the outcomes of an unconquerable expedition had moreover been endured, with the spirits of the parties languishing, which a variety of dangers and of labours had broken, the clangour of trumpets not yet ceased nor the soldier quartered through the winter stations, the storms of a raging fortune poured further tempests upon common affairs through those many and dire crimes of Caesar Gallus, who, having been advanced by an unexpected leap from the lowest squalor of miseries in the first beginnings of adult age to the principal summit, running beyond the boundaries to which power had been carried, defiled all things by excessive harshness. For he was exalted into pride by the proximity of the royal stock and by the gentility even then of the name Constantine, and, had he possessed greater power, seemed ready to dare hostile acts against the author of his felicity.

2 Cuius acerbitati uxor grave accesserat incentivum, germanitate Augusti turgida supra modum, quam Hannibaliano regi fratris filio antehac Constantinus iunxerat pater, Megaera quaedam mortalis, inflammatrix saevientis adsidua, humani cruoris avida nihil mitius quam maritus; qui paulatim eruditiores facti processu temporis ad nocendum per clandestinos versutosque rumigerulos conpertis leviter addere quaedam male suetos falsa et placentia sibi discentes, adfectati regni vel artium nefandarum calumnias insontibus adfligebant.

2 To whose bitterness a grave incentive had been added in his wife, swollen beyond measure with the germanitas of Augustus which his father Constantine had formerly joined to Hannibalianus, king, the brother’s son — a certain mortal Megaera, an instigator, a constant inflamer of his rage, greedy for human blood, nothing gentler than a husband; who, gradually becoming more instructed with the passage of time, when clandestine, crafty rumour‑mongers were discovered, lightly began to add certain false and ill‑practiced things, learning what pleased him, and the calumnies of one longing for the kingdom or for accursed arts afflicted the innocent.

3 Eminuit autem inter humilia supergressa iam impotentia fines mediocrium delictorum nefanda Clematii cuiusdam Alexandrini nobilis mors repentina; cuius socrus cum misceri sibi generum, flagrans eius amore, non impetraret, ut ferebatur, per palatii pseudothyrum introducta, oblato pretioso reginae monili id adsecuta est, ut ad Honoratum tum comitem orientis formula missa letali omnino scelere nullo contactus idem Clematius nec hiscere nec loqui permissus occideretur.

3 Moreover, amid the transgressed humble bounds, there arose the sudden noble death of a certain Alexandrian Clematius, whose mother-in-law, inflamed by love for him and unable to obtain that her son-in-law be joined to her, as was reported, was brought in through the palace’s false door; with a precious necklace offered to the queen she thereby obtained that a formula then sent to Honoratus, count of the East, ordering a lethal and altogether unblamed crime, be so executed that the same Clematius, not permitted either to open his mouth or to speak, was killed.

4 Post hoc impie perpetratum quod in aliis quoque iam timebatur, tamquam licentia crudelitati indulta per suspicionum nebulas aestimati quidam noxii damnabantur. Quorum pars necati, alii puniti bonorum multatione actique laribus suis extorres nullo sibi relicto praeter querelas et lacrimas, stipe conlaticia victitabant, et civili iustoque imperio ad voluntatem converso cruentam, claudebantur opulentae domus et clarae.

4 After this impiously perpetrated deed, which already had been feared in other cases as well, certain guilty men were condemned as if license had been granted to cruelty and judged through the mists of suspicions. Of these, some were slain, others punished by the confiscation of goods and driven from their hearths—left with nothing for themselves save complaints and tears—living off collected contributions, and with civil and lawful authority perverted to private will, rich and renowned houses were shut up, bloodstained.

5 Nec vox accusatoris ulla licet subditicii in his malorum quaerebatur acervis ut saltem specie tenus crimina praescriptis legum committerentur, quod aliquotiens fecere principes saevi: sed quicquid Caesaris implacabilitati sedisset, id velut fas iusque perpensum confestim urgebatur impleri.

5 Nor was any voice of the accuser, however suborned, sought among those heaps of evils so that, at least in appearance, crimes might be committed according to the prescribed laws — which the savage princes sometimes did; but whatever had fallen under Caesar’s implacability was, as if weighed by divine and legal right, at once pressed to be fulfilled.

6 Excogitatum est super his, ut homines quidam ignoti, vilitate ipsa parum cavendi ad colligendos rumores per Antiochiae latera cuncta destinarentur relaturi quae audirent. Hi peragranter et dissimulanter honoratorum circulis adsistendo pervadendoque divites domus egentium habitu quicquid noscere poterant vel audire latenter intromissi per posticas in regiam nuntiabant, id observantes conspiratione concordi, ut fingerent quaedam et cognita duplicarent in peius, laudes vero supprimerent Caesaris, quas invitis conpluribus formido malorum inpendentium exprimebat.

6 It was contrived about these matters that certain unknown men, their very vileness making them little to be guarded against, should be assigned to collect rumors and to report all that they heard through the quarters of Antioch. These, wandering and dissembling, by standing near and infiltrating the circles of the honored, and adopting the habit of both wealthy houses and of the needy, secretly conveyed whatever they could learn or hear through postern-doors into the palace and announced it; observing this in a concordant conspiracy, so that they might feign some things and amplify known matters for the worse, and suppress the praises of the Caesar, which, against the will of very many, dread of impending evils forced them to repress.

7 Et interdum acciderat, ut siquid in penetrali secreto nullo citerioris vitae ministro praesente paterfamilias uxori susurrasset in aurem, velut Amphiarao referente aut Marcio, quondam vatibus inclitis, postridie disceret imperator. Ideoque etiam parietes arcanorum soli conscii timebantur.

7 And sometimes it happened that if anything in the inner secrecy the head of the household had whispered into his wife's ear, with no attendant of the outer life present, the emperor would learn it the next day, as if Amphiarus or Marcius, once famed among the seers, were reporting it. And therefore even the walls of the secret places, knowing alone, were feared.

8 Adolescebat autem obstinatum propositum erga haec et similia multa scrutanda, stimulos admovente regina, quae abrupte mariti fortunas trudebat in exitium praeceps, cum eum potius lenitate feminea ad veritatis humanitatisque viam reducere utilia suadendo deberet, ut in Gordianorum actibus factitasse Maximini truculenti illius imperatoris rettulimus coniugem.

8 But a stubborn purpose was growing to investigate many such matters, the queen putting forward incentives, who abruptly was thrusting her husband's fortunes headlong into destruction, when she ought rather, by feminine lenity, to be persuading him with useful counsel to return to the path of truth and humanity, as we have related that the consort of that truculent emperor Maximinus had done in the deeds of the Gordians.

9 Novo denique perniciosoque exemplo idem Gallus ausus est inire flagitium grave, quod Romae cum ultimo dedecore temptasse aliquando dicitur Gallienus, et adhibitis paucis clam ferro succinctis vesperi per tabernas palabatur et conpita quaeritando Graeco sermone, cuius erat inpendio gnarus, quid de Caesare quisque sentiret. Et haec confidenter agebat in urbe ubi pernoctantium luminum claritudo dierum solet imitari fulgorem. Postremo agnitus saepe iamque, si prodisset, conspicuum se fore contemplans, non nisi luce palam egrediens ad agenda quae putabat seria cernebatur.

9 Finally, emboldened by a new and pernicious example, the same Gallus dared to embark on a grave outrage, which it is said Gallienus once attempted in Rome with ultimate disgrace; and with a few men secretly girded with iron he would in the evening range through the taverns and, questioning at thresholds in the Greek tongue—aware of the peril therein—ask what each man thought of Caesar. And he did this with confidence in a city where the brightness of the lights of those who lodge there is wont to imitate the splendor of day. At last, often already recognized and, pondering that if he had put himself forward he would be conspicuous, he was observed to go forth openly only by daylight to perform the serious acts he had in mind.

Et haec quidem medullitus multis gementibus agebantur.

And these things indeed were being carried out from the marrow, with many groaning.

10 Thalassius vero ea tempestate praefectus praetorio praesens ipse quoque adrogantis ingenii, considerans incitationem eius ad multorum augeri discrimina, non maturitate vel consiliis mitigabat, ut aliquotiens celsae potestates iras principum molliverunt, sed adversando iurgandoque cum parum congrueret, eum ad rabiem potius evibrabat, Augustum actus eius exaggerando creberrime docens, idque, incertum qua mente, ne lateret adfectans. Quibus mox Caesar acrius efferatus, velut contumaciae quoddam vexillum altius erigens, sine respectu salutis alienae vel suae ad vertenda opposita instar rapidi fluminis irrevocabili impetu ferebatur.

10 Thalassius, moreover, the praetorian prefect, present himself and of an arrogantly disposed genius, considering that man's incitement to augment the perils of many, did not mitigate him by maturity or counsel, as high powers have at times softened the anger of princes, but by opposing and disputing when it was ill-fitting he rather drove him to frenzy, very often instructing Augustus by exaggerating his deeds, and doing this, with what mind uncertain, seeking that it not be concealed. Whereupon soon Caesar, more fiercely enraged, as if hoisting a sort of banner of contumacy higher, without regard for another's or his own safety, was borne forward to overturn oppositions like a rapid river with irrevocable impetus.

Isaurorum incursiones.

The incursions of the Isaurians.

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1 Nec sane haec sola pernicies orientem diversis cladibus adfligebat. Namque et Isauri, quibus est usitatum saepe pacari saepeque inopinis excursibus cuncta miscere, ex latrociniis occultis et raris, alente inpunitate adulescentem in peius audaciam ad bella gravia proruperunt, diu quidem perduelles spiritus inrequietis motibus erigentes, hac tamen indignitate perciti vehementer, ut iactitabant, quod eorum capiti quidam consortes apud Iconium Pisidiae oppidum in amphitheatrali spectaculo feris praedatricibus obiecti sunt praeter morem.

1 Nor indeed did this single ruin alone afflict the East with diverse disasters. For likewise the Isauri, to whom it is customary both to be pacified often and to mingle everything with unexpected incursions, from secret and sporadic robberies, fed by impunity, burst forth into the young man's worse audacity for grievous wars, raising for a long time hostile spirits with restless movements, yet greatly incited by this indignity, as they vaunted that to the head of one of their companions at Iconium, a town of Pisidia, in an amphitheatrical spectacle they had, contrary to custom, exposed him to predatory beasts.

2 Atque, ut Tullius ait, ut etiam ferae fame monitae plerumque ad eum locum ubi aliquando pastae sunt revertuntur, ita homines instar turbinis degressi montibus impeditis et arduis loca petivere mari confinia, per quae viis latebrosis sese convallibusque occultantes cum appeterent noctes luna etiam tum cornuta ideoque nondum solido splendore fulgente nauticos observabant quos cum in somnum sentirent effusos per ancoralia, quadrupedo gradu repentes seseque suspensis passibus iniectantes in scaphas eisdem sensim nihil opinantibus adsistebant et incendente aviditate saevitiam ne cedentium quidem ulli parcendo obtruncatis omnibus merces opimas velut viles nullis repugnantibus avertebant. Haecque non diu sunt perpetrata.

2 And, as Tullius says, just as beasts, warned by hunger, often return to that place where they once pastured, so men, descending like a whirlwind from mountains obstructive and steep, sought the bounds of the sea; by secret ways and hiding in valleys, when they made their assaults they observed seafarers at nights when the moon was then horned and therefore not yet shining in full light; and when they found them poured out in sleep at anchorages, creeping on all fours and, with suspended steps throwing themselves into the boats, they stood beside them unsuspected, and with burning avidity and savage fury, sparing not even any who tried to flee, slaughtered all and carried off rich wares as if worthless, no one resisting. And these things were not long perpetrated.

3 Cognitis enim pilatorum caesorumque funeribus nemo deinde ad has stationes appulit navem, sed ut Scironis praerupta letalia declinantes litoribus Cypriis contigui navigabant, quae Isauriae scopulis sunt controversa.

3 For, the slaughter of the soldiers having been ascertained and their funerals held, no one thereafter brought a ship to those stations, but, avoiding the deadly precipices of Sciron, they sailed along the contiguous Cyprian shores, which are disputed by the rocks of Isauria.

4 Procedente igitur mox tempore cum adventicium nihil inveniretur, relicta ora maritima in Lycaoniam adnexam Isauriae se contulerunt ibique densis intersaepientes itinera praetenturis provincialium et viatorum opibus pascebantur.

4 Therefore, soon as time went on and nothing foreign was found, having left the maritime shore they betook themselves to Lycaonia, annexed to Isauria, and there, fencing in the roads with dense barricades and preying upon the resources of provincials and travelers, they fed themselves.

5 Excitavit hic ardor milites per municipia plurima, quae isdem conterminant, dispositos et castella, sed quisque serpentes latius pro viribus repellere moliens, nunc globis confertos, aliquotiens et dispersos multitudine superabatur ingenti, quae nata et educata inter editos recurvosque ambitus montium eos ut loca plana persultat et mollia, missilibus obvios eminus lacessens et ululatu truci perterrens.

5 This ardor stirred soldiers through very many municipia, adjoining the same, and the garrisons and castella placed there; but each, striving to repel the serpents more widely according to his powers, was now, when packed together in globes, and again when scattered, often overwhelmed by a mighty multitude — serpents which, born and reared among the high and curved confines of the mountains, range over them as if they were flat, soft places, harassing those they meet from afar with missilibus and terrifying them with savage ululation.

6 Coactique aliquotiens nostri pedites ad eos persequendos scandere clivos sublimes etiam si lapsantibus plantis fruticeta prensando vel dumos ad vertices venerint summos, inter arta tamen et invia nullas acies explicare permissi nec firmare nisu valido gressus: hoste discursatore rupium abscisa volvente, ruinis ponderum inmanium consternuntur, aut ex necessitate ultima fortiter dimicante, superati periculose per prona discedunt.

6 And our footsoldiers, driven at times to scale lofty slopes to pursue them—even if with slipping soles they reached the highest summits by clutching shrubs or thorn-bushes—were nevertheless not allowed to form any lines in the narrow and pathless places nor to steady their steps by a vigorous effort: the enemy, acting as skirmishers, cut off and rolled down rocks, and were struck down by the ruin of enormous weights, or, fighting bravely out of the last necessity, being overcome, they withdrew perilously headlong.

7 Quam ob rem circumspecta cautela observatum est deinceps et cum edita montium petere coeperint grassatores, loci iniquitati milites cedunt. Ubi autem in planitie potuerint reperiri, quod contingit adsidue, nec exsertare lacertos nec crispare permissi tela, quae vehunt bina vel terna, pecudum ritu inertium trucidantur.

7 For which reason thereafter a circumspect caution was observed, and when the plunderers began to seek the heights of the mountains, the soldiers yield to the inequality of the ground. But where they can be found on the plain, which happens continually, they are not permitted to thrust out their arms nor to brandish their missiles, which they hurl two or three at a time; like inert flocks of sheep they are slaughtered.

8 Metuentes igitur idem latrones Lycaoniam magna parte campestrem cum se inpares nostris fore congressione stataria documentis frequentibus scirent, tramitibus deviis petivere Pamphyliam diu quidem intactam sed timore populationum et caedium, milite per omnia diffuso propinqua, magnis undique praesidiis conmunitam.

8 Therefore fearing the same brigands, knowing from frequent signs of halting-places that much of Lycaonia was open country and that they would be unequal to our men in encounter, sought Pamphylia by side-paths and by deviating tracks — long indeed untouched, but, through fear of plunderings and massacres, close at hand with soldiers spread everywhere and fortified on all sides by great garrisons.

9 Raptim igitur properantes ut motus sui rumores celeritate nimia praevenirent, vigore corporum ac levitate confisi per flexuosas semitas ad summitates collium tardius evadebant. Et cum superatis difficultatibus arduis ad supercilia venissent fluvii Melanis alti et verticosi, qui pro muro tuetur accolas circumfusus, augente nocte adulta terrorem quievere paulisper lucem opperientes. Arbitrabantur enim nullo inpediente transgressi inopino adcursu adposita quaeque vastare, sed in cassum labores pertulere gravissimos.

9 Therefore, hurrying swiftly so that the rumors of their movement might be anticipated by excessive speed, trusting in the vigour of their bodies and their lightness, they made slower escape along winding paths to the summits of the hills. And when, the arduous difficulties overcome, they had come to the brows of the high and steep river Melanis, which, poured around, protects the inhabitants like a wall, with night grown late they paused from their terror for a little while, awaiting the light. For they supposed that, nothing hindering them, having crossed and by an unexpected onrush, they would lay waste whatever lay beside them; but in vain they endured the gravest labors.

10 Nam sole orto magnitudine angusti gurgitis sed profundi a transitu arcebantur et dum piscatorios quaerunt lenunculos vel innare temere contextis cratibus parant, effusae legiones, quae hiemabant tunc apud Siden, isdem impetu occurrere veloci. Et signis prope ripam locatis ad manus comminus conserendas denseta scutorum conpage semet scientissime praestruebant, ausos quoque aliquos fiducia nandi vel cavatis arborum truncis amnem permeare latenter facillime trucidarunt.

10 For at sunrise they were kept from passage by the narrowness in breadth of the gulf, though deep; and while they sought small fishing boats or rashly prepared to swim, weaving together baskets, the scattered legions that were then wintering at Siden came upon them with the same swift onrush. And with standards placed near the bank and themselves most expertly marshalled in a dense coupling of shields to engage at close quarters, they very easily cut down some who, emboldened by confidence in swimming or secretly to cross the river on hollowed tree‑trunks, had ventured forth.

11 Unde temptatis ad discrimen ultimum artibus multum cum nihil impetraretur, pavore vique repellente extrusi et quo tenderent ambigentes venere prope oppidum Laranda.

11 Whence, their arts tried to the final crisis and much having been sought with nothing obtained, thrust back by fear and force repelling them, and wavering where to direct their course, they came near the town Laranda.

12 Ibi victu recreati et quiete, postquam abierat timor, vicos opulentos adorti equestrium adventu cohortium, quae casu propinquabant, nec resistere planitie porrecta conati digressi sunt retroque concedentes omne iuventutis robur relictum in sedibus acciverunt.

12 There, refreshed by food and rest, after the fear had passed, having attacked the wealthy villages at the equestrian advent of cohorts which happened to be drawing near, and not attempting to resist as the plain lay open, they withdrew, retiring and giving ground, and summoned every remaining strength of youth left in their homes.

13 Et quoniam inedia gravi adflictabantur, locum petivere Paleas nomine, vergentem in mare, valido muro firmatum, ubi conduntur nunc usque commeatus distribui militibus omne latus Isauriae defendentibus adsueti. Circumstetere igitur hoc munimentum per triduum et trinoctium et cum neque adclivitas ipsa sine discrimine adiri letali, nec cuniculis quicquam geri posset, nec procederet ullum obsidionale commentum, maesti excedunt postrema vi subigente maiora viribus adgressuri.

13 And since they were afflicted by grievous famine, they sought a place called Paleas, sloping toward the sea, made secure by a strong wall, where supplies are even now distributed to the soldiers, accustomed to defending every side of Isauria. Therefore they stood around this fortification for three days and three nights, and since neither the slope itself could be approached without mortal peril, nor could anything be effected by mining, nor could any siege-engineering device advance, they departed sorrowful, the last force compelling them to withdraw, about to undertake greater enterprises with greater strength.

14 Proinde concepta rabie saeviore, quam desperatio incendebat et fames, amplificatis viribus ardore incohibili in excidium urbium matris Seleuciae efferebantur, quam comes tuebatur Castricius tresque legiones bellicis sudoribus induratae.

14 Therefore, seized with a fiercer rage, kindled by despair and hunger, and with their strengths increased and an uncontrollable ardor, they were carried forth into the destruction of the mother-city Seleucia, which the comes Castricius and three legions, hardened by warlike toils, were defending.

15 Horum adventum praedocti speculationibus fidis rectores militum tessera data sollemni armatos omnes celeri eduxere procursu et agiliter praeterito Calycadni fluminis ponte, cuius undarum magnitudo murorum adluit turres, in speciem locavere pugnandi. Neque tamen exiluit quisquam nec permissus est congredi. Formidabatur enim flagrans vesania manus et superior numero et ruitura sine respectu salutis in ferrum.

15 At their coming, the commanders of the soldiers, forewarned by trusty scouts, after the solemn tessera was given, led all the armed men out with a swift sally and, having quickly passed the bridge of the Calycadnus river—whose waves wash the walls and towers—took up a posture as if to fight. Yet no one sallied forth nor was allowed to engage; for the blazing frenzy of the band was feared, both for its superiority in number and for its rushing, without regard for safety, upon the sword.

16 Viso itaque exercitu procul auditoque liticinum cantu, represso gradu parumper stetere praedones exsertantesque minaces gladios postea lentius incedebant.

16 Therefore, the army having been seen and the war-cry heard from afar, the marauders, their pace checked, stood for a little while and, brandishing threatening swords, afterwards advanced more slowly.

17 Quibus occurrere bene pertinax miles explicatis ordinibus parans hastisque feriens scuta qui habitus iram pugnantium concitat et dolorem proximos iam gestu terrebat sed eum in certamen alacriter consurgentem revocavere ductores rati intempestivum anceps subire certamen cum haut longe muri distarent, quorum tutela securitas poterat in solido locari cunctorum.

17 To these a pertinacious soldier, meeting them, with his lines deployed, preparing and striking the shields with spears—whose bearing stirred the ire of the combatants and by his gesture already terrified those nearby with pain—was about to spring eagerly into the fray, but the commanders recalled him to the contest, thinking it untimely to undertake a hazardous, uncertain engagement when the walls were not far distant, whose protection could place the safety of all on a firm foundation.

18 Hac ita persuasione reducti intra moenia bellatores obseratis undique portarum aditibus, propugnaculis insistebant et pinnis, congesta undique saxa telaque habentes in promptu, ut si quis se proripuisset interius, multitudine missilium sterneretur et lapidum.

18 Thus persuaded, the warriors, the approaches to the gates having been shut on every side within the walls, stood fast on the bastions and parapets and pinnacles, with stones and missiles piled up and ready everywhere, so that if anyone had rushed forward inward, he would have been laid low by the multitude of missiles and stones.

19 Illud tamen clausos vehementer angebat quod captis navigiis, quae frumenta vehebant per flumen, Isauri quidem alimentorum copiis adfluebant, ipsi vero solitarum rerum cibos iam consumendo inediae propinquantis aerumnas exitialis horrebant.

19 Yet what distressed them greatly was that, with the ships taken—ships that bore grain up the river—indeed supplies of aliment flowed to the Isauri, while they themselves, having consumed the foods of the solitudes, shuddered at the deadly hardships of famine drawing near.

20 Haec ubi latius fama vulgasset missaeque relationes adsiduae Gallum Caesarem permovissent, quoniam magister equitum longius ea tempestate distinebatur, iussus comes orientis Nebridius contractis undique militaribus copiis ad eximendam periculo civitatem amplam et oportunam studio properabat ingenti, quo cognito abscessere latrones nulla re amplius memorabili gesta, dispersique ut solent avia montium petiere celsorum.

20 When this had been spread more widely by rumor and the persistent reports had moved Gallus Caesar, and since the magister equitum was detained farther away at that time, the comes of the East, Nebridius, ordered and, with military forces gathered on all sides, hastening with great zeal to deliver the ample and convenient city from danger; whereupon, when this was known, the brigands withdrew, nothing further of memorable note being done, and, scattered as they are wont, sought the remote heights of the lofty mountains.

Persarum commentum irritum.

The Persians' contrivance was rendered void.

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1 Eo adducta re per Isauriam, rege Persarum bellis finitimis inligato repellenteque a conlimitiis suis ferocissimas gentes, quae mente quadam versabili hostiliter eum saepe incessunt et in nos arma moventem aliquotiens iuvant, Nohodares quidam nomine e numero optimatum, incursare Mesopotamiam quotiens copia dederit ordinatus, explorabat nostra sollicite, si repperisset usquam locum vi subita perrupturus.

1 By that affair being led through Isauria, the king of the Persians being entangled in border wars and repelling from his confines the most ferocious peoples, who with a certain changeable mind often assail him hostilely and at times aid him when he moves arms against us, a certain man named Nohodares, of the number of the optimates, appointed to raid Mesopotamia whenever opportunity should give, was diligently scouting our forces to see if he might anywhere have found a place to burst in with sudden force.

2 Et quia Mesopotamiae tractus omnes crebro inquietari sueti praetenturis et stationibus servabantur agrariis, laevorsum flexo itinere Osdroenae subsederat extimas partes, novum parumque aliquando temptatum commentum adgressus. Quod si impetrasset, fulminis modo cuncta vastarat. Erat autem quod cogitabat huius modi.

2 And because all the tracts of Mesopotamia, being wont to be frequently disturbed by raiders, were kept by outposts and garrisons, he, having turned his route to the left, had taken up position in the outermost parts of Osroene, and set about a new and little‑tried stratagem. Had he carried it out, he would have laid everything waste like a thunderbolt. Now the plan he was devising was of this sort.

3 Batnae municipium in Anthemusia conditum Macedonum manu priscorum ab Euphrate flumine brevi spatio disparatur, refertum mercatoribus opulentis, ubi annua sollemnitate prope Septembris initium mensis ad nundinas magna promiscuae fortunae convenit multitudo ad commercanda quae Indi mittunt et Seres aliaque plurima vehi terra marique consueta.

3 The municipium Batnae, founded in Anthemusia by the hand of the ancient Macedonians, is set off a short distance from the river Euphrates; teeming with wealthy merchants, where at the annual solemnity near the beginning of the month of September a multitude gathers for the market-days to trade the great miscellany of goods that the Indi send and the Seres, and very many other things accustomed to be carried by land and sea.

4 Hanc regionem praestitutis celebritati diebus invadere parans dux ante edictus per solitudines Aboraeque amnis herbidas ripas, suorum indicio proditus, qui admissi flagitii metu exagitati ad praesidia descivere Romana. Absque ullo egressus effectu deinde tabescebat immobilis.

4 Preparing to invade this region in days of public celebrity, the commander, before the edict, having turned aside along the solitudes and the Aboras river’s grassy banks, had encamped, betrayed by the informant of his own men, who, implicated in the admitted outrage and driven by fear, deserted to the Roman garrisons. Without any result from his expedition, he then wasted away, motionless.

Saracenorum irruptiones et mores.

The incursions and customs of the Saracens.

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1 Saraceni tamen nec amici nobis umquam nec hostes optandi, ultro citroque discursantes quicquid inveniri poterat momento temporis parvi vastabant milvorum rapacium similes, qui si praedam dispexerint celsius, volatu rapiunt celeri, aut nisi impetraverint, non inmorantur.

1 The Saracens, however, were neither ever friends to us nor enemies to be desired; running about on this side and that, they plundered whatever could be found in a brief moment of time, like rapacious kites, which, if they have espied booty warm, seize it with swift flight, and if they do not obtain it, they do not linger.

2 Super quorum moribus licet in actibus principis Marci et postea aliquotiens memini rettulisse, tamen nunc quoque pauca de isdem expediam carptim.

2 Concerning whose morals, although I have indeed recounted them in the Acts of Prince Marcus and afterwards several times, yet even now I will set forth a few things about the same, piecemeal.

3 Apud has gentes, quarum exordiens initium ab Assyriis ad Nili cataractas porrigitur et confinia Blemmyarum, omnes pari sorte sunt bellatores seminudi coloratis sagulis pube tenus amicti, equorum adiumento pernicium graciliumque camelorum per diversa se raptantes, in tranquillis vel turbidis rebus: nec eorum quisquam aliquando stivam adprehendit vel arborem colit aut arva subigendo quaeritat victum, sed errant semper per spatia longe lateque distenta sine lare sine sedibus fixis aut legibus: nec idem perferunt diutius caelum aut tractus unius soli illis umquam placet.

3 Among these peoples, whose beginning stretches from the Assyrians to the cataracts of the Nile and the confines of the Blemmyes, all are by equal lot warriors, half-naked, clad with coloured cloaks down to the pubis, with the aid of horses and by plundering slender camels rushing through diverse regions, in tranquil or in troubled affairs: nor does any of them ever take up the plough or cultivate a tree or seek sustenance by subduing fields, but they always wander through spaces spread far and wide without a hearth, without fixed dwellings or laws: nor do they endure the same sky any longer, nor does the tract of a single place ever please them.

4 Vita est illis semper in fuga uxoresque mercenariae conductae ad tempus ex pacto atque, ut sit species matrimonii, dotis nomine futura coniunx hastam et tabernaculum offert marito, post statum diem si id elegerit discessura, et incredibile est quo ardore apud eos in venerem uterque solvitur sexus.

4 Their life is always one of flight, and wives are hired mercenary for a time by pact and, to have the semblance of marriage, in the name of a dowry the prospective spouse offers to the husband a spear and a tent, after the day of settlement, if she chooses, to depart; and it is incredible with what ardor each sex is given over to venery among them.

5 Ita autem quoad vixerint, late palantur, ut alibi mulier nubat, in loco pariat alio liberosque procul educat nulla copia quiescendi permissa.

5 Thus moreover, while they live, they roam far and wide, so that a woman weds in one place, bears children in another, and rears them at a distance, no opportunity of resting being permitted.

6 Victus universis caro ferina est lactisque abundans copia qua sustentantur, et herbae multiplices et siquae alites capi per aucupium possint, et plerosque mos vidimus frumenti usum et vini penitus ignorantes.

6 As food for all is wild flesh and an abundant store of milk by which they are sustained, and manifold herbs, and whatever birds can be taken by fowling, and we saw very many utterly ignorant of the use of grain and of wine.

7 Hactenus de natione perniciosa. Nunc ad textum propositum revertamur.

7 Thus far concerning the pernicious nation. Now let us return to the proposed text.

Magnentianorum supplicia.

Punishments of the Magnentians.

[5]

1 Dum haec in oriente aguntur, Arelate hiemem agens Constantius post theatralis ludos atque circenses ambitioso editos apparatu diem sextum idus Octobres, qui imperii eius annum tricensimum terminabat, insolentiae pondera gravius librans, siquid dubium deferebatur aut falsum, pro liquido accipiens et conperto, inter alia excarnificatum Gerontium Magnentianae comitem partis exulari maerore multavit.

1 While these things were being done in the East, Constantius, wintering at Arles, after the theatrical and circus games lavishly staged with ambitious apparatus, on the sixth day before the Ides of October, which closed the thirtieth year of his reign, weighing the scales of insolence more sternly — if anything doubtful was brought or false, taking it as plain and proved — among other things punished Gerontius, the excarnified companion of Magnentiana’s faction, by exile with sorrow.

2 Utque aegrum corpus quassari etiam levibus solet offensis, ita animus eius angustus et tener, quicquid increpuisset, ad salutis suae dispendium existimans factum aut cogitatum, insontium caedibus fecit victoriam luctuosam.

2 And as a sick body is wont to be shaken even by slight insults, so his narrow and tender mind, deeming whatever had been reproved to be a deed or design to the detriment of his safety, made his victory mournful by the slaughter of the innocent.

3 Siquis enim militarium vel honoratorum aut nobilis inter suos rumore tenus esset insimulatus fovisse partes hostiles, iniecto onere catenarum in modum beluae trahebatur et inimico urgente vel nullo, quasi sufficiente hoc solo, quod nominatus esset aut delatus aut postulatus, capite vel multatione bonorum aut insulari solitudine damnabatur.

3 For if anyone of the military, or of the honorates, or a noble among his own were, by rumor only, accused of having fostered hostile parties, with the burden of chains cast upon him he was dragged in the fashion of a beast and, the enemy pressing on or not, as if this alone were sufficient because he had been named or denounced or demanded, he was condemned to loss of head or to confiscation of goods or to insular solitude.

4 Accedebant enim eius asperitati, ubi inminuta vel laesa amplitudo imperii dicebatur, et iracundae suspicionum quantitati proximorum cruentae blanditiae exaggerantium incidentia et dolere inpendio simulantium, si principis periclitetur vita, a cuius salute velut filo pendere statum orbis terrarum fictis vocibus exclamabant.

4 For to his severity were added, when the amplitude of the empire was said to be diminished or injured, the wrathful multitude of suspicions of those nearest, the bloody blandishments of men exaggerating incidents, and those feigning sorrow with ostensible earnestness that if the prince’s life were imperiled — on whose safety the state of the world, as if by a thread, depended — they would cry out with fabricated voices.

5 Ideoque fertur neminem aliquando ob haec vel similia poenae addictum oblato de more elogio revocari iussisse, quod inexorabiles quoque principes factitarunt. Et exitiale hoc vitium, quod in aliis non numquam intepescit, in illo aetatis progressu effervescebat, obstinatum eius propositum accendente adulatorum cohorte.

5 And therefore it is reported that no one was ever commanded to be recalled from punishment when thus condemned, by an elogium offered according to custom, a practice observed even by inexorable princes. And this ruinous vice, which in others sometimes grows tepid, in that man's advancing age boiled over, his obstinate purpose set ablaze by a cohort of flatterers.

6 Inter quos Paulus eminebat notarius ortus in Hispania, glabro quidam sub vultu latens, odorandi vias periculorum occultas perquam sagax. Is in Brittanniam missus ut militares quosdam perduceret ausos conspirasse Magnentio, cum reniti non possent, iussa licentius supergressus fluminis modo fortunis conplurium sese repentinus infudit et ferebatur per strages multiplices ac ruinas, vinculis membra ingenuorum adfligens et quosdam obterens manicis, crimina scilicet multa consarcinando a veritate longe discreta. Unde admissum est facinus impium, quod Constanti tempus nota inusserat sempiterna.

6 Among these Paulus stood out, a notary born in Hispania, a certain smooth-faced man hiding beneath his countenance, very sagacious in scenting the hidden ways of perils. He was sent into Britannia to lead certain soldiers who had dared to conspire with Magnentius; since they could not resist, having exceeded his orders rather licentiously, like a sudden flood of very many fortunes he poured himself forth and was borne along through manifold massacres and ruins, striking the limbs of the freeborn with bonds and crushing some with manacles, his crimes, to be sure, many and sewn together, far removed from the truth. Whence that impious deed was committed, which stamped Constans’ time with an everlasting notoriety.

7 Martinus agens illas provincias pro praefectis aerumnas innocentium graviter gemens saepeque obsecrans, ut ab omni culpa inmunibus parceretur, cum non inpetraret, minabatur se discessurum: ut saltem id metuens perquisitor malivolus tandem desineret quieti coalitos homines in aperta pericula proiectare.

7 Martinus, acting as prefect over those provinces, grievously groaning at the hardships of the innocent and often beseeching that those immune from all guilt be spared, and when he could not obtain this, threatened that he would depart: so that at least, fearing this, the malevolent investigator would at last cease to cast men joined in quiet into open dangers.

8 Per hoc minui studium suum existimans Paulus, ut erat in conplicandis negotiis artifex dirus, unde ei Catenae inditum est cognomentum, vicarium ipsum eos quibus praeerat adhuc defensantem ad sortem periculorum communium traxit. Et instabat ut eum quoque cum tribunis et aliis pluribus ad comitatum imperatoris vinctum perduceret: quo percitus ille exitio urgente abrupto ferro eundem adoritur Paulum. Et quia languente dextera, letaliter ferire non potuit, iam districtum mucronem in proprium latus inpegit.

8 Thinking by this that his zeal had been diminished, Paulus, who was a dire artifex in contriving affairs — whence the cognomen Catena was bestowed on him — dragged even the vicarius himself, still defending those over whom he presided, to the lot of common perils. And he urged that he likewise be led, bound, to the emperor’s comitatus with the tribunes and many others: whereupon that man, smitten by sudden ruin and having snatched up a sword, assailed Paulus. And because his right hand was failing and he could not wound lethally, he now plunged the drawn mucron into his own side.

Hocque deformi genere mortis excessit e vita iustissimus rector ausus miserabiles casus levare multorum.

And by this deformed kind of death the most just governor departed from life, he who had dared to relieve the miserable misfortunes of many.

9 Quibus ita sceleste patratis Paulus cruore perfusus reversusque ad principis castra multos coopertos paene catenis adduxit in squalorem deiectos atque maestitiam, quorum adventu intendebantur eculei uncosque parabat carnifex et tormenta. Et ex is proscripti sunt plures actique in exilium alii, non nullos gladii consumpsere poenales. Nec enim quisquam facile meminit sub Constantio, ubi susurro tenus haec movebantur, quemquam absolutum.

9 With these wicked acts thus accomplished, Paulus, drenched in blood and having returned to the prince’s camp, led many, almost covered in chains, into squalor, cast down and mournful; at whose arrival the executioner was preparing hooked racks and other torments. And from these men several were proscribed and driven into exile, others suffered the penal consumption of the sword. For no one readily remembers that under Constantio, where these matters were stirred even to a whisper, anyone was acquitted.

Senatus populique Romani vitia.

The vices of the Senate and People of Rome.

[6]

1 Inter haec Orfitus praefecti potestate regebat urbem aeternam ultra modum delatae dignitatis sese efferens insolenter, vir quidem prudens et forensium negotiorum oppido gnarus, sed splendore liberalium doctrinarum minus quam nobilem decuerat institutus, quo administrante seditiones sunt concitatae graves ob inopiam vini: huius avidis usibus vulgus intentum ad motus asperos excitatur et crebros.

1 Meanwhile Orfitus, exercising the authority of prefect, ruled the eternal city, insolently elevating himself beyond measure by the dignity conferred; a man indeed prudent and versed in civic business, but by the splendour of liberal learning less fitted to nobility than he ought to have been; under his administration grave seditions were stirred up on account of a scarcity of wine: the populace, intent upon greedy uses of this, was roused to harsh and frequent commotions.

2 Et quoniam mirari posse quosdam peregrinos existimo haec lecturos forsitan, si contigerit, quamobrem cum oratio ad ea monstranda deflexerit quae Romae gererentur, nihil praeter seditiones narratur et tabernas et vilitates harum similis alias, summatim causas perstringam nusquam a veritate sponte propria digressurus.

2 And since I reckon that certain peregrine readers may perhaps be able to marvel to read these things, if it should happen, wherefore, when the discourse has turned to showing those things which were being done in Rome, I will briefly touch the causes summarily — nothing is related except seditions and taverns and vilities and other things like these; nowhere will I of my own accord depart from the truth.

3 Tempore quo primis auspiciis in mundanum fulgorem surgeret victura dum erunt homines Roma, ut augeretur sublimibus incrementis, foedere pacis aeternae Virtus convenit atque Fortuna plerumque dissidentes, quarum si altera defuisset, ad perfectam non venerat summitatem.

3 At the time when, under the first auspices, she began to rise into worldly splendour — to endure as long as men should be, and to be enlarged by lofty increments — Virtue met Fortune in a league of eternal peace, though for the most part at odds; had either one been lacking, it would not have reached perfect summit.

4 Eius populus ab incunabulis primis ad usque pueritiae tempus extremum, quod annis circumcluditur fere trecentis, circummurana pertulit bella, deinde aetatem ingressus adultam post multiplices bellorum aerumnas Alpes transcendit et fretum, in iuvenem erectus et virum ex omni plaga quam orbis ambit inmensus, reportavit laureas et triumphos, iamque vergens in senium et nomine solo aliquotiens vincens ad tranquilliora vitae discessit.

4 His people from the very incunabula of infancy up to the utmost time of puerility, which is bounded by about 300 years, endured wars round their walls; then, having entered adult age after manifold hardships of wars, he crossed the Alps and the strait, and, grown to youth and manhood, from every region which the orbis encompasses brought back immense laurels and triumphs, and now leaning toward senescence and, often victorious in name alone, withdrew to the more tranquillous things of life.

5 Ideo urbs venerabilis post superbas efferatarum gentium cervices oppressas latasque leges fundamenta libertatis et retinacula sempiterna velut frugi parens et prudens et dives Caesaribus tamquam liberis suis regenda patrimonii iura permisit.

5 Therefore the venerable city, having crushed the proud necks of savage peoples and established broad laws, allowed the foundations of liberty and the everlasting bonds to be governed like a frugal, prudent, and wealthy parent, and entrusted the rights of the patrimony to the Caesars as to her own children.

6 Et olim licet otiosae sint tribus pacataeque centuriae et nulla suffragiorum certamina set Pompiliani redierit securitas temporis, per omnes tamen quotquot sunt partes terrarum, ut domina suscipitur et regina et ubique patrum reverenda cum auctoritate canities populique Romani nomen circumspectum et verecundum.

6 And although once the tribes are idle and the centuries pacified and there is no contest of suffrages, yet since the Pompilian security of the times has returned, throughout all — as many as there are parts of the earth — she is received as mistress and queen, and everywhere venerable old age, with the authority of the fathers, and the name of the Roman people are regarded with circumspection and modesty.

7 Sed laeditur hic coetuum magnificus splendor levitate paucorum incondita, ubi nati sunt non reputantium, sed tamquam indulta licentia vitiis ad errores lapsorum ac lasciviam. Ut enim Simonides lyricus docet, beate perfecta ratione vieturo ante alia patriam esse convenit gloriosam.

7 But here the magnificent splendor of assemblies is harmed by the levity of a few unformed, where are born those not of reflection but, as if by granted licence, given over to vices and fallen into errors and lasciviousness. For as the lyric Simonides teaches, it is fitting that the fatherland, happily perfected in reason, be counted glorious before all others.

8 Ex his quidam aeternitati se commendari posse per statuas aestimantes eas ardenter adfectant quasi plus praemii de figmentis aereis sensu carentibus adepturi, quam ex conscientia honeste recteque factorum, easque auro curant inbracteari, quod Acilio Glabrioni delatum est primo, cum consiliis armisque regem superasset Antiochum. Quam autem sit pulchrum exigua haec spernentem et minima ad ascensus verae gloriae tendere longos et arduos, ut memorat vates Ascraeus, Censorius Cato monstravit. Qui interrogatus quam ob rem inter multos... Statuam non haberet malo inquit ambigere bonos quam ob rem id non meruerim, quam quod est gravius cur inpetraverim mussitare.

8 Of these some, reckoning that they can commend themselves to eternity by statues, eagerly covet them as if they would obtain more reward from cast bronzes—bereft of sense—than from the conscience of deeds done honestly and rightly; and they take pains to have them gilt in gold, which was first reported to Acilius Glabrio when by counsel and arms he had overcome King Antiochus. How beautiful, however, it is to scorn these trifles and to bend the smallest things toward the long and arduous ascents of true glory, as the Ascraean bard records, Censorious Cato showed. Who, when asked for what reason among many... “I would rather,” he said, “leave good men doubtful why I did not deserve a statue, than, which is more grievous, mutter why I obtained it.”

9 Alii summum decus in carruchis solito altioribus et ambitioso vestium cultu ponentes sudant sub ponderibus lacernarum, quas in collis insertas cingulis ipsis adnectunt nimia subtegminum tenuitate perflabiles, expandentes eas crebris agitationibus maximeque sinistra, ut longiores fimbriae tunicaeque perspicue luceant varietate liciorum effigiatae in species animalium multiformes.

9 Others place their supreme distinction in carriages and in the customary loftier, ambitious cultivation of dress, sweating beneath the weights of cloaks which they fasten to collars inserted at the neck with the very girdles, barely breathable from the excessive thinness of the coverings, spreading them by frequent tossings and especially with the left hand, so that the longer fringes and the tunics plainly gleam, the variety of cords wrought into likenesses of many-formed animals.

10 Alii nullo quaerente vultus severitate adsimulata patrimonia sua in inmensum extollunt, cultorum ut puta feracium multiplicantes annuos fructus, quae a primo ad ultimum solem se abunde iactitant possidere, ignorantes profecto maiores suos, per quos ita magnitudo Romana porrigitur, non divitiis eluxisse sed per bella saevissima, nec opibus nec victu nec indumentorum vilitate gregariis militibus discrepantes opposita cuncta superasse virtute.

10 Others, without being asked, with an assumed sternness of countenance raise their patrimonies to the immense, multiplying, as it were, the annual fruits of the cultivated lands which they boast abundantly to possess from the first to the last sun, ignorant, certainly, that their forebears, through whom Roman magnitude is thus extended, did not shine by riches but by most savage wars, and, differing from common soldiers neither in riches nor in food nor in the cheapness of their garments, overcame all things opposed by virtue.

11 Hac ex causa conlaticia stipe Valerius humatur ille Publicola et subsidiis amicorum mariti inops cum liberis uxor alitur Reguli et dotatur ex aerario filia Scipionis, cum nobilitas florem adultae virginis diuturnum absentia pauperis erubesceret patris.

11 For this reason, by a contributed subscription Valerius, that Publicola, is buried, and the wife of Regulus, destitute of a husband and with children, is supported by the subsidies of friends, and the daughter of Scipio is dowered from the treasury, since the nobility, because the prolonged absence of the poor father dimmed the bloom of the grown virgin, felt ashamed.

12 At nunc si ad aliquem bene nummatum tumentemque ideo honestus advena salutatum introieris, primitus tamquam exoptatus suscipieris et interrogatus multa coactusque mentiri, miraberis numquam antea visus summatem virum tenuem te sic enixius observantem, ut paeniteat ob haec bona tamquam praecipua non vidisse ante decennium Romam.

12 But now if you enter to greet some well-moneyed and thereby proudly prosperous newcomer, at first you will be received as if long-desired, and—questioned about many things and compelled to lie—you will wonder that never before have you seen a man of the highest rank, a slender fellow, so eagerly observing you, so that you repent, on account of these goods as if they were principal, of not having seen Rome ten years earlier.

13 Hacque adfabilitate confisus cum eadem postridie feceris, ut incognitus haerebis et repentinus, hortatore illo hesterno clientes numerando, qui sis vel unde venias diutius ambigente agnitus vero tandem et adscitus in amicitiam si te salutandi adsiduitati dederis triennio indiscretus et per tot dierum defueris tempus, reverteris ad paria perferenda, nec ubi esses interrogatus et quo tandem miser discesseris, aetatem omnem frustra in stipite conteres summittendo.

13 And trusting in this affability, when you do the same the next day — so that you will stick about incognito and sudden, with that same yesterday’s exhorter counting clients — while it is longer questioned who you are or whence you come, when at last recognised and taken into friendship, if you have given yourself to the assiduity of salutations for three years indiscriminately and have been absent for so many days’ time, you will return to bear equal things; nor, when asked where you had been and whither at last you miserably departed, will you not vainly wear away your whole life, stooping and grinding yourself upon the post.

14 Cum autem commodis intervallata temporibus convivia longa et noxia coeperint apparari vel distributio sollemnium sportularum, anxia deliberatione tractatur an exceptis his quibus vicissitudo debetur, peregrinum invitari conveniet, et si digesto plene consilio id placuerit fieri, is adhibetur qui pro domibus excubat aurigarum aut artem tesserariam profitetur aut secretiora quaedam se nosse confingit.

14 But when, with intervals of commodious occasions, long and noxious convivia begin to be prepared, or the distribution of the solemn sportularia, there is anxious deliberation whether, excepting those to whom vicissitude is owed, it will be fitting to invite a peregrine; and if, with the plan fully digested, it shall please to have this done, one is employed who keeps watch for the houses of the aurigae, or professes the tesserarial art, or feigns to know certain secret things.

15 Homines enim eruditos et sobrios ut infaustos et inutiles vitant, eo quoque accedente quod et nomenclatores adsueti haec et talia venditare, mercede accepta lucris quosdam et prandiis inserunt subditicios ignobiles et obscuros.

15 For men learned and sober avoid them as unlucky and useless, there being added also the fact that nomenclators, accustomed to vend these and such things, for a received fee insert certain ignoble and obscure subordinates among the profits and the lunches.

16 Mensarum enim voragines et varias voluptatum inlecebras, ne longius progrediar, praetermitto illuc transiturus quod quidam per ampla spatia urbis subversasque silices sine periculi metu properantes equos velut publicos signatis quod dicitur calceis agitant, familiarium agmina tamquam praedatorios globos post terga trahentes ne Sannione quidem, ut ait comicus, domi relicto. Quos imitatae matronae complures opertis capitibus et basternis per latera civitatis cuncta discurrunt.

16 For I pass over the voragines of tables and the various inlecebras of pleasures, lest I go on further; I omit that which some, across the ampla spatia of the city and over overturned stones, driving horses hastening without fear of danger as if public, rouse with their marked calcei, the familiarium agmina, like predatory globes, trailing them on their backs — not even left at home by Sannio himself, as the comicus says. Many matrons, having imitated these, run about all along the sides of the city with their heads covered and borne in basternae.

17 Utque proeliorum periti rectores primo catervas densas opponunt et fortes, deinde leves armaturas, post iaculatores ultimasque subsidiales acies, si fors adegerit, iuvaturas, ita praepositis urbanae familiae suspensae digerentibus sollicite, quos insignes faciunt virgae dexteris aptatae velut tessera data castrensi iuxta vehiculi frontem omne textrinum incedit: huic atratum coquinae iungitur ministerium, dein totum promiscue servitium cum otiosis plebeiis de vicinitate coniunctis: postrema multitudo spadonum a senibus in pueros desinens, obluridi distortaque lineamentorum conpage deformes, ut quaqua incesserit quisquam cernens mutilorum hominum agmina detestetur memoriam Samiramidis reginae illius veteris, quae teneros mares castravit omnium prima velut vim iniectans naturae, eandemque ab instituto cursu retorquens, quae inter ipsa oriundi crepundia per primigenios seminis fontes tacita quodam modo lege vias propagandae posteritatis ostendit.

17 And just as masters skilful in battles first oppose dense and strong ranks, then light armatures, then javelin-men and the ultimate supporting lines, and, if chance drives it, reinforcements, so too, with the urban householders set over them and anxiously arranging, whom they mark out with rods fitted to the right hands as if a tessera given in a camp, beside the front of a vehicle the entire domestic throng marches: to this is joined the sullied ministry of the kitchen, then the whole promiscuous servitude united with idle plebeian women of the neighborhood; the last multitude of eunuchs, dwindling from old men into boys, blunted and misshapen in the joints of their features, so that whoever sees them wherever they walk detests the memory of that ancient queen Semiramis, who first of all emasculated the tender males of all, as if forcing nature, and turning it back from its ordained course, who among the very fountains of seed in the beginnings of offspring in a manner revealed by a tacit law the avenues of propagation for posterity.

18 Quod cum ita sit, paucae domus studiorum seriis cultibus antea celebratae nunc ludibriis ignaviae torpentis exundant, vocali sonu, perflabili tinnitu fidium resultantes. Denique pro philosopho cantor et in locum oratoris doctor artium ludicrarum accitur et bybliothecis sepulcrorum ritu in perpetuum clausis organa fabricantur hydraulica, et lyrae ad speciem carpentorum ingentes tibiaeque et histrionici gestus instrumenta non levia.

18 Since this is so, the few houses of study, formerly celebrated by serious cultivations, now overflow with the mockeries of slothful torpor, with vocal sound, with a wind‑blown tinkling, the strings resounding. Finally, in lieu of a philosopher a cantor is summoned, and in the place of an orator a doctor of the ludic arts is called; and, like libraries of tombs shut up forever, hydraulic organs are fashioned, and lyres made to the appearance of carpenters’ wagons, great pipes, and theatrical gestures — instruments not slight.

19 Postremo ad id indignitatis est ventum, ut cum peregrini ob formidatam haut ita dudum alimentorum inopiam pellerentur ab urbe praecipites, sectatoribus disciplinarum liberalium inpendio paucis sine respiratione ulla extrusis, tenerentur minimarum adseclae veri, quique id simularunt ad tempus, et tria milia saltatricum ne interpellata quidem cum choris totidemque remanerent magistris.

19 At last it came to this indignity: when strangers were driven headlong from the city because of a lately dreaded dearth of provisions, the followers of the liberal disciplines, expelled at the expense of a few with no respite, were held as the humblest attendants of the true, and those who feigned it for a time; and three thousand female dancers, not even interrupted, remained with as many choruses and masters.

20 Et licet quocumque oculos flexeris feminas adfatim multas spectare cirratas, quibus, si nupsissent, per aetatem ter iam nixus poterat suppetere liberorum, ad usque taedium pedibus pavimenta tergentes iactari volucriter gyris, dum exprimunt innumera simulacra, quae finxere fabulae theatrales.

20 And although whithersoever you turn your eyes you see women abundantly ringleted, by whom, had they married, thrice already in their life a husband could have sufficed to supply children, even to the point of weariness, wiping the pavements with their feet and wantonly tossing themselves in gyrations, while they fashion innumerable pictured likenesses which theatrical fables have devised.

21 Illud autem non dubitatur quod cum esset aliquando virtutum omnium domicilium Roma, ingenuos advenas plerique nobilium, ut Homerici bacarum suavitate Lotophagi, humanitatis multiformibus officiis retentabant.

21 Moreover this is not doubted: that when Rome was once the dwelling-place of all virtues, most of the noble freeborn newcomers, like the Homeric Lotophagi by the sweetness of the lotuses, were retained by the manifold offices of humanity.

22 Nunc vero inanes flatus quorundam vile esse quicquid extra urbis pomerium nascitur aestimant praeter orbos et caelibes, nec credi potest qua obsequiorum diversitate coluntur homines sine liberis Romae.

22 But now the empty puffings of certain men reckon whatever is born outside the city’s pomerium to be worthless, save for the bereft and the celibate, and it cannot be believed with what diversity of obsequies men without children are honoured in Rome.

23 Et quoniam apud eos ut in capite mundi morborum acerbitates celsius dominantur, ad quos vel sedandos omnis professio medendi torpescit, excogitatum est adminiculum sospitale nequi amicum perferentem similia videat, additumque est cautionibus paucis remedium aliud satis validum, ut famulos percontatum missos quem ad modum valeant noti hac aegritudine colligati, non ante recipiant domum quam lavacro purgaverint corpus. Ita etiam alienis oculis visa metuitur labes.

23 And since among them, as at the head of the world, the severities of diseases rule more hotly, before whom every profession of healing grows numb even to check them, there was devised a hospital adjunct so that a friend bearing similar things should not see them; and another remedy, sufficiently powerful, was added with a few precautions, namely that servants, sent to ask and having ascertained how the known persons fare, being seized by this malady, do not admit them into the house until they have purified the body by washing. Thus even a stain, when seen by alien eyes, is feared.

24 Sed tamen haec cum ita tutius observentur, quidam vigore artuum inminuto rogati ad nuptias ubi aurum dextris manibus cavatis offertur, inpigre vel usque Spoletium pergunt. Haec nobilium sunt instituta.

24 But yet when these things are thus more safely observed, some, with the vigour of their limbs diminished, being invited to the nuptials where gold is offered in hollowed right hands, promptly even proceed as far as Spoletium. These are customs established by the nobles.

25 Ex turba vero imae sortis et paupertinae in tabernis aliqui pernoctant vinariis, non nulli velariis umbraculorum theatralium latent, quae Campanam imitatus lasciviam Catulus in aedilitate sua suspendit omnium primus; aut pugnaciter aleis certant turpi sono fragosis naribus introrsum reducto spiritu concrepantes; aut quod est studiorum omnium maximum ab ortu lucis ad vesperam sole fatiscunt vel pluviis, per minutias aurigarum equorumque praecipua vel delicta scrutantes.

25 From the crowd, however, of the lowest lot and poverty some pass the night in wine‑shops, not a few hide under the velaria of the theatre’s shades — which, imitating Campanian licentiousness, Catulus was the first to hang in his aedileship; or they contend pugnaciously at dice, crackling with a foul sound, nostrils broken and the breath drawn inward; or — which is the greatest of all pursuits — from the rising of the light to evening they waste away in sun or rain, scrutinizing the minutiae and chief faults or follies of charioteers and their horses.

26 Et est admodum mirum videre plebem innumeram mentibus ardore quodam infuso cum dimicationum curulium eventu pendentem. Haec similiaque memorabile nihil vel serium agi Romae permittunt. Ergo redeundum ad textum.

26 And it is altogether wondrous to behold the innumerable populace, with their minds aflame from a certain infused ardor, hanging upon the event of curule contests. These and like memorable things permit nothing to be done either late or slowly in Rome. Therefore we must return to the text.

Galli Caesaris immanitas et saevitia.

The ferocity and cruelty of Caesar’s Gauls.

[7]

1 Latius iam disseminata licentia onerosus bonis omnibus Caesar nullum post haec adhibens modum orientis latera cuncta vexabat nec honoratis parcens nec urbium primatibus nec plebeiis.

1 With license now more widely disseminated, the Caesar, burdensome to all possessions, applying no restraint thereafter, harried all the provinces of the East, sparing neither the honored nor the city primates nor the plebeians.

2 Denique Antiochensis ordinis vertices sub uno elogio iussit occidi ideo efferatus, quod ei celebrari vilitatem intempestivam urgenti, cum inpenderet inopia, gravius rationabili responderunt; et perissent ad unum ni comes orientis tunc Honoratus fixa constantia restitisset.

2 Finally he ordered the chiefs of the Antiochene order to be slain under a single pretext — enraged, because, when poverty was pressing, they had replied more harshly than was reasonable to his urgent plea that an untimely parsimony be granted; and they would all have perished to a man had not the Comes of the East then, Honoratus, with fixed constancy interposed to save them.

3 Erat autem diritatis eius hoc quoque indicium nec obscurum nec latens, quod ludicris cruentis delectabatur et in circo sex vel septem aliquotiens vetitis certaminibus pugilum vicissim se concidentium perfusorumque sanguine specie ut lucratus ingentia laetabatur.

3 Nor was this cruelty’s sign obscure or hidden: he delighted in bloody spectacles, and in the circus, at six or seven contests—sometimes forbidden—of pugilists striking one another in turn and in the appearance of those drenched with blood, he often rejoiced as if enriched by great gains.

4 Accenderat super his incitatum propositum ad nocendum aliqua mulier vilis, quae ad palatium ut poposcerat intromissa insidias ei latenter obtendi prodiderat a militibus obscurissimis. Quam Constantina exultans ut in tuto iam locata mariti salute muneratam vehiculoque inpositam per regiae ianuas emisit in publicum, ut his inlecebris alios quoque ad indicanda proliceret paria vel maiora.

4 Moreover a base woman had inflamed a set purpose to harm him, who, having been admitted into the palace as she had begged, had revealed that ambushes were being secretly laid for him by very obscure soldiers. Whom Constantina, exulting and now settled in safety by her husband’s salvation, having bestowed a gift upon her and set her upon a vehicle, sent through the royal gates into the public, so that by these enticements she might lure others also to disclose like or greater things.

5 Post haec Gallus Hierapolim profecturus ut expeditioni specie tenus adesset, Antiochensi plebi suppliciter obsecranti ut inediae dispelleret metum, quae per multas difficilisque causas adfore iam sperabatur, non ut mos est principibus, quorum diffusa potestas localibus subinde medetur aerumnis, disponi quicquam statuit vel ex provinciis alimenta transferri conterminis, sed consularem Syriae Theophilum prope adstantem ultima metuenti multitudini dedit id adsidue replicando quod invito rectore nullus egere poterit victu.

5 After these things Gallus, about to set out for Hierapolis so as merely to be present in the guise of an expedition, with the Antiochene populace supplicating him to dispel the fear of famine, which by many and difficult causes was now hoped to be impending, did not, as is the custom of princes whose diffuse power repeatedly remedies local miseries, determine that anything be arranged or that provisions be transferred from the provinces to the neighbouring districts; but to the crowd standing near Theophilus, the consular of Syria, fearing the worst, he gave the same reply again and again—that with an unwilling governor no one could be left in want of victuals.

6 Auxerunt haec vulgi sordidioris audaciam, quod cum ingravesceret penuria commeatuum, famis et furoris inpulsu Eubuli cuiusdam inter suos clari domum ambitiosam ignibus subditis inflammavit rectoremque ut sibi iudicio imperiali addictum calcibus incessens et pugnis conculcans seminecem laniatu miserando discerpsit. Post cuius lacrimosum interitum in unius exitio quisque imaginem periculi sui considerans documento recenti similia formidabat.

6 These things increased the audacity of the baser rabble, for when the shortage of provisions grew severe, driven by hunger and fury they set on fire the ambitious house of a certain Eubulus among their own by placing fires beneath it, and they mangled its master—whom, as if adjudged by imperial judgment, they trampled underfoot with kicks and pummels—and, half-dead, they tore him apart with pitiable laceration. After his tearful destruction, with the ruin of one serving as a warning, each man, considering the likeness of his own peril by that recent example, feared similar things.

7 Eodem tempore Serenianus ex duce, cuius ignavia populatam in Phoenice Celsen ante rettulimus, pulsatae maiestatis imperii reus iure postulatus ac lege, incertum qua potuit suffragatione absolvi, aperte convictus familiarem suum cum pileo, quo caput operiebat, incantato vetitis artibus ad templum misisse fatidicum, quaeritatum expresse an ei firmum portenderetur imperium, ut cupiebat, et cunctum.

7 At the same time Serenianus, once a duke, whose cowardice had ravaged Celsen in Phoenicia as we related above, was accused, by right and by law demanded as guilty of violated majesty of the empire; it was uncertain by what suffrage he could be acquitted, openly convicted of having sent a member of his household, with the pileus that covered his head enchanted, to the prophetic temple by forbidden arts, and it was expressly asked whether a sure emperorship would be portended to him, as he desired, and all the rest.

8 Duplexque isdem diebus acciderat malum, quod et Theophilum insontem atrox interceperat casus, et Serenianus dignus exsecratione cunctorum, innoxius, modo non reclamante publico vigore, discessit.

8 And a double evil happened in the same days, for an atrocious mishap befell Theophilus though innocent, and Serenianus, worthy of the execration of all, harmless, only not resisting with public vigour, departed.

9 Haec subinde Constantius audiens et quaedam referente Thalassio doctus, quem eum odisse iam conpererat lege communi, scribens ad Caesarem blandius adiumenta paulatim illi subtraxit, sollicitari se simulans ne, uti est militare otium fere tumultuosum, in eius perniciem conspiraret, solisque scholis iussit esse contentum palatinis et protectorum cum Scutariis et Gentilibus, et mandabat Domitiano, ex comite largitionum, praefecto ut cum in Syriam venerit, Gallum, quem crebro acciverat, ad Italiam properare blande hortaretur et verecunde.

9 Hearing these things repeatedly, Constantius, and taught by certain reports of Thalassius—whom he had already learned to hate by common law—wrote to the Caesar and by bland letters gradually withdrew his aid, feigning solicitude lest, as military leisure is almost tumultuous, it should conspire to his ruin; and he ordered that the palatini and protectores, together with the Scutarii and Gentiles, be content with the mere scolae, and he charged Domitianus, formerly of the comes largitionum, the prefect, that when he should come into Syria he should gently and courteously exhort Gallus, whom he had often summoned, to hasten to Italy.

10 Qui cum venisset ob haec festinatis itineribus Antiochiam, praestrictis palatii ianuis, contempto Caesare, quem videri decuerat, ad praetorium cum pompa sollemni perrexit morbosque diu causatus nec regiam introiit nec processit in publicum, sed abditus multa in eius moliebatur exitium addens quaedam relationibus supervacua, quas subinde dimittebat ad principem.

10 He who, when he had come to Antioch by these hurried itineraries, with the palace doors barred, showing contempt for the Caesar whom it had been proper to see, proceeded to the praetorium with solemn pomp; and, having long feigned illnesses, neither entered the regia nor advanced into the public space, but, hidden, he was plotting many destructions against him, adding certain superfluous items to the reports, which he continually sent to the prince.

11 Rogatus ad ultimum admissusque in consistorium ambage nulla praegressa inconsiderate et leviter proficiscere inquit ut praeceptum est, Caesar sciens quod si cessaveris, et tuas et palatii tui auferri iubebo prope diem annonas. Hocque solo contumaciter dicto subiratus abscessit nec in conspectum eius postea venit saepius arcessitus.

11 Finally entreated and admitted into the consistory, with no preceding ambiguity he said, "Set out heedlessly and lightly as commanded," Caesar knowing that if you delay I will order both your provisions and those of your palace to be taken away almost immediately. Having spoken this single arrogant word he departed and thereafter, though often summoned, he did not come into his presence.

12 Hinc ille commotus ut iniusta perferens et indigna praefecti custodiam protectoribus mandaverat fidis. Quo conperto Montius tunc quaestor acer quidem sed ad lenitatem propensior, consulens in commune advocatos palatinarum primos scholarum adlocutus est mollius docens nec decere haec fieri nec prodesse addensque vocis obiurgatorio sonu quod si id placeret, post statuas Constantii deiectas super adimenda vita praefecto conveniet securius cogitari.

12 Thereupon he, moved as one enduring injustices and indignities, had committed the prefect’s custody to faithful protectors. When this became known, Montius then, quaestor—stern indeed but inclined to leniency—consulting for the common good, addressed the chief advocates of the palatine schools more gently, teaching that such things are neither proper to be done nor profitable, and adding with a rebuking tone of voice that if that were to please, after the statues of Constantius had been thrown down it would be more fitting and safer to contemplate taking the prefect’s life.

13 His cognitis Gallus ut serpens adpetitus telo vel saxo iamque spes extremas opperiens et succurrens saluti suae quavis ratione colligi omnes iussit armatos et cum starent attoniti, districta dentium acie stridens adeste inquit viri fortes mihi periclitanti vobiscum.

13 These things being known, Gallus, like a serpent attacked by a weapon or a stone, and now awaiting his last hopes and rushing to his own safety, ordered that all be assembled by any means, armed; and when they stood astonished, with the row of his teeth bared and hissing he said, “Be present, brave men, with me who am in peril.”

14 Montius nos tumore inusitato quodam et novo ut rebellis et maiestati recalcitrantes Augustae per haec quae strepit incusat iratus nimirum quod contumacem praefectum, quid rerum ordo postulat ignorare dissimulantem formidine tenus iusserim custodiri.

14 Montius, moved by a certain unusual and novel tumor of alarm, accused us before the Augusta as rebels and as resisting her majesty by these noisy matters, angrily, no doubt because I had ordered that the contumacious prefect — feigning ignorance of what the order of things demands — be kept in custody, detained up to the point of fear.

15 Nihil morati post haec militares avidi saepe turbarum adorti sunt Montium primum, qui divertebat in proximo, levi corpore senem atque morbosum, et hirsutis resticulis cruribus eius innexis divaricaturn sine spiramento ullo ad usque praetorium traxere praefecti.

15 Having delayed nothing after these things, the soldiers, eager and often falling upon the mobs, first attacked Montius, who was turning aside nearby — an old and sick man of slight body — and with hairy nettings bound to his legs and his limbs splayed, the prefects dragged him, without any breath, all the way to the praetorium.

16 Et eodem impetu Domitianum praecipitem per scalas itidem funibus constrinxerunt, eosque coniunctos per ampla spatia civitatis acri raptavere discursu. Iamque artuum et membrorum divulsa conpage superscandentes corpora mortuorum ad ultimam truncata deformitatem velut exsaturati mox abiecerunt in flumen.

16 And with that same onrush they likewise bound Domitian headlong on the stairways with ropes, and, having fastened them together, carried him off in a keen rush through the wide spaces of the city. And now, the joints and framework of his limbs having been torn apart, they, climbing over the bodies of the dead, cast down the trunks, cut away to the utterest deformity, as if sated, soon into the river.

17 Incenderat autem audaces usque ad insaniam homines ad haec, quae nefariis egere conatibus, Luscus quidam curator urbis subito visus: eosque ut heiulans baiolorum praecentor ad expediendum quod orsi sunt incitans vocibus crebris. Qui haut longe postea ideo vivus exustus est.

17 Moreover, a certain one-eyed Luscus, curator of the city, suddenly appeared, and had inflamed men, daring even unto madness, to these deeds which they executed by nefarious attempts; and, like a wailing praecentor of the carriers, urging them with frequent voices to accomplish what they had begun. He, not long afterwards, was for that reason burned alive.

18 Et quia Montius inter dilancinantium manus spiritum efflaturus Epigonum et Eusebium nec professionem nec dignitatem ostendens aliquotiens increpabat, qui sint hi magna quaerebatur industria, et nequid intepesceret, Epigonus e Lycia philosophus ducitur et Eusebius ab Emissa Pittacas cognomento, concitatus orator, cum quaestor non hos sed tribunos fabricarum insimulasset promittentes armorum si novas res agitari conperissent.

18 And because Montius, about to breathe out his spirit amid the hands of those tearing him apart, repeatedly rebuked Epigonus and Eusebius, showing neither profession nor dignity, and diligently asked who those great ones were, and lest he grow at all lukewarm, Epigonus, a philosopher from Lycia, is led off and Eusebius from Emissa, surnamed Pittacas, an impassioned orator, — the quaestor having not denounced these men but the tribunes of the fabricae as the same, promising arms if they should learn that new affairs were being set in motion.

19 Isdem diebus Apollinaris Domitiani gener, paulo ante agens palatii Caesaris curam, ad Mesopotamiam missus a socero per militares numeros immodice scrutabatur, an quaedam altiora meditantis iam Galli secreta susceperint scripta, qui conpertis Antiochiae gestis per minorem Armeniam lapsus Constantinopolim petit exindeque per protectores retractus artissime tenebatur.

19 In those same days Apollinaris, Domitian’s son-in-law, a little before charged with the care of the palace of the Caesar, having been sent to Mesopotamia by his father-in-law, was excessively scrutinizing through the military ranks whether certain higher secrets of the Gauls, already meditating mischief, had been received in writing; and when the deeds at Antioch were discovered, he, having slipped through Lesser Armenia, made for Constantinople, and thence, drawn back by protectors, was held most closely.

20 Quae dum ita struuntur, indicatum est apud Tyrum indumentum regale textum occulte, incertum quo locante vel cuius usibus apparatum. Ideoque rector provinciae tunc pater Apollinaris eiusdem nominis ut conscius ductus est aliique congregati sunt ex diversis civitatibus multi, qui atrocium criminum ponderibus urgebantur.

20 While these things were thus contrived, it was reported at Tyre that a royal garment, woven, had been concealed secretly, uncertain by whom placed or for whose uses it had been prepared. And therefore the governor of the province, then Father Apollinaris of the same name, was led away as an accomplice, and many others were gathered from various cities, who were pressed by the weights of atrocious crimes.

21 Iamque lituis cladium concrepantibus internarum non celate ut antea turbidum saeviebat ingenium a veri consideratione detortum et nullo inpositorum vel conpositorum fidem sollemniter inquirente nec discernente a societate noxiorum insontes velut exturbatum e iudiciis fas omne discessit, et causarum legitima silente defensione carnifex rapinarum sequester et obductio capitum et bonorum ubique multatio versabatur per orientales provincias, quas recensere puto nunc oportunum absque Mesopotamia digesta, cum bella Parthica dicerentur, et Aegypto, quam necessario aliud reieci ad tempus.

21 And now, with the litui sounding the calamity, his inner temper raged turbulently, no longer concealed as before and turned away from consideration of the truth; and with no one solemnly inquiring into or discerning the credibility of accusers or framers, from the fellowship of the guilty the innocent seemed as if expelled, and all right departed from the courts; and with the lawful defense of cases silent, the executioner of plunder, sequestration, the seizure of persons and goods, and monetary mulcts were everywhere in operation through the eastern provinces, which, I think, it is now opportune to enumerate—arranged without Mesopotamia, since Parthian wars were being spoken of, and without Egypt, which I have necessarily set aside for another time.

Orientis provinciarum descriptio.

Description of the provinces of the Orient.

[8]

1 Superatis Tauri montis verticibus qui ad solis ortum sublimius attolluntur, Cilicia spatiis porrigitur late distentis dives bonis omnibus terra, eiusque lateri dextro adnexa Isauria, pari sorte uberi palmite viget et frugibus minutis, quam mediam navigabile flumen Calycadnus interscindit.

1 With the summits of Mount Taurus surmounted, which lift themselves more lofty toward the sunrise, Cilicia stretches forth in widely extended spaces, a land rich in all goods, and Isauria, joined to its right flank, by like lot thrives in abundant vine-growth and small fruits, which the navigable river Calycadnus cleaves through its midst.

2 Et hanc quidem praeter oppida multa duae civitates exornant Seleucia opus Seleuci regis, et Claudiopolis quam deduxit coloniam Claudius Caesar. Isaura enim antehac nimium potens, olim subversa ut rebellatrix interneciva aegre vestigia claritudinis pristinae monstrat admodum pauca.

2 And besides many towns two cities adorn it: Seleucia, the work of King Seleucus, and Claudiopolis, which Claudius Caesar founded as a colonia. For Isaura, formerly overly powerful, once overthrown — rebellious and murderous — hardly shows the vestiges of its former claritas, very few indeed.

3 Ciliciam vero, quae Cydno amni exultat, Tarsus nobilitat, urbs perspicabilis hanc condidisse Perseus memoratur, Iovis filius et Danaes, vel certe ex Aethiopia profectus Sandan quidam nomine vir opulentus et nobilis et Anazarbus auctoris vocabulum referens, et Mopsuestia vatis illius domicilium Mopsi, quem a conmilitio Argonautarum cum aureo vellere direpto redirent, errore abstractum delatumque ad Africae litus mors repentina consumpsit, et ex eo cespite punico tecti manes eius heroici dolorum varietati medentur plerumque sospitales.

3 Cilicia, however, which rejoices in the river Cydnus, is ennobled by Tarsus; the conspicuous city is said to have been founded by Perseus, son of Jove and Danaë, or certainly by a certain man named Sandan, opulent and noble, who set out from Ethiopia, and Anazarbus taking the founder’s name, and Mopsuestia the dwelling of that seer Mopsus, whom, carried off by error while returning from the fellowship of the Argonauts with the golden fleece having been seized, sudden death consumed and brought to the African shore — and on that Punic turf his heroic shades lie covered, their hospices often tending the varied maladies of sorrow.

4 Hae duae provinciae bello quondam piratico catervis mixtae praedonum a Servilio pro consule missae sub iugum factae sunt vectigales. Et hae quidem regiones velut in prominenti terrarum lingua positae ob orbe eoo monte Amano disparantur.

4 These two provinces, once in war mingled with piratic bands of plunderers, were sent under the yoke by Servilius as proconsul and made tributary. And these regions, set as it were upon a projecting tongue of the lands, are separated by the Amanus mountain jutting toward the east of the globe.

5 Orientis vero limes in longum protentus et rectum ab Euphratis fluminis ripis ad usque supercilia porrigitur Nili, laeva Saracenis conterminans gentibus, dextra pelagi fragoribus patens, quam plagam Nicator Seleucus occupatam auxit magnum in modum, cum post Alexandri Macedonis obitum successorio iure teneret regna Persidis, efficaciae inpetrabilis rex, ut indicat cognomentum.

5 But the frontier of the East, stretched out long and straight, extends from the banks of the river Euphrates even to the brows of the Nile, its left hand bordering the Saracen peoples, its right hand open to the roar of the sea, that region which Nicator Seleucus, once occupied, greatly enlarged, for after the death of Alexander of Macedon he held the kingdoms of Persia by right of succession, a king unassailable in efficacy, as his cognomen indicates.

6 Abusus enim multitudine hominum, quam tranquillis in rebus diutius rexit, ex agrestibus habitaculis urbes construxit multis opibus firmas et viribus, quarum ad praesens pleraeque licet Graecis nominibus appellentur, quae isdem ad arbitrium inposita sunt conditoris, primigenia tamen nomina non amittunt, quae eis Assyria lingua institutores veteres indiderunt.

6 For Abusus, by the multitude of men whom he long governed in peaceful affairs, from rustic habitations built cities made firm with many resources and strengths, most of which at present, although they are called by Greek names imposed at the founder’s whim, nevertheless do not lose their original names, which the ancient instructors gave them in the Assyrian tongue.

7 Et prima post Osdroenam quam, ut dictum est, ab hac descriptione discrevimus, Commagena, nunc Euphratensis, clementer adsurgit, Hierapoli, vetere Nino et Samosata civitatibus amplis inlustris.

7 And first after Osdroena, which, as has been said, we distinguished from this description, Commagene, now Euphratensis, graciously rises up, illustrious in its ample cities Hierapolis, ancient Ninus, and Samosata.

8 Dein Syria per speciosam interpatet diffusa planitiem. Hanc nobilitat Antiochia, mundo cognita civitas, cui non certaverit alia advecticiis ita adfluere copiis et internis, et Laodicia et Apamia itidemque Seleucia iam inde a primis auspiciis florentissimae.

8 Then Syria stretches forth across a fair, extensive plain. Antioch, a city known to the world, ennobles it — to which no other would vie in having so abundantly both imported and native supplies — and Laodicea and Apamea, and likewise Seleucia, from the earliest auspices have been most flourishing.

9 Post hanc adclinis Libano monti Phoenice, regio plena gratiarum et venustatis, urbibus decorata magnis et pulchris; in quibus amoenitate celebritateque nominum Tyros excellit, Sidon et Berytus isdemque pares Emissa et Damascus saeculis condita priscis.

9 Beyond this, leaning against Mount Lebanon, Phoenicia, a region full of graces and loveliness, adorned with great and beautiful cities; among which Tyros excels in charm and the celebrity of names, Sidon and Berytus are equal to her, and Emissa and Damascus were founded in very ancient ages.

10 Has autem provincias, quas Orontes ambiens amnis imosque pedes Cassii montis illius celsi praetermeans funditur in Parthenium mare, Gnaeus Pompeius superato Tigrane regnis Armeniorum abstractas dicioni Romanae coniunxit.

10 These provinces, which the Orontes, a surrounding river, pours out at the low feet of that lofty Cassius mountain as it passes into the Parthian Sea, Gnaeus Pompeius, with Tigranes king of the Armenians overcome, annexed to Roman dominion.

11 Ultima Syriarum est Palaestina per intervalla magna protenta, cultis abundans terris et nitidis et civitates habens quasdam egregias, nullam nulli cedentem sed sibi vicissim velut ad perpendiculum aemulas: Caesaream, quam ad honorem Octaviani principis exaedificavit Herodes, et Eleutheropolim et Neapolim itidemque Ascalonem Gazam aevo superiore exstructas.

11 Palestine is the farthest of the Syrians, stretched out through great intervals, abounding in cultivated lands both fertile and bright, and having certain distinguished cities, yielding to none yet rivaling one another in turn as if to a plumb‑line: Caesarea, which Herod built in honor of Octavian the prince, and Eleutheropolis and Neapolis, and likewise Ascalon and Gaza, erected in a former age.

12 In his tractibus navigerum nusquam visitur flumen sed in locis plurimis aquae suapte natura calentes emergunt ad usus aptae multiplicium medelarum. Verum has quoque regiones pari sorte Pompeius Iudaeis domitis et Hierosolymis captis in provinciae speciem delata iuris dictione formavit.

12 In these tracts of navigable waters no river is seen, but in very many places waters, by their own nature hot, spring up suited for uses and for manifold remedies. Yet Pompeius likewise reduced these regions, with the Jews subdued and Jerusalem taken, into the semblance of a province, giving them under Roman legal jurisdiction.

13 Huic Arabia est conserta, ex alio latere Nabataeis contigua; opima varietate conmerciorum castrisque oppleta validis et castellis, quae ad repellendos gentium vicinarum excursus sollicitudo pervigil veterum per oportunos saltus erexit et cautos. Haec quoque civitates habet inter oppida quaedam ingentes Bostram et Gerasam atque Philadelphiam murorum firmitate cautissimas. Hanc provinciae inposito nomine rectoreque adtributo obtemperare legibus nostris Traianus conpulit imperator incolarum tumore saepe contunso cum glorioso marte Mediam urgeret et Parthos.

13 To this Arabia is joined, contiguous on the other side to the Nabataeans; teeming with a rich variety of commerce and filled with strong camps and fortresses, which, to repel incursions of neighboring peoples, the watchful solicitude of the ancients raised at advantageous passes and approaches. It also has among its towns some very large cities — Bostra and Gerasa and Philadelphia — most secure in the firmness of their walls. With the province’s name imposed and a governor assigned, the emperor Trajan compelled it to yield to our laws, its inhabitants’ swelling pride often crushed, while with glorious warfare he pressed upon Media and the Parthians.

14 Cyprum itidem insulam procul a continenti discretam et portuosam inter municipia crebra urbes duae faciunt claram Salamis et Paphus, altera Iovis delubris altera Veneris templo insignis. Tanta autem tamque multiplici fertilitate abundat rerum omnium eadem Cyprus ut nullius externi indigens adminiculi indigenis viribus a fundamento ipso carinae ad supremos usque carbasos aedificet onerariam navem omnibusque armamentis instructam mari committat.

14 Cyprus likewise, an island set apart far from the continent and well‑portioned, is made famous among its municipia by two frequent cities, Salamis and Paphus, the one remarkable for the shrines of Iovis, the other notable for the temple of Veneris. Moreover Cyprus abounds so, and with so manifold a fertility of all things, that needing no external adminiculum it with native forces builds from the very carina to the topmost carbasos a laden ship and commits it to the sea furnished with all armamenta.

15 Nec piget dicere avide magis hanc insulam populum Romanum invasisse quam iuste. Ptolomaeo enim rege foederato nobis et socio ob aerarii nostri angustias iusso sine ulla culpa proscribi ideoque hausto veneno voluntaria morte deleto et tributaria facta est et velut hostiles eius exuviae classi inpositae in urbem advectae sunt per Catonem, nunc repetetur ordo gestorum.

15 Nor is it displeasing to say that the Roman people invaded this island more avidly than justly. For Ptolemy, a king allied and partner to us, was by command proscribed on account of the straits of our treasury, without any guilt; and therefore, having drained poison and so destroyed himself by voluntary death, he was made tributary, and, as it were, its hostile spoils placed upon the fleet were brought into the city by Cato; now the sequence of deeds will be recounted.

De Constantio Gallo Caesare.

On Constantius Gallus, Caesar.

[9]

1 Inter has ruinarum varietates a Nisibi quam tuebatur accitus Vrsicinus, cui nos obsecuturos iunxerat imperiale praeceptum, dispicere litis exitialis certamina cogebatur abnuens et reclamans, adulatorum oblatrantibus turmis, bellicosus sane milesque semper et militum ductor sed forensibus iurgiis longe discretus, qui metu sui discriminis anxius cum accusatores quaesitoresque subditivos sibi consociatos ex isdem foveis cerneret emergentes, quae clam palamve agitabantur, occultis Constantium litteris edocebat inplorans subsidia, quorum metu tumor notissimus Caesaris exhalaret.

1 Among these varieties of ruin, Ursicinus, who was guarding Nisibis and to whom the imperial command had bound us to be obedient, being summoned was compelled to behold the deadly contests of litigation, denying and protesting, with throngs of flatterers barking out; a truly warlike soldier and always a leader of soldiers, yet far removed from forensic quarrels, he, anxious about the peril of his situation, when he saw accusers and quaesitors—subordinates allied with him—rising from the same pits, and what they were doing secretly or openly, made known in hidden letters to the Constantines, imploring succours, by whose fear the well‑known swelling of the Caesar would be dispelled.

2 Sed cautela nimia in peiores haeserat plagas, ut narrabimus postea, aemulis consarcinantibus insidias graves apud Constantium, cetera medium principem sed siquid auribus eius huius modi quivis infudisset ignotus, acerbum et inplacabilem et in hoc causarum titulo dissimilem sui.

2 But excessive caution had stuck to worse snares, as we shall tell later, rivals patching together grave conspiracies against Constantius; the rest left the prince neutral, but if any unknown person had poured things of this sort into his ears, he became bitter and implacable, and in this matter of causes unlike himself.

3 Proinde die funestis interrogationibus praestituto imaginarius iudex equitum resedit magister adhibitis aliis iam quae essent agenda praedoctis, et adsistebant hinc inde notarii, quid quaesitum esset, quidve responsum, cursim ad Caesarem perferentes, cuius imperio truci, stimulis reginae exsertantis aurem subinde per aulaeum, nec diluere obiecta permissi nec defensi periere conplures.

3 Therefore, with the day appointed for the fatal interrogations, the nominal judge of the cavalry took his seat; the master was summoned, others already pre-instructed in what was to be done being brought in, and notaries stood here and there, hastily carrying to the Caesar what had been asked and what the answer was, under whose stern command and with the queen continually prodding his ear with a goad through the curtain; and many, neither permitted to refute the charges nor defended, perished.

4 Primi igitur omnium statuuntur Epigonus et Eusebius ob nominum gentilitatem oppressi. Praediximus enim Montium sub ipso vivendi termino his vocabulis appellatos fabricarum culpasse tribunos ut adminicula futurae molitioni pollicitos.

4 Therefore first of all Epigonus and Eusebius are appointed, oppressed on account of the gentility of their names. For we had foretold that those called Montium, under that very term of living, had accused the tribunes of the fabricas, having promised supports for the future molition (undertaking).

5 Et Epigonus quidem amictu tenus philosophus, ut apparuit, prece frustra temptata, sulcatis lateribus mortisque metu admoto turpi confessione cogitatorum socium, quae nulla erant, fuisse firmavit cum nec vidisset quicquam nec audisset penitus expers forensium rerum; Eusebius vero obiecta fidentius negans, suspensus in eodem gradu constantiae stetit latrocinium illud esse, non iudicium clamans.

5 And Epigonus, a philosopher at least in garb, as it appeared, his prayer tried in vain, with flayed sides and the fear of death brought near, by a shameful confession affirmed that he had been a companion in plots, which were none, although he had seen nothing nor heard, wholly inexperienced in forensic affairs; but Eusebius, denying the charges more boldly, suspended on the same rank of constancy, maintained that that was brigandage, not judgment.

6 Cumque pertinacius ut legum gnarus accusatorem flagitaret atque sollemnia, doctus id Caesar libertatemque superbiam ratus tamquam obtrectatorem audacem excarnificari praecepit, qui ita evisceratus ut cruciatibus membra deessent, inplorans caelo iustitiam, torvum renidens fundato pectore mansit inmobilis nec se incusare nec quemquam alium passus et tandem nec confessus nec confutatus cum abiecto consorte poenali est morte multatus. Et ducebatur intrepidus temporum iniquitati insultans, imitatus Zenonem illum veterem Stoicum qui ut mentiretur quaedam laceratus diutius, avulsam sedibus linguam suam cum cruento sputamine in oculos interrogantis Cyprii regis inpegit.

6 And when, more stubbornly, as one versed in the laws, he clamored for an accuser and for formal rites, Caesar, thinking this presumption of liberty and arrogance as of an audacious detractor, ordered him to be flayed alive; so disembowelled that by tortures his limbs were lacking, imploring justice from heaven, grimly smiling, he remained immovable with his breast shattered, permitting neither himself to accuse nor any other, and at last, neither having confessed nor been confuted, with his penal companion cast down he was punished with death. And he was led on, intrepid, scoffing at the iniquity of the times, imitating that old Stoic Zeno who, that he might not utter certain falsehoods, having been long torn, fixed his tongue, torn from its roots, with bloody spittle into the eyes of the questioning King of Cyprus.

7 Post haec indumentum regale quaerebatur et ministris fucandae purpurae tortis confessisque pectoralem tuniculam sine manicis textam, Maras nomine quidam inductus est ut appellant Christiani diaconus, cuius prolatae litterae scriptae Graeco sermone ad Tyrii textrini praepositum celerari speciem perurgebant quam autem non indicabant denique etiam idem ad usque discrimen vitae vexatus nihil fateri conpulsus est.

7 After this a royal garment was sought, and to the attendants for dyeing the purple and to the twisted, confessed pectoral tunic woven without sleeves a certain man named Maras was brought in, whom the Christians call a deacon; the letters produced, written in the Greek tongue, urged haste to the superintendent of the Tyrian dyers for the desired appearance, which however they did not disclose, and at last even he himself, harassed up to the very peril of life, was not compelled to confess anything.

8 Quaestione igitur per multiplices dilatata fortunas cum ambigerentur quaedam, non nulla levius actitata constaret, post multorum clades Apollinares ambo pater et filius in exilium acti cum ad locum Crateras nomine pervenissent, villam scilicet suam quae ab Antiochia vicensimo et quarto disiungitur lapide, ut mandatum est, fractis cruribus occiduntur.

8 Therefore, the inquiry, prolonged by manifold fortunes, when certain things were disputed and not a few matters esteemed more lightly, after the disasters at Apollinaris both father and son, driven into exile, having reached a place called Crateras — namely their villa which is distant from Antioch by twenty-four stones, as had been commanded — were slain, their legs having been broken.

9 Post quorum necem nihilo lenius ferociens Gallus ut leo cadaveribus pastus multa huius modi scrutabatur. Quae singula narrare non refert, me professione modum, quod evitandum est, excedamus.

9 After their slaughter, the savage Gallus, no less fierce and, like a lion fed on corpses, probed many matters of this kind. It is not fitting to recount each particular; let us, in my narration, pass beyond the measure that ought to be avoided.

Pax Alamannis petentibus datur a Constantio A.

Peace is granted to the Alamanni petitioning it by Constantius A.

[10]

1 Haec dum oriens diu perferret, caeli reserato tepore Constantius consulatu suo septies et Caesaris ter egressus Arelate Valentiam petit, in Gundomadum et Vadomarium fratres Alamannorum reges arma moturus, quorum crebris excursibus vastabantur confines limitibus terrae Gallorum.

1 While these things the East long endured, with heaven's warmth opened, Constantius, having been consul seven times and Caesar three times, set out from Arelate for Valentia to move against Gundomadus and Vadomar, brothers and kings of the Alamanni, who, about to take up arms, by their frequent incursions were laying waste the confines and limits of the land of the Gauls.

2 Dumque ibi diu moratur commeatus opperiens, quorum translationem ex Aquitania verni imbres solito crebriores prohibebant auctique torrentes, Herculanus advenit protector domesticus, Hermogenis ex magistro equitum filius, apud Constantinopolim, ut supra rettulimus, populari quondam turbela discerpti. Quo verissime referente quae Gallus egerat, damnis super praeteritis maerens et futurorum timore suspensus angorem animi quam diu potuit emendabat.

2 While he stayed there long awaiting the commeatus, whose transport from Aquitania the spring rains, more frequent than usual, prevented and whose swollen torrents were increased, Herculanus arrived, protector domesticus, son of Hermogenes the magister equitum, at Constantinople, as we have reported above, once scattered by a popular turbula. With him most faithfully reporting what Gallus had done, grieving over losses past and suspended by fear of those to come, he sought to heal the anguish of his mind as long as he could.

3 Miles tamen interea omnis apud Cabillona collectus morarum inpatiens saeviebat hoc inritatior, quod nec subsidia vivendi suppeterent alimentis nondum ex usu translatis.

3 The whole soldiery, meanwhile, gathered at Cabillona, raged, impatient of delays and the more provoked because no means of living were at hand, their provisions not yet transferred from the stores.

4 Unde Rufinus ea tempestate praefectus praetorio ad discrimen trusus est ultimum. Ire enim ipse compellebatur ad militem, quem exagitabat inopia simul et feritas, et alioqui coalito more in ordinarias dignitates asperum semper et saevum, ut satisfaceret atque monstraret, quam ob causam annonae convectio sit impedita.

4 Wherefore Rufinus at that time, praetorian prefect, was thrust to the last crisis. For he himself was compelled to go to the soldiers, whom want and ferocity together were harrying, and otherwise, hardened by habit into the ordinary dignities, always rough and savage, that he might placate and show for what cause the conveyance of grain was impeded.

5 Quod opera consulta cogitabatur astute, ut hoc insidiarum genere Galli periret avunculus, ne eum ut praepotens acueret in fiduciam exitiosa coeptantem. Verum navata est opera diligens hocque dilato Eusebius praepositus cubiculi missus est Cabillona aurum secum perferens, quo per turbulentos seditionum concitores occultius distributo et tumor consenuit militum et salus est in tuto locata praefecti. Deinde cibo abunde perlato castra die praedicto sunt mota.

5 This scheme was being cleverly contrived, that by this kind of ambush the uncle of the Gauls might perish, lest he, being overly powerful, should embolden into confidence the one embarking on a ruinous enterprise. But diligent effort was set in motion, and, this delayed, Eusebius, praepositus cubiculi, was sent to Cabillona carrying gold with him; with which, secretly distributed to the turbulent instigators of sedition, the uproar of the soldiers was quelled and the prefect’s safety placed beyond danger. Then, food having been abundantly conveyed, the camp was moved on the day aforementioned.

6 Emensis itaque difficultatibus multis et nive obrutis callibus plurimis ubi prope Rauracum ventum est ad supercilia fluminis Rheni, resistente multitudine Alamanna pontem suspendere navium conpage Romani vi nimia vetabantur ritu grandinis undique convolantibus telis, et cum id inpossibile videretur, imperator cogitationibus magnis attonitus, quid capesseret ambigebat.

6 Thus, having been sent through many hardships and with soles buried in snow, at very many paths where we came near Rauracum, on the brow of the river Rhine, the Alamanni, the resisting multitude, by excessive force prevented the Romans from suspending a bridge made by the joining of ships, their missiles flying everywhere like hail; and when that seemed impossible, the emperor, stunned by great cogitations, wavered what he should undertake.

7 Ecce autem ex inproviso index quidam regionum gnarus advenit et mercede accepta vadosum locum nocte monstravit unde superari potuit flumen: et potuisset aliorsum intentis hostibus exercitus inde transgressus nullo id opinante cuncta vastare, ni pauci ex eadem gente, quibus erat honoratioris militiae cura commissa, populares suos haec per nuntios docuissent occultos, ut quidam existimabant.

7 But behold, unexpectedly a certain guide, knowing the regions, arrived and, having received payment, showed by night a shallow place from which the river could be crossed: and the army might have crossed elsewhere and, with the enemy intent elsewhere, devastated all things with no one suspecting it, if not that a few of the same people, to whom the care of the more honored military duty had been entrusted, had secretly informed their own townsmen of these matters by messengers, as some thought.

8 Infamabat autem haec suspicio Latinum domesticorum comitem et Agilonem tribunum stabuli atque Scudilonem Scutariorum rectorem, qui tunc ut dextris suis gestantes rem publicam colebantur.

8 And this suspicion was blackening Latinus, the comes of the domestics, and Agilo, tribune of the stables, and Scudilo, commander of the Scutarii, who then were honoured as his right hands, bearing the republic.

9 At barbari suscepto pro instantium rerum ratione consilio, dirimentibus forte auspicibus vel congredi prohibente auctoritate sacrorum, mollito rigore, quo fidentius resistebant, optimates misere delictorum veniam petituros et pacem.

9 But the barbarians, adopting a plan suited to the urgency of affairs, with the auspices perhaps declaring the rites void or the authority of the sacred ceremonies forbidding an engagement, and with the rigour by which they had been resisting thus softened, the optimates would miserably seek mercy for their offences and peace.

10 Tentis igitur regis utriusque legatis et negotio tectius diu pensato cum pacem oportere tribui, quae iustis condicionibus petebatur, eamque ex re tum fore sententiarum via concinens adprobasset, advocato in contionem exercitu imperator pro tempore pauca dicturus tribunali adsistens circumdatus potestatum coetu celsarum ad hunc disservit modum:

10 Therefore, the legates of both kings having been summoned and the affair more secretly long pondered, since peace ought to be granted — which was being requested on just conditions — and since he had approved that this, from the thing itself, would be by the course of judgments, the emperor, the army having been called into assembly and about to say a few words for the moment, standing at the tribunal and surrounded by a gathering of the high powers, addressed them to this effect:

11 Nemo quaeso miretur, si post exsudatos labores itinerum longos congestosque adfatim commeatus fiducia vestri ductante barbaricos pagos adventans velut mutato repente consilio ad placidiora deverti.

11 Let no one, I pray, be astonished if, after sweated labors of long marches and supplies heaped up abundantly, one advancing into barbaric districts, with your confidence guiding, should, as if by a counsel suddenly changed, turn aside toward more placid affairs.

12 Pro suo enim loco et animo quisque vestrum reputans id inveniet verum, quod miles ubique, licet membris vigentibus firmus, se solum vitamque propriam circumspicit et defendit, imperator vero officiosus dum metuit omnibus, alienae custos salutis nihil non ad sui spectare tutelam rationes populorum cognoscit et remedia cuncta quae status negotiorum admittit, arripere debet alacriter secunda numinis voluntate delata.

12 For each of you, weighing his own place and disposition, will find this true: that the miles everywhere, though firm with vigorous limbs, regards and defends only himself and his own life; but the officious emperor, while he fears for all, as guardian of another’s safety knows that all the considerations for the protection of peoples and all the remedies which the status of affairs admits he must eagerly seize, when they are offered by the favorable will of the numen.

13 Ut in breve igitur conferam et ostendam qua ex causa omnes vos simul adesse volui, commilitones mei fidissimi, accipite aequis auribus quae succinctius explicabo. Veritas enim absoluta semper ac perquam est simplex.

13 Therefore, that I may sum up briefly and show for what cause I wished you all to be present together, my most faithful commilitones, receive with impartial ears what I will explain more succinctly. For absolute truth is always and exceedingly simple.

14 Arduos vestrae gloriae gradus, quos fama per plagarum quoque accolas extimarum diffundit, excellenter adcrescens, Alamannorum reges et populi formidantes per oratores quos videtis summissis cervicibus concessionem praeteritorum poscunt et pacem. Quam ut cunctator et cautus utiliumque monitor, si vestra voluntas adest, tribui debere censeo multa contemplans. Primo ut Martis ambigua declinentur, dein ut auxiliatores pro adversariis adsciscamus quod pollicentur tum autem ut incruenti mitigemus ferociae flatus perniciosos saepe provinciis, postremo id reputantes quod non ille hostis vincitur solus, qui cadit in acie pondere armorum oppressus et virium, sed multo tutius etiam tuba tacente sub iugum mittitur voluntarius qui sentit expertus nec fortitudinem in rebellis nec lenitatem in supplices animos abesse Romanis.

14 The arduous steps of your glory, which fame, spreading even among the beats of neighboring peoples, greatly increasing, the kings and peoples of the Alamanni, fearing, through envoys whom you see with bowed necks ask concession of former things and peace. Which, as a hesitating and cautious guardian of interests, if your will is present, I judge ought to be granted, considering many things. First, that the ambiguities of Martis be turned aside; then that we accept as auxiliaries those whom they promise against our adversaries; then that, bloodlessly, we mitigate the pernicious gusts of ferocity which often afflict the provinces; finally, considering that that enemy is not only conquered who falls on the line, crushed by the weight of arms and of force, but far more safely is sent beneath the yoke voluntarily, while the trumpet is silent, who has learned by experience that among the Romans neither fortitude in rebels nor leniency toward suppliants is lacking.

15 In summa tamquam arbitros vos quid suadetis opperior ut princeps tranquillus temperanter adhibere modum adlapsa felicitate decernens. Non enim inertiae sed modestiae humanitatique, mihi credite, hoc quod recte consultum est adsignabitur.

15 In short, as arbiters I await what you advise, so that I, the prince, calm, may temperately apply a measure, deciding in view of the good fortune that has befallen. For to modesty and humanity, not to inertia, will be ascribed, believe me, that which has been rightly resolved.

16 Mox dicta finierat, multitudo omnis ad, quae imperator voluit, promptior laudato consilio consensit in pacem ea ratione maxime percita, quod norat expeditionibus crebris fortunam eius in malis tantum civilibus vigilasse, cum autem bella moverentur externa, accidisse plerumque luctuosa, icto post haec foedere gentium ritu perfectaque sollemnitate imperator Mediolanum ad hiberna discessit.

16 Soon the speech was ended; the whole multitude, readier to assent to what the emperor wished and having praised the counsel, consented to peace, most moved by this consideration: that he knew from frequent expeditions that his fortune had watched over evils only in civil affairs, whereas when external wars were stirred up they had for the most part proved grievous. After this treaty had been struck in the manner of nations and the solemnity completed, the emperor departed to Mediolanum for the winter-quarters.

Constantius Gallus Caesar evocatur a Constantio A. et capite truncatur.

Constantius Gallus, Caesar, is summoned by Constantius Augustus and beheaded.

[11]

1 Ubi curarum abiectis ponderibus aliis tamquam nodum et codicem difficillimum Caesarem convellere nisu valido cogitabat, eique deliberanti cum proximis clandestinis conloquiis et nocturnis qua vi, quibusve commentis id fieret, antequam effundendis rebus pertinacius incumberet confidentia, acciri mollioribus scriptis per simulationem tractatus publici nimis urgentis eundem placuerat Gallum, ut auxilio destitutus sine ullo interiret obstaculo.

1 When, the weights of cares having been cast off, he was attempting with a mighty effort to wrench away Caesar as if he were a most difficult knot and block, and, deliberating with his nearest in secret councils and nocturnal conferences about by what force or by what artifices this should be done, before he should more stubbornly set himself to the effusion of affairs, it pleased him, by confidence, to summon Gallus by gentler letters under the guise of a public negotiation too pressing, so that, left destitute of aid, he might perish without any obstacle.

2 Huic sententiae versabilium adulatorum refragantibus globis inter quos erat Arbetio ad insidiandum acer et flagrans, et Eusebius tunc praepositus cubiculi effusior ad nocendum id occurrebat Caesare discedente Vrsicinum in oriente perniciose relinquendum, si nullus esset, qui prohiberet altiora meditaturum.

2 Against this purpose stood the spheres of fickle flatterers, among whom was Arbetius, sharp and blazing to set ambushes, and Eusebius, then praepositus cubiculi, more effusive in harming; this met the emperor as he departed — Ursicinus to be perniciously left in the East, if there were none to forbid him who was meditating loftier designs.

3 Isdemque residui regii accessere spadones, quorum ea tempestate plus habendi cupiditas ultra mortalem modum adolescebat, inter ministeria vitae secretioris per arcanos susurros nutrimenta fictis criminibus subserentes: qui ponderibus invidiae gravioris virum fortissimum opprimebant, subolescere imperio adultos eius filios mussitantes, decore corporum favorabiles et aetate, per multiplicem armaturae scientiam agilitatemque membrorum inter cotidiana proludia exercitus consulto consilio cognitos: Gallum suopte ingenio trucem per suppositos quosdam ad saeva facinora ideo animatum ut eo digna omnium ordinum detestatione exoso ad magistri equitum liberos principatus insignia transferantur.

3 And to these the remaining royal spadones joined, whose at that season the desire to possess more grew beyond mortal measure, inserting sustenance amid the ministrations of a more secret life by secret whispers and fabricated accusations: who, with the weights of heavier envy, oppressed the most brave man, murmuring that his adult sons were ripening for rule, both pleasing in bodily beauty and in age, known by deliberate council among the daily drills of the army for their manifold knowledge of arms and the agility of their limbs: Gallus, savage by his own genius, was thus by certain impostors incited to cruel crimes, with the purpose that, he being loathed with the detestation of all orders as unworthy, the insignia of the principate might be transferred to the freeborn sons of the magister equitum.

4 Cum haec taliaque sollicitas eius aures everberarent expositas semper eius modi rumoribus et patentes, varia animo tum miscente consilia, tandem id ut optimum factu elegit: et ursicinum primum ad se venire summo cum honore mandavit ea specie ut pro rerum tunc urgentium captu disponeretur concordi consilio, quibus virium incrementis Parthicarum gentium a arma minantium impetus frangerentur.

4 When these and such things continually lashed his anxious ears, always exposed and open to such rumors, and he, his mind then mingling diverse counsels, at length chose that as the best thing to be done: and he commanded ursicinum first to come to him with the highest honour, under the pretext that he be arranged, by a concordant council, for the seizing (captu) of the pressing affairs of the time, by which, through reinforcements of forces, the assaults of the Parthian peoples menacing with arms might be broken.

5 Et nequid suspicaretur adversi venturus, vicarius eius, dum redit, Prosper missus est comes: acceptisque litteris et copia rei vehiculariae data Mediolanum itineribus properavimus magnis.

5 And lest anything be suspected that an adversary would come, his vicar, while he returned, Prosper was sent as comes: having received letters and a supply of transport allotted, we hurried to Milan with great speed.

6 Restabat ut Caesar post haec properaret accitus et abstergendae causa suspicionis sororem suam, eius uxorem, Constantius ad se tandem desideratam venire multis fictisque blanditiis hortabatur. Quae licet ambigeret metuens saepe cruentum, spe tamen quod eum lenire poterit ut germanum profecta, cum Bithyniam introisset, in statione quae Caenos Gallicanos appellatur, absumpta est vi febrium repentina. Cuius post obitum maritus contemplans cecidisse fiduciam qua se fultum existimabat, anxia cogitatione, quid moliretur haerebat.

6 It remained that Caesar, after these things, should hasten; summoned and, for the sake of wiping away suspicion, he urged his sister, Constantius’s wife, at last long desired to come to him with many fictitious blandishments. She, although wavering and often fearing bloodshed, yet in the hope that by going to her brother she might soften him, having entered Bithynia, at the station called Caenos Gallicanos, was consumed by the force of a sudden fever. After her death her husband, considering that the confidence on which he had thought himself supported had fallen, clung in anxious reflection to what he might devise.

7 Inter res enim inpeditas et turbidas ad hoc unum mentem sollicitam dirigebat, quod Constantius cuncta ad suam sententiam conferens nec satisfactionem suscipiet aliquam nec erratis ignoscet, sed, ut erat in propinquitatis perniciem inclinatior, laqueos ei latenter obtendens, si cepisset incautum, morte multaret.

7 For amid impeded and troubled affairs one thing alone turned his anxious mind to this: that Constantius, reducing all things to his own judgment, would neither receive any satisfaction nor pardon errors, but, being more inclined to the ruin of kindred, secretly presenting snares to him, if he should seize him unwarily, would punish him with death.

8 Eo necessitatis adductus ultimaque ni vigilasset opperiens, principem locum, si copia patuisset [quam] adfectabat, sed perfidiam proximorum ratione bifaria verebatur, qui eum ut truculentum horrebant et levem, quique altiorem Constantii fortunam in discordiis civilibus formidabant.

8 Brought by that necessity, and awaiting the last—had he not been vigilant—he coveted the chief place which he would have sought if opportunity had opened; but he feared the perfidy of those near him for twofold reasons: some who shuddered at him as truculent and inconstant, and others who dreaded that Constantius’ fortune would be raised higher amid civil discord.

9 Inter has curarum moles inmensas imperatoris scripta suscipiebat adsidua monentis orantisque, ut ad se veniret et mente monstrantis obliqua rem publicam nec posse dividi nec debere, sed pro viribus quemque ei ferre suppetias fluctuanti, nimirum Galliarum indicans vastitatem.

9 Among these immense masses of cares the emperor incessantly received writings of one who warned and entreated that he return to himself, and by the mind of the one showing that the republic neither could be nor ought to be divided, but that each should bring to him support according to his powers against the man wavering, namely indicating the devastation of the Gauls.

10 Quibus subserebat non adeo vetus exemplum quod Diocletiano et eius collegae ut apparitores Caesares non resides, sed ultro citroque discurrentes obtemperabant et in Syria Augusti vehiculum irascentis per spatium mille passuum fere pedes antegressus est Galerius purpuratus.

10 To these was added a not-so-old example: under Diocletian and his colleague the Caesars, as attendants, did not remain seated but ran here and there in obedience; and in Syria Galerius, clad in purple, outrunning the emperor’s carriage in anger, advanced before it by a space of nearly 1000 paces.

11 Advenit post multos Scudilo Scutariorum tribunus velamento subagrestis ingenii persuasionis opifex callidus. Qui eum adulabili sermone seriis admixto solus omnium proficisci pellexit vultu adsimulato saepius replicando quod flagrantibus votis eum videre frater cuperet patruelis, siquid per inprudentiam gestum est remissurus ut mitis et clemens, participemque eum suae maiestatis adscisceret, futurum laborum quoque socium, quos Arctoae provinciae diu fessae poscebant.

11 After many days arrived Scudilo, tribune of the Scutarii, a cunning craftsman of persuasion of somewhat rustic bearing under a cloak. He alone of all by flattering speech, with seriousness mixed in, induced him to set out, his countenance assumed and often repeating that with burning vows his cousin longed to see him; that, if anything had been done through imprudence, he would pardon it as mild and merciful, and would enroll him as a sharer of his majesty, and likewise make him a companion of the labors which the long-wearied province of Arctoa demanded.

12 Utque solent manum iniectantibus fatis hebetari sensus hominum et obtundi, his incelebris ad meliorum expectationem erectus egressusque Antiochia numine laevo ductante prorsus ire tendebat de fumo, ut proverbium loquitur vetus, ad flammam, et ingressus Constantinopolim tamquam in rebus prosperis et securis, editis equestribus ludis capiti Thoracis aurigae coronam inposuit ut victoris.

12 And as, when fates lay a hand upon them, the senses of men are wont to be dulled and benumbed, he, raised by these splendors to the expectation of better things and, having departed Antioch with a leftward numen guiding him, was altogether tending to go, from the smoke, as the old proverb says, to the flame, and entering Constantinople as if in prosperous and secure affairs, with the equestrian games held, placed upon the head of Thoracis the charioteer the crown as upon a victor.

13 Quo cognito Constantius ultra mortalem modum exarsit ac nequo casu idem Gallus de futuris incertus agitare quaedam conducentia saluti suae per itinera conaretur, remoti sunt omnes de industria milites agentes in civitatibus perviis.

13 When this became known Constantius blazed beyond mortal measure, and lest by any chance the same Gallus, uncertain about the future, should try by journeys to contrive certain things conducible to his safety, all the soldiers acting as escorts in the passable towns were purposely withdrawn.

14 Eoque tempore Taurus quaestor ad Armeniam missus confidenter nec appellato eo nec viso transivit. Venere tamen aliqui iussu imperatoris administrationum specie diversarum, eundem ne commovere se posset, neve temptaret aliquid occulte custodituri, inter quos Leontius erat, postea urbi praefectus ut quaestor, et Lucillianus quasi domesticorum comes et Scutariorum tribunus nomine Bainobaudes.

14 And at that time Taurus, quaestor, having been sent to Armenia, passed on confidently neither having been summoned nor seen. Yet some arrived by the emperor’s order under the guise of various administrations, to ensure that the same man could not be moved nor secretly attempt anything, among whom was Leontius, afterward praefect of the city as quaestor, and Lucillianus, as it were comes of the domestics and tribune of the Scutarii by the name Bainobaudes.

15 Emensis itaque longis intervallis et planis cum Hadrianopolim introisset urbem Haemimontanam, Vscudamam antehac appellatam, fessasque labore diebus duodecim recreans vires conperit Thebaeas legiones in vicinis oppidis hiemantes consortes suos misisse quosdam, eum ut remaneret promissis fidis hortaturos et firmis, sui fiducia abunde per stationes locati confines, sed observante cura pervigili proximorum nullam videndi vel audiendi quae ferebant furari potuit facultatem.

15. Thus, after long marches and across plains he had entered Hadrianopolis and the city Haemimontana, formerly called Vscudama, and, restoring his strength after toil for 12 days, he discovered that the Thebean legions, wintering in neighboring towns, had sent certain comrades to him — to exhort and to strengthen him with faithful promises that he should remain — their confidence abundantly placed in him along the stationed frontiers; but with the vigilant care of those nearby observing, there was no opportunity to see or to hear what they were carrying off in theft.

16 Inde aliis super alias urgentibus litteris exire et decem vehiculis publicis, ut praeceptum est, usus relicto palatino omni praeter paucos tori ministros et mensae, quos avexerat secum, squalore concretus celerare gradum conpellebatur adigentibus multis, temeritati suae subinde flebiliter inprecatus, quae eum iam despectum et vilem arbitrio subdiderat infimorum.

16 Then, by letters pressing upon one another, he was ordered to go out with ten public carriages, as commanded, his palatine household left behind save for a few bed‑servants and table attendants whom he had carried off with him; encrusted with filth, he was driven to quicken his step by many urging him, repeatedly and plaintively cursing his own rashness, which had already made him despised and base and subject to the will of the lowest.

17 Inter haec tamen per indutias naturae conquiescentis sauciabantur eius sensus circumstridentium terrore larvarum, interfectorumque catervae Domitiano et Montio praeviis correptum eum ut existimabat in somnis uncis furialibus obiectabant.

17 Meanwhile, amid these things his senses, by the truce of slumbering nature, were wounded by the hissing terror of spectres surrounding him, and a troop of assassins — Domitian and Montio having been seized beforehand, as he supposed — were hurled upon him in his dreams with hooked furies.

18 Solutus enim corporeis nexibus animus semper vigens motibus indefessis et cogitationibus subiectus et curis, quae mortalium sollicitant mentes, colligit visa nocturna, quas φαντασίας nos appellamus.

18 For the mind, freed from bodily bonds, ever vigorous in untiring motions and subject to thoughts and cares that trouble mortal minds, gathers nighttime visions, which we call phantasias.

19 Pandente itaque viam fatorum sorte tristissima, qua praestitutum erat eum vita et imperio spoliari, itineribus interiectis permutatione iumentorum emensis venit Petobionem oppidum Noricorum, ubi reseratae sunt insidiarum latebrae omnes, et Barbatio repente apparuit comes, qui sub eo domesticis praefuit, cum Apodemio agente in rebus milites ducens, quos beneficiis suis oppigneratos elegerat imperator certus nec praemiis nec miseratione ulla posse deflecti.

19 Therefore, treading the road of the fates by the most sorrowful lot, by which it had been predestined that he should be stripped of life and of rule, with journeys interposed and with an exchange of beasts of burden purchased, he came to Petobionem, a town of the Norici, where all the lairs of ambush were laid open; and Barbatio suddenly appeared as companion, who had been over his household, with Apodemius acting in affairs and leading soldiers whom the emperor, certain they were pledged by his benefits, had chosen, confident that they could be turned by neither rewards nor any pity.

20 Iamque non umbratis fallaciis res agebatur, sed qua palatium est extra muros, armatis omne circumdedit. Ingressusque obscuro iam die, ablatis regiis indumentis Caesarem tunica texit et paludamento communi, eum post haec nihil passurum velut mandato principis iurandi crebritate confirmans et statim inquit exsurge et inopinum carpento privato inpositum ad Histriam duxit prope oppidum Polam, ubi quondam peremptum Constantini filium accepimus Crispum.

20 And now the matter was no longer conducted by shadowy deceits, but the quarter where the palace lies outside the walls was surrounded on every side by armed men. And having entered with the day already dark, with the royal garments removed he clothed Caesar in a tunic and an ordinary cloak, confirming by frequent swearing, as if by the prince’s mandate, that he would suffer nothing thereafter; and immediately he said, “rise,” and, having placed him without warning in a private carriage, led him to Istria near the town of Pula, where once we received Crispus, son of Constantine, who had been slain.

21 Et cum ibi servaretur artissime terrore propinquantis exitii iam praesepultus, accurrit Eusebius cubiculi tunc praepositus Pentadiusque notarius et Mallobaudes armaturarum tribunus iussu imperatoris conpulsuri eum singillatim docere, quam ob causam quemque apud Antiochiam necatorum iusserat trucidari.

21 And while there he was held most tightly, already half-buried by the terror of the impending death, Eusebius, then superintendent of the bedchamber, ran up, and Pentadius the notary, and Mallobaudes, tribune of the bodyguard, by the emperor’s command, to compel him, one by one, to state for what cause he had ordered each of those slain at Antioch to be massacred.

22 Ad quae Adrasteo pallore perfusus hactenus valuit loqui, quod plerosque incitante coniuge iugulaverit Constantina, ignorans profecto Alexandrum Magnum urgenti matri ut occideret quendam insontem, et dictitanti spe impetrandi postea quae vellet eum se per novem menses utero portasse praegnantem, ita respondisse prudenter aliam, parens optima, posce mercedem; hominis enim salus beneficio nullo pensatur.

22 To this Adrasteus, soaked in pallor, was as yet able to speak, that Constantina, with her husband urging, had slaughtered very many; and, unaware indeed that Alexander the Great, pressed by his mother, was to kill a certain innocent man, and to one boasting that by hope of obtaining thereafter whatever she wished he had borne her for nine months pregnant, he had replied prudently thus: “Another, best of mothers, demand a reward; for a man’s life is not accounted for by any favour.”

23 Quo conperto inrevocabili ira princeps percitus et dolore fiduciam omnem fundandae securitatis in eodem posuit abolendo. Et misso Sereniano, quem in crimen maiestatis vocatum praestigiis quibusdam absolutum esse supra monstravimus, Pentadio quin etiam notario et Apodemio agente in rebus, eum capitali supplicio destinavit, et ita conligatis manibus in modum noxii cuiusdam latronis cervice abscisa ereptaque vultus et capitis dignitate cadaver est relictum informe paulo ante urbibus et provinciis formidatum.

23 When this was ascertained, the prince, struck with irrevocable anger and grief, placed all confidence in the same upon abolishing founded security. And sending Serenianus — whom, called into the crime of majesty, we showed above to have been acquitted by certain sleights — and Pentadius moreover the notary and Apodemius the agent in affairs, he condemned him to capital punishment; and thus, with his hands bound and his neck cut off in the manner of some guilty robber, and with the dignity of his face and head stripped away, the corpse was left misshapen, a spectacle that shortly before had been dreaded in the cities and provinces.

24 Sed vigilavit utrubique superni numinis aequitas. Nam et Gallum actus oppressere crudeles, et non diu postea ambo cruciabili morte absumpti sunt, qui eum licet nocentem blandius palpantes periuriis ad usque plagas perduxere letales. Quorum Scudilo destillatione iecoris pulmones vomitans interiit, Barbatio, qui in eum iam diu falsa conposuerat crimina, cum ex magisterio peditum altius niti quorundam susurris incusaretur, damnatus extincti per fallacias Caesaris manibus inlacrimoso obitu parentavit.

24 But the equity of the heavenly numen watched on both sides. For the cruel actors oppressed Gallus, and not long after both were removed by a crucifying death — those who, though caressing him more blandly while he was culpable, by perjuries had driven him on to lethal blows up to the wounds. Of these, Scudilo, vomiting his lungs by a distillation of the liver, died; Barbatio, who had long fabricated false crimes against him, when from his magistracy of the infantry he was accused of leaning too deeply on certain whispers, having been condemned, met his end by Caesar’s hands through deceit, and closed his life in a tearful obituary.

25 Haec et huius modi quaedam innumerabilia ultrix facinorum impiorum bonorumque praemiatrix aliquotiens operatur Adrastia atque utinam semper quam vocabulo duplici etiam Nemesim appellamus: ius quoddam sublime numinis efficacis, humanarum mentium opinione lunari circulo superpositum, vel ut definiunt alii, substantialis tutela generali potentia partilibus praesidens fatis, quam theologi veteres fingentes Iustitiae filiam ex abdita quadam aeternitate tradunt omnia despectare terrena.

25 These things and certain innumerable others of this sort—Avenger of crimes, scourge of the impious and dispenser of rewards to the good—Adrastia at times effects, and would that she did so always, whom by a double name we also call Nemesim: a certain sublime ius of an efficacious numen, in the opinion of human minds superposed on a lunar circle, or, as others define, a substantial tutela, a general potentia presiding over allotted fates, whom the ancient theologi, imagining her the daughter of Justice and handed down from some hidden eternity, present as despising all things terrestrial.

26 Haec ut regina causarum et arbitra rerum ac disceptatrix urnam sortium temperat accidentium vices alternans voluntatumque nostrarum exorsa interdum alio, quam quo contendebant, exitu terminans multiplices actus permutando convolvit. Eademque necessitatis insolubili retinaculo mortalitatis vinciens fastus tumentes in cassum et incrementorum detrimentorumque momenta versans, ut novit, nunc erectas mentium cervices opprimit et enervat, nunc bonos ab imo suscitans ad bene vivendum extollit. Pinnas autem ideo illi fabulosa vetustas aptavit, ut adesse velocitate volucri cunctis existimetur, et praetendere gubernaculum dedit eique subdidit rotam, ut universitatem regere per elementa discurrens omnia non ignoretur.

26 As queen of causes and arbiter of things and allocator of lots she tempers the urn of fortunes, alternating the vicissitudes of accidents and, having begun the issue of our wills sometimes different from that for which they strove, terminating it, she entwines manifold acts by exchanging them. And she, binding with the insoluble fetter of necessity the mortality that conquers, turning swelling prides to nothing and the moments of increase and loss, as she knows, now oppresses and enervates the uplifted necks of minds, now, raising the good from the lowest, exalts them to live well. Fabled antiquity moreover equipped her with wings so that she might be thought present to all with the swiftness of a bird, and gave her to hold out a helm and set beneath her a wheel, so that, running through the elements to govern the universe, she might be ignorant of nothing.

27 Hoc inmaturo interitu ipse quoque sui pertaesus excessit e vita aetatis nono anno atque vicensimo cum quadriennio imperasset. Natus apud Tuscos in Massa Veternensi, patre Constantio Constantini fratre imperatoris, matreque Galla sorore Rufini et Cerealis, quos trabeae consulares nobilitarunt et praefecturae.

27 Worn out by this untimely death himself, he departed life in the 29th year and after he had ruled for four years. Born among the Tuscans at Massa Veternensis, his father was Constantius, brother of the emperor Constantine, and his mother Galla, sister of Rufinus and Cerealis, whom consular trabeae and prefectures ennobled.

28 Fuit autem forma conspicuus bona, decente filo corporis membrorumque recta conpage, flavo capillo et molli, barba licet recens emergente lanugine tenera, ita tamen ut maturius auctoritas emineret, tantum a temperatis moribus Iuliani differens fratris, quantum inter Vespasiani filios fuit Domitianum et Titum.

28 He was conspicuous for a good appearance, with a comely thread of body and a straightly joined frame of limbs, with flaxen, soft hair, and though his beard was newly emerging in tender down, yet so that a maturer authority shone forth; differing from the temperate morals of his brother Julian as much as Domitian differed from Titus among the sons of Vespasian.

29 Assumptus autem in amplissimum fortunae fastigium versabilis eius motus expertus est, qui ludunt mortalitatem nunc evehentes quosdam in sidera, nunc ad Cocyti profunda mergentes. Cuius rei cum innumera sint exempla, pauca tactu summo transcurram.

29 But when he was raised to the very pinnacle of fortune, his mutable temperament was put to the test, now exalting certain men to the stars, now plunging them into the depths of Cocytus. Since there are innumerable examples of this matter, I will run over a few with the lightest touch.

30 Haec fortuna mutabilis et inconstans fecit Agathoclem Siculum ex figulo regem et Dionysium gentium quondam terrorem Corinthi litterario ludo praefecit.

30 This mutable and inconstant fortune made Agathocles the Sicilian, from a potter, a king, and set Dionysius, once the terror of the nations, over the literary contest of Corinth.

31 Haec Adramyttenum Andriscum in fullonio natum ad Pseudophilippi nomen evexit et Persei legitimum filium artem ferrariam ob quaerendum docuit victum.

31 This raised Andriskus, born in a fuller's shop at Adramyttium, to the name Pseudophilippus, and taught Perseus's legitimate son the iron-working art to seek sustenance.

32 Eadem Mancinum post imperium dedit Numantinis, Samnitum atrocitati Veturium, et Claudium Corsis, substravitque feritati Carthaginis Regulum, istius iniquitate Pompeius post quaesitum Magni ex rerum gestarum amplitudine cognomentum ad spadonum libidinem in Aegypto trucidatur.

32 That same fortune gave Mancinus, after his command, to the Numantines, Veturium to the atrocity of the Samnites, and Claudius to the Corsicans, and set Regulus beneath the ferocity of Carthage; by its iniquity Pompeius, after the cognomen "Magnus" had been sought from the greatness of his deeds, was slaughtered in Egypt for the lust of a eunuch.

33 Et Eunus quidam ergastularius servus eluctavit in Sicilia fugitivos. Quam multi splendido loco nati eadem rerum domina conivente Viriathi genua sunt amplexi vel Spartaci? Quot capita, quae horruere gentes, funesti carnifices absciderunt?

33 And a certain Eunus, an ergastularius slave, raised up fugitives in Sicily. How many born to splendid station, the same mistress of affairs conniving, embraced the knees of Viriathus or of Spartacus? How many heads, before which peoples shuddered, did those dire executioners sever?

Alter in vincula ducitur, alter insperatae praeficitur potestati, alius a summo culmine dignitatis excutitur.

One is led into chains, another is placed over an unexpected power, another is cast down from the highest summit of dignity.

34 Quae omnia si scire quisquam velit quam varia sint et adsidua, harenarum numerum idem iam desipiens et montium pondera scrutari putabit.

34 If anyone wishes to know how manifold and assiduous all these things are, he will think himself already grown foolish in attempting to count the number of the sands and to scrutinize the weights of the mountains.