Livy: AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI

[1] Principio insequentis anni consules praetoresque sortiti prouincias sunt. consulibus nulla praeter Ligures, quae decerneretur, erat. iurisdictio urbana M. Ogulnio Gallo, inter peregrinos M. Ualerio euenit; Hispaniarum Q. Fuluio Flacco citerior, P. Manlio ulterior, L. Caecilio Dentri Sicilia, C. Terentio Istrae Sardinia.

[1] At the beginning of the following year the consuls and praetors drew lots for their provinces. For the consuls there was nothing to be decreed except the Ligurians. The urban jurisdiction fell to Marcus Ogulnius Gallus, the jurisdiction among foreigners to Marcus Valerius; of the Spains, the Hither to Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the Farther to Publius Manlius; Sicily to Lucius Caecilius Denter, Sardinia to Gaius Terentius Istra.

dilectus habere consules iussi. Q. Fabius ex Liguribus scripserat Apuanos ad rebellionem spectare, periculumque esse, ne impetum in agrum Pisanum facerent. et ex Hispaniis citeriorem in armis esse et cum Celtiberis bellari sciebant; in ulteriore, quia diu aeger esset praetor, luxuria et otio solutam disciplinam militarem esse.

The consuls were ordered to hold levies. Q. Fabius had written from the Ligurians that the Apuani were aiming at rebellion, and that there was danger lest they make an inroad into the Pisan territory. And from the Spains they knew that the nearer was in arms and warring with the Celtiberians; in the farther, since the praetor had been ill for a long time, military discipline had been dissolved by luxury and idleness.

ob ea nouos exercitus conscribi placuit, quattuor legiones in Ligures, uti singulae quina milia et ducenos pedites, trecenos haberent equites, sociorum iisdem Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum addita et octingenti equites. hi duo consulares exercitus essent. scribere praeterea iussi septem milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et quadringentos equites et mittere ad M. Marcellum in Galliam, cui ex consulatu prorogatum imperium erat.

On account of these things it was resolved that new armies be levied: four legions against the Ligurians, such that each should have five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry; to these were added, of the allies of the same Latin name, fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry. These were to be two consular armies. Moreover, they were ordered to enroll seven thousand infantry of the allies and Latin name and four hundred cavalry, and to send them to M. Marcellus in Gaul, to whom, from his consulship, imperium had been prorogued.

in Hispaniam utramque quae ducerentur, quattuor milia peditum ciuium Romanorum et ducenti equites, et sociorum septem milia peditum cum trecentis equitibus scribi iussa. et Q. Fabio Labeoni cum exercitu, quem habebat, in Liguribus prorogatum in annum imperium est.

for both Spains, which were to be led thither, four thousand infantry of Roman citizens and two hundred cavalry, and of the allies seven thousand infantry with three hundred cavalry, were ordered to be enrolled. And for Quintus Fabius Labeo, with the army which he had, in Liguria his imperium (command) was prorogued for one year.

[2] Ver procellosum eo anno fuit. pridie Parilia, medio ferme die, atrox cum uento tempestas coorta multis sacris profanisque locis stragem fecit, signa aenea in Capitolio deiecit, forem ex aede Lunae, quae in Auentino est, raptam tulit et in posticis parietibus Cereris templi adfixit, signa alia in circo maximo cum columnis quibus superstabant euertit, fastigia aliquot templorum a culminibus abrupta foede dissipauit. itaque in prodigium uersa ea tempestas, procurarique haruspices iusserunt.

[2] The spring was tempestuous that year. On the day before the Parilia, almost at midday, a fierce storm with wind arose and made havoc in many sacred and profane places; it cast down bronze statues on the Capitol, seized and carried off a door-leaf from the Temple of Luna, which is on the Aventine, and affixed it to the back walls of the Temple of Ceres; it overturned other statues in the Circus Maximus together with the columns on which they stood; it tore from the roof-ridges the pediments of several temples and foully scattered them. Therefore that storm was interpreted as a prodigy, and they ordered the haruspices to perform expiation.

simul procuratum est quod tripedem mulum Reate natum nuntiatum erat, et a Formiis * * aedem Apollinis Caietae de caelo tactam. ob ea prodigia uiginti hostiis maioribus sacrificatum est et diem unum supplicatio fuit.

at the same time expiation was made because it had been reported that a three-footed mule had been born at Reate, and from Formiae * * that the temple of Apollo at Caieta had been struck from the sky; on account of these prodigies sacrifice was offered with twenty greater victims, and there was a supplication for one day.

Per eos dies ex litteris A. Terentii propraetoris cognitum P. Sempronium in ulteriore prouincia, cum plus annum aeger fuisset, mortuum esse. eo maturius in Hispaniam praetores iussi proficisci.

During those days it was learned from the letter of A. Terentius, propraetor, that P. Sempronius, in the further province, after being ill for more than a year, had died. Therefore the praetors were ordered to set out for Spain all the more promptly.

Legationes deinde transmarinae in senatum introductae sunt, primae Eumenis et Pharnacis regum et Rhodiorum querentium de Sinopensium clade. Philippi quoque legati et Achaeorum et Lacedaemoniorum sub idem tempus uenerunt. iis prius Marcio audito, qui ad res Graeciae Macedoniaeque uisendas missus erat, responsa data sunt.

Then transmarine legations were introduced into the senate, the first those of the kings Eumenes and Pharnaces and of the Rhodians, complaining about the calamity of the Sinopians. Envoys of Philip too, and of the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians, arrived at about the same time. To these, after Marcius had first been heard—who had been sent to inspect the affairs of Greece and Macedonia—replies were given.

Asiae regibus ac Rhodiis responsum est legatos ad eas res uisendas senatum missurum.

To the kings of Asia and to the Rhodians it was answered that the senate would send legates to inspect those matters.

[3] De Philippo auxerat curam Marcius: nam ita fecisse eum, quae senatui placuissent, fatebatur, ut facile appareret non diutius quam necesse esset facturum. neque obscurum erat rebellaturum, omniaque, quae tunc ageret diceretque, eo spectare. iam primum omnem fere multitudinem ciuium ex maritimis ciuitatibus cum familiis suis in Emathiam, quae nunc dicitur, quondam appellata Paeonia est, traduxit, Thracibusque et aliis barbaris urbes tradidit habitandas, fidiora haec genera hominum fore ratus in Romano bello.

[3] Concerning Philip, Marcius had increased the concern: for he acknowledged that he had done those things which had pleased the senate in such a way that it was easy to see he would do them no longer than was necessary. Nor was it obscure that he would rebel, and that everything which he was then doing and saying looked to that end. To begin with, he transferred almost the whole multitude of citizens from the maritime cities, with their families, into Emathia—so it is now called, formerly named Paeonia—and he handed over the cities to be inhabited by Thracians and other barbarians, thinking these kinds of men would be more faithful in a Roman war.

ingentem ea res fremitum Macedonia tota fecit, relinquentesque penates suos cum coniugibus ac liberis pauci tacitum dolorem continebant; exsecrationesque in agminibus proficiscentium in regem uincente odio metum exaudiebantur. his ferox animus omnes homines, omnia loca temporaque suspecta habebat. postremo negare propalam coepit satis tutum sibi quicquam esse, nisi liberos eorum, quos interfecisset, comprehensos in custodia haberet et tempore alium alio tolleret.

That matter raised an immense murmur through all Macedonia, and as they left their homes with their wives and children, few kept their grief silent; and in the marching columns of those setting out, curses against the king were distinctly heard, hatred conquering fear. Because of this, his fierce spirit held all men, all places and times, as suspect. At last he began to say openly that nothing was safe enough for him unless he had the children of those whom he had slain seized and kept in custody, and, in due time, took off one after another.

[4] Eam crudelitatem, foedam per se, foediorem unius domus clades fecit. Herodicum principem Thessalorum multis ante annis occiderat; generos quoque eius postea interfecit. in uiduitate relictae filiae singulos filios paruos habentes.

[4] That cruelty, foul in itself, was made fouler by the calamity of a single household. He had slain Herodicus, the prince of the Thessalians, many years before; afterward he also killed his sons-in-law. His daughters, left in widowhood, each had a small son.

Theoxena et Archo nomina iis erant mulieribus. Theoxena multis petentibus aspernata nuptias est: Archo Poridi cuidam, longe principi gentis Aenianum, nupsit et apud eum plures enixa partus, paruis admodum relictis omnibus, decessit. Theoxena, ut in suis manibus liberi sororis educarentur, Poridi nupsit; et tamquam omnes ipsa enixa foret, suum sororisque filios in eadem habebat cura.

Theoxena and Archo were the names of those women. Theoxena, with many suitors, spurned marriage; Archo married a certain Poris, by far the chief of the nation of the Aenianes, and, after bearing several children by him, died, all of them left very small. Theoxena, in order that her sister’s children might be brought up in her own hands, married Poris; and as though she herself had borne them all, she held her own and her sister’s sons in the same care.

postquam regis edictum de comprehendendis liberis eorum, qui interfecti essent, accepit, ludibrio futuros non regis modo sed custodum etiam libidini rata ad rem atrocem animum adiecit ausaque est dicere se sua manu potius omnes interfecturam quam in potestatem Philippi uenirent. Poris abominatus mentionem tam foedi facinoris Athenas deportaturum eos ad fidos hospites dixit, comitemque ipsum fugae futurum esse. proficiscuntur ab Thessalonica Aeneam ad statum sacrificium, quod Aeneae conditori cum magna caerimonia quotannis faciunt.

after she had received the king’s edict concerning the apprehension of the children of those who had been slain, reckoning that they would be for mockery not only to the king but also to the libido of the guards, she bent her mind to an atrocious deed and dared to say that she would rather kill them all with her own hand than that they should come into the power of Philip. Poris, abominating the mention of so foul a crime, said that he would deport them to Athens to faithful guest-friends, and that he himself would be a companion of their flight. They set out from Thessalonica to Aenea for the stated sacrifice, which they perform to Aeneas the founder with great ceremony every year.

ibi die per sollemnes epulas consumpto nauem praeparatam a Poride sopitis omnibus de tertia uigilia conscendunt tamquam redituri [in] Thessalonicam: sed traicere in Euboeam erat propositum. ceterum in aduersum uentum nequiquam eos tendentes prope terram lux oppressit, et regii, qui praeerant custodiae portus, lembum armatum ad retrahendam eam nauem miserunt cum graui edicto, ne reuerterentur sine ea. cum iam appropinquabant, Poris quidem ad hortationem remigum nautarumque intentus erat; interdum manus ad caelum tendens deos, ut ferrent opem, orabat. ferox interim femina, ad multo ante praecogitatum reuoluta facinus, uenenum diluit ferrumque promit et posito in conspectu poculo strictisque gladiis 'mors' inquit 'una uindicta est.

there, with the day spent in the solemn banquets, they board at the third watch the ship prepared by Poris, after all had been lulled asleep, as though returning [to] Thessalonica: but their purpose was to cross over into Euboea. however, as they strove in vain against a headwind, daylight overtook them near the land, and the king’s men who were in charge of the harbor guard sent an armed skiff to tow back that ship, with a weighty edict that they were not to return without it. as they were now drawing near, Poris indeed was intent on exhorting the oarsmen and sailors; at times, stretching his hands to heaven, he prayed the gods to bring help. meanwhile the fierce woman, reverting to the deed long premeditated, mixes the poison and produces the steel, and, the cup set in plain view and the swords drawn, said: ‘death,’ she says, ‘is the only vindicta.’

uiae ad mortem hae sunt: qua quemque animus fert, effugite superbiam regiam. agite, iuuenes mei, primum, qui maiores estis, capite ferrum aut haurite poculum, si segnior mors iuuat.' et hostes aderant et auctor mortis instabat. alii alio leto absumpti semianimes e naue praecipitantur.

These are the ways to death: by whatever way each one’s spirit carries him, escape regal arrogance. Come, my youths, you first, who are the elder, seize the iron or drain the cup, if the slower death pleases.' And the enemies were at hand, and the instigator of death was pressing on. Others, consumed by one lethal end or another, half-alive, are precipitated from the ship.

ipsa deinde uirum comitem mortis complexa in mare sese deiecit. naue uacua dominis regii potiti sunt.

then she herself, having embraced the man, her companion in death, cast herself into the sea. with the ship empty of its masters, the king’s men took possession.

[5] Huius atrocitas facinoris nouam uelut flammam regis inuidiae adiecit, ut uulgo ipsum liberosque exsecrarentur; quae dirae breui ab omnibus diis exauditae, ut saeuiret ipse in suum sanguinem, effecerunt. Perseus enim cum in dies magis cerneret fauorem et dignitatem Demetrii fratris apud multitudinem Macedonum crescere et gratiam apud Romanos, sibi spem nullam regni superesse nisi in scelere ratus ad id unum omnes cogitationes intendit. ceterum cum se ne ad id quidem, quod muliebri cogitabat animo, satis per se ualidum crederet, singulos amicorum patris temptare sermonibus perplexis institit.

[5] The atrocity of this crime added, as it were, a new flame to the king’s envy, so that the crowd execrated him and his children; and these dire imprecations, soon heard by all the gods, brought it about that he himself raged against his own blood. For Perseus, as day by day he saw more clearly the favor and dignity of his brother Demetrius growing among the multitude of the Macedonians and his grace with the Romans, judging that no hope of the kingdom remained for himself save in crime, directed all his cogitations to that one thing. However, since he did not believe himself, even for that very thing which he was contemplating with a womanish spirit, sufficiently strong in himself, he set about to test, one by one, his father’s friends with perplexed conversations.

et primo quidam ex his aspernantium tale quicquam praebuerunt speciem, quia plus in Demetrio spei ponebant; deinde crescente in dies Philippi odio in Romanos, cui Perseus indulgeret, Demetrius summa ope aduersaretur, prospicientes animo exitum incauti a fraude fraterna iuuenis, adiuuandum, quod futurum erat, rati fouendamque spem potentioris, Perseo se adiungunt. cetera in suum quaeque tempus agenda differunt: in praesentia placet omni ope in Romanos accendi regem impellique ad consilia belli, ad quae iam sua sponte animum inclinasset. simul ut Demetrius in dies suspectior esset, ex composito sermones ad res Romanorum trahebant.

At first, certain of these men, as if spurning anything of that sort, presented the appearance of it, because they were placing more hope in Demetrius; then, as Philip’s hatred toward the Romans increased day by day—an indulgence to which Perseus was inclined, while Demetrius opposed it with utmost effort—foreseeing in mind the outcome, namely the destruction of the incautious youth by fraternal fraud, and thinking that what was going to be should be assisted and the hope of the more powerful nourished, they attach themselves to Perseus. They defer the rest, each to its proper time for action: for the present it pleases them to inflame the king with all effort against the Romans and to impel him to counsels of war, toward which he had already of his own accord inclined his mind. At the same time, that Demetrius might become more suspect day by day, by prearrangement they kept turning conversations to Roman affairs.

ibi cum alii mores et instituta eorum, alii res gestas, alii speciem ipsius urbis nondum exornatae neque publicis neque priuatis locis, alii singulos principum eluderent, iuuenis incautus et amore nominis Romani et certamine aduersus fratrem omnia tuendo suspectum se patri et opportunum criminibus faciebat. itaque expertem eum pater omnium de rebus Romanis consiliorum habebat: totus in Persea uersus cum eo cogitationes eius rei dies ac noctes agitabat. redierant forte, quos miserat in Bastarnas ad arcessenda auxilia, adduxerantque inde nobiles iuuenes et regii quosdam generis, quorum unus sororem suam in matrimonium Philippi filio pollicebatur; erexeratque consociatio gentis eius animum regis.

there, while some were making sport of their customs and institutions, others of their achievements, others of the very appearance of the city, not yet adorned in either public or private places, others of the individual princes, the incautious youth, both through love of the Roman name and through rivalry against his brother by championing everything, was making himself suspect to his father and a ready target for accusations. and so his father kept him excluded from all counsels about Roman affairs: wholly turned toward Perseus, with him he was tossing over thoughts of that matter days and nights. by chance, those whom he had sent to the Bastarnae to fetch auxiliaries had returned, and they had brought back from there noble youths and some of regal lineage, one of whom was promising his sister in marriage to Philip’s son; and the alliance with that nation had lifted the king’s spirit.

tum Perseus 'quid ista prosunt?' inquit. 'nequaquam tantum in externis auxiliis est praesidii, quantum periculi <in> fraude domestica. proditorem nolo dicere, certe speculatorem habemus in sinu, cuius, ex quo obses Romae fuit, corpus nobis reddiderunt Romani, animum ipsi habent.

then Perseus says, 'What good are those things?' 'By no means is there as much protection in foreign auxiliaries as there is peril <in> domestic fraud. I do not wish to call him a traitor; certainly we have a spy in our bosom—one whose body, since he was a hostage at Rome, the Romans have returned to us, while they themselves have his mind.'

omnium paene Macedonum in eum ora conuersa sunt, nec regem se alium habituros aiunt quam quem Romani dedissent'. his per se aegra mens senis stimulabatur, et animo magis quam uultu ea crimina accipiebat.

the faces of almost all the Macedonians were turned toward him, and they say they will have no other king than the one whom the Romans had given.' By these very things the old man’s ailing mind was goaded, and he was receiving those accusations more in spirit than in countenance.

[6] Forte lustrandi exercitus uenit tempus, cuius sollemne est tale: caput mediae canis praecisae et pars ad dexteram, cum extis posterior ad laeuam uiae ponitur: inter hanc diuisam hostiam copiae armatae traducuntur. praeferuntur primo agmini arma insignia omnium ab ultima origine Macedoniae regum, deinde rex ipse cum liberis sequitur, proxima est regia cohors custodesque corporis, postremum agmen Macedonum cetera multitudo claudit. latera regis duo filii iuuenes cingebant, Perseus iam tricesimum annum agens, Demetrius quinquennio minor, medio iuuentae robore ille, hic flore, fortunati patris matura suboles, si mens sana fuisset.

[6] By chance the time came for the lustration of the army, the solemn rite of which is as follows: the head and forepart of a dog cut through the middle are placed to the right, the hind part with the entrails to the left of the road; between this divided victim the armed forces are led across. To the first column are borne the insignia-arms of all the kings of Macedonia from the remotest origin; then the king himself follows with his children; next is the royal cohort and the body-guards; the remaining multitude of Macedonians closes the rearmost line. The two young sons were flanking the sides of the king—Perseus now passing his thirtieth year, Demetrius younger by five years—the former in the mid-strength of youth, the latter in its flower, the mature offspring of a fortunate father, if only his mind had been sound.

mos erat lustrationis sacro peracto decurrere exercitum, et diuisas bifariam [duas] acies concurrere ad simulacrum pugnae. regii iuuenes duces ei ludicro certamini dati: ceterum non imago fuit pugnae, sed tamquam de regno dimicaretur, ita concurrerunt, multaque uulnera rudibus facta, nec praeter ferrum quicquam defuit ad iustam belli speciem. pars ea, quae sub Demetrio erat, longe superior fuit.

It was the custom, when the rite of lustration had been completed, for the army to run past in review, and for the battle-lines, divided in two [two], to clash in a simulacrum of combat. The royal youths were appointed leaders for that ludic contest; however, it was not an image of battle, but they charged as though they were fighting for the kingdom, and many wounds were dealt with blunted practice-weapons, nor, apart from iron, was anything lacking for the proper appearance of war. The division that was under Demetrius was far superior.

id aegre patiente Perseo laetari prudentes amici eius, eamque rem ipsam dicere praebituram causam criminandi iuuenis.

With Perseus enduring this with difficulty, his prudent friends rejoiced, and said that that very matter would furnish a cause for accusing the youth.

[7] Conuiuium eo die sodalium, qui simul decurrerant, uterque habuit, cum uocatus ad cenam ab Demetrio Perseus negasset. festo die benigna inuitatio et hilaritas iuuenalis utrosque in uinum traxit. commemoratio ibi certaminis ludicri et iocosa dicta in aduersarios, ita ut ne ipsis quidem ducibus abstineretur, iactabantur.

[7] On that day each of the two held a convivial banquet of the comrades who had run together in the review, although, when invited to dinner by Demetrius, Perseus had refused. On the festal day the benign invitation and youthful hilarity drew both into wine. There the recollection of the sportive contest and jocose sayings against their adversaries were bandied about, such that not even the leaders themselves were spared.

ad has excipiendas uoces speculator ex conuiuis Persei missus cum incautior obuersaretur, exceptus a iuuenibus forte triclinio egressis male mulcatur. huius rei ignarus Demetrius 'quin comisatum' inquit 'ad fratrem imus et iram eius, si qua ex certamine residet, simplicitate et hilaritate nostra lenimus?' omnes ire se conclamarunt praeter eos, qui speculatoris ab se pulsati praesentem ultionem metuebant. cum eos quoque Demetrius traheret, ferrum ueste abdiderunt, quo se tutari, si qua uis fieret, possent.

To catch these words, a spy sent by Perseus’s fellow-diners, as he was hovering in view too incautiously, was seized by the youths, who chanced to have gone out from the triclinium, and was roughly handled. Unaware of this, Demetrius said, ‘Why don’t we go carousing to my brother and soften his anger—if any remains from the contest—by our simplicity and cheerfulness?’ All shouted that they would go, except those who feared immediate vengeance for the spy they had beaten. When Demetrius drew them along as well, they hid steel beneath their clothing, by which they might protect themselves, if any violence arose.

nihil occulti esse in intestina discordia potest. utraque domus speculatorum et proditorum plena erat. praecucurrit index ad Persea, ferro succinctos nuntians cum Demetrio quattuor adulescentes uenire.

Nothing occult can exist in intestine discord. Both houses were full of spies and traitors. An informer ran ahead to Perseus, announcing that with Demetrius four adolescents, girded with iron, were coming.

etsi causa apparebat— nam ab iis pulsatum conuiuam suum audierat—, infamandae rei causa ianuam obserari iubet, et ex parte superiore aedium uersisque in uiam fenestris comisatores, tamquam ad caedem suam uenientes, aditu ianuae arcet. Demetrius per uinum, quod excluderetur, paulisper uociferatus in conuiuium redit, totius rei ignarus.

Although the cause was apparent—for he had heard that his guest had been beaten by them—, for the sake of bringing infamy upon the affair he orders the door to be barred, and from the upper part of the house, the windows turned toward the street, he keeps the revellers from access to the door, as if they were coming to his own slaughter. Demetrius, in his cups, having vociferated for a little while at being shut out, returns to the banquet, ignorant of the whole matter.

[8] Postero die Perseus, cum primum conueniendi potestas patris fuit, regiam ingressus perturbato uultu in conspectu patris tacitus procul constitit. cui cum pater 'satin salue?' et, quaenam ea maestitia esset, interrogaret eum, 'de lucro tibi' inquit 'uiuere me scito. iam non occultis a fratre petimur insidiis; nocte cum armatis domum ad interficiendum me uenit, clausisque foribus parietum praesidio me a furore eius sum tutatus.' cum pauorem mixtum admiratione patri iniecisset, 'atqui si aures praebere potes' inquit, 'manifestam rem teneas faciam.' enimuero se Philippus dicere auditurum, uocarique extemplo Demetrium iussit; et seniores amicos duos, expertes iuuenalium inter fratres certaminum, infrequentes iam in regia, Lysimachum et Onomastum arcessit, quos in consilio haberet.

[8] On the next day Perseus, when first there was the power of meeting his father, entered the palace with a perturbed countenance and stood silent at a distance in his father’s sight. When his father said, 'Are you quite well?' and asked what that sadness was, he said, 'Know that, to your gain, I am living. Now we are not sought by hidden insidious plots from my brother; in the night he came with armed men to my house to slay me, and, the doors having been shut, by the protection of the walls I safeguarded myself from his fury.' When he had injected into his father fear mingled with admiration, he said, 'And yet, if you can lend your ears, I will make you hold the matter manifest.' Indeed Philip said that he would listen, and he forthwith ordered Demetrius to be summoned; and he sent for two elder friends, unversed in the youthful contests between the brothers, now infrequent in the palace, Lysimachus and Onomastus, whom he would have in council.

dum ueniunt amici, solus filio procul stante multa secum animo uolutans inambulauit. postquam uenisse eos nuntiatum est, secessit in partem interiorem cum duobus amicis et totidem custodibus corporis; filiis, ut ternos inermes secum introducerent, permisit. ibi cum consedisset, 'sedeo' inquit 'miserrimus pater iudex inter duos filios, accusatorem parricidii et reum, aut conficti aut admissi criminis labem apud meos inuenturus.

while the friends were coming, alone, with his son standing at a distance, he walked about, revolving many things with himself in mind. after it was announced that they had come, he withdrew into the inner part with two friends and just as many bodyguards; to his sons he permitted that they should introduce with them three each, unarmed. there, when he had sat down, ‘i sit,’ he said, ‘a most miserable father, as judge between two sons, the accuser of parricide and the defendant, destined to find among my own the stain of a crime either fabricated or committed.’

iam pridem quidem hanc procellam imminentem timebam, cum uultus inter uos minime fraternos cernerem, cum uoces quasdam exaudirem. sed interdum spes animum subibat deflagrare iras uestras, purgari suspiciones posse. etiam hostes armis positis foedus icisse, et priuatas multorum simultates finitas: subituram uobis aliquando germanitatis memoriam, puerilis quondam simplicitatis consuetudinisque inter uos, meorum denique praeceptorum, quae uereor ne uana surdis auribus cecinerim.

Long indeed have I feared this storm looming, when I discerned between you faces least fraternal, when I overheard certain utterances. But at times hope would steal upon my mind that your angers would burn out, that suspicions could be purged. That even enemies, with arms laid down, have struck a treaty, and the private enmities of many have been ended: that some time there would come upon you the memory of brotherhood, of the once childlike simplicity and consuetude between you, and, finally, of my precepts, which I fear I may have sung in vain to deaf ears.

quotiens ego audientibus uobis detestatus exempla discordiarum fraternarum horrendos euentus eorum rettuli, qui se stirpemque suam, domos, regna funditus euertissent. meliora quoque exempla parte altera posui: sociabilem consortionem inter binos Lacedaemoniorum reges, salutarem per multa saecula ipsis patriaeque: eandem ciuitatem, postquam mos sibi cuique rapiendi tyrannidem exortus sit, euersam. iam hos Eumenem Attalumque fratres, ab tam exiguis rebus, prope ut puderet regii nominis, mihi Antiocho, cuilibet regum huius aetatis, nulla re magis quam fraterna unanimitate, regnum aequasse.

how often, with you listening, have I detested the examples of fraternal discords and related the horrendous outcomes of those who have utterly overturned themselves and their stock, their homes, their kingdoms. I also set better examples on the other side: the sociable consortium between the two kings of the Lacedaemonians, salutary through many ages to themselves and to their fatherland; the same city, after the custom arose for each to snatch tyranny for himself, overthrown. And now these brothers Eumenes and Attalus, from beginnings so scant that it was almost a shame to bear the royal name, have, in my judgment, equaled in kingship Antiochus—indeed any of the kings of this age—by nothing more than by fraternal unanimity.

ne Romanis quidem exemplis abstinui, quae aut uisa aut audita habebam, T. et L. Quinctiorum, qui bellum mecum gesserunt, P. et L. Scipionum, qui Antiochum deuicerunt, patris patrique eorum, quorum perpetuam uitae concordiam mors quoque miscuit. neque uos illorum scelus similisque sceleri euentus deterrere a uecordi discordia potuit, neque horum bona mens, bona fortuna ad sanitatem flectere. uiuo et spirante me hereditatem meam ambo et spe et cupiditate improba creuistis.

I did not even abstain from Roman examples, which I had either seen or heard: of T. and L. Quinctii, who waged war with me; of P. and L. Scipios, who conquered Antiochus; of the father and their father, whose perpetual concord in life death too commingled. Neither could the crime of those men, and the event like to their crime, deter you from witless discord, nor could the good mind and good fortune of these bend you back to sanity. While I live and breathe, you both have swelled, both in hope and in depraved desire, for my inheritance.

eo usque me uiuere uultis, donec alterius uestrum superstes haud ambiguum regem alterum mea morte faciam. nec fratrem nec patrem potestis pati. nihil cari, nihil sancti est.

You want me to live only until, surviving one of you, I make the other by my death an unquestioned king. You cannot endure either a brother or a father. Nothing is dear, nothing is sacred.

in omnium uicem regni unius insatiabilis amor successit. agite, conscelerate aures paternas, decernite criminibus, mox ferro decreturi, dicite palam quidquid aut ueri potestis aut libet comminisci: reseratae aures sunt, quae posthac secretis alterius ab altero criminibus claudentur.' haec furens ira cum dixisset, lacrimae omnibus obortae, et diu maestum silentium tenuit.

in the place of all, an insatiable love of a single kingship has succeeded. come, defile paternal ears, decree by charges, soon to decree by iron; say openly whatever of truth you can, or whatever it pleases you to devise: the ears are unbarred, which hereafter will be closed to the confidences of the one by the other’s accusations.' when he had said these things, raging with wrath, tears sprang up for all, and for a long time a mournful silence held.

[9] Tum Perseus 'aperienda nimirum nocte ianua fuit et armati comisatores accipiendi praebendumque ferro iugulum, quando non creditur nisi perpetratum facinus, et eadem petitus insidiis audio, quae latro atque insidiator. non nequiquam isti unum Demetrium filium te habere, me subditum et paelice genitum appellant. nam si gradum, si caritatem filii apud te haberem, non in me querentem deprehensas insidias, sed in eum, qui fecisset, saeuires, nec adeo uilis tibi uita esset nostra, ut nec praeterito periculo meo mouereris, neque futuro, si insidiantibus <sit> impune.

[9] Then Perseus: 'No doubt the door ought to have been opened by night, and armed revellers admitted, and the jugular offered to the steel, since nothing is believed unless the crime has been perpetrated; and I, though attacked by ambush, hear that I am charged with the same things as a robber and an insidiator. Not without cause do these people say that Demetrius alone is your son, and call me a supposititious child, born of a concubine. For if I held the rank, if I had a son's affection with you, you would not rage against me, who complain that plots have been detected, but against the one who had done it; nor would my life be so cheap to you that you are moved neither by my past peril nor by the future, if there <sit> impunity for the plotters.'

itaque si mori tacitum oportet, taceamus, precati tantum deos, ut a me coeptum scelus in me finem habeat, nec per meum latus tu petaris: sin autem, quod circumuentis in solitudine natura ipsa subicit, ut hominum, quos numquam uiderint, fidem tamen implorent, mihi quoque ferrum in me strictum cernenti uocem mittere licet, per te patriumque nomen, quod utri nostrum sanctius sit iam pridem sentis, ita me audias precor, tamquam si uoce et comploratione nocturna excitus mihi quiritanti interuenisses, Demetrium cum armatis nocte intempesta in uestibulo meo deprehendisses. quod tum uociferarer in re praesenti pauidus, hoc nunc postero die queror. frater, non comisantium in uicem <animis> iam diu uiuimus inter nos.

therefore, if it behooves to die in silence, let us be silent, having merely prayed to the gods that the crime begun by me may have its end in me, and that you not be targeted through my side; but if, however, that which nature itself suggests to those hemmed in in solitude—that they nevertheless implore the good faith of men whom they have never seen—applies, it is permitted to me too, seeing the steel drawn against me, to send forth a voice: by you and by the paternal name, which of us holds it more sacred you have long since perceived—so hear me, I beg, as if, roused by a cry and nocturnal wailing, you had intervened to me crying for help, and had caught Demetrius with armed men in my vestibule in the dead of night. what I would then, in the present emergency, shout in fear, this now on the next day I complain of. brother, we have not for a long time lived among ourselves with the mutual spirits of revelers one toward another.

regnare utique uis. huic spei tuae obstat aetas mea, obstat gentium ius, obstat uetustus Macedoniae mos, obstat uero etiam patris iudicium. haec transcendere nisi per meum sanguinem non potes.

you assuredly wish to reign. to this hope of yours my age stands in the way, the law of nations stands in the way, the ancient custom of Macedonia stands in the way, indeed even my father’s judgment stands in the way. these you cannot transcend except through my blood.

omnia moliris et temptas. adhuc seu cura mea seu fortuna restitit parricidio tuo. hesterno die in lustratione et decursu et simulacro ludicro pugnae funestum prope proelium fecisti, nec me aliud a morte uindicauit, quam quod me ac meos uinci passus sum.

you contrive and attempt everything. Thus far either my care or fortune has resisted your parricide. Yesterday, in the lustration and the review and the playful simulacrum of battle, you made almost a deadly engagement, nor did anything else save me from death than that I allowed myself and my men to be conquered.

ab hostili proelio, tamquam fraterno lusu, pertrahere me ad cenam uoluisti. credis me, pater, inter inermes conuiuas cenaturum fuisse, ad quem armati comisatum uenerunt? credis nihil a gladiis nocte pericul<i mihi futur>um fuisse, quem rudibus te inspectante prope occiderunt?

from a hostile battle, as though to a fraternal game, you wished to drag me to dinner. Do you believe, father, that I would have been dining among unarmed dinner‑guests, the very man to whom armed men came to carouse? Do you believe nothing from swords at night would have been a danger to me, I whom they nearly killed with practice‑swords while you were looking on?

quid hoc noctis, quid inimicus ad iratum, quid cum ferro succinctis iuuenibus uenis? conuiuam me tibi committere ausus non sum: comisatorem te cum armatis uenientem recipiam? si aperta ianua fuisset, funus meum parares hoc tempore, pater, quo querentem audis.

what is this, at this hour of night, what has an enemy to do with a man irate, what that you come with youths girded with steel? I did not dare to commit myself to you as a dinner-guest: shall I receive you as a reveller when you come with armed men? if the door had been open, you would by now be preparing my funeral at this very time, father, at the very moment when you hear me complaining.

nihil ego, tamquam accusator, criminose nec dubia argumentis colligendo ago. quid enim? negat uenisse se cum multitudine ad ianuam meam, an ferro succinctos secum fuisse?

I am doing nothing, as an accuser, in a criminous fashion, nor by collecting doubtful matters into arguments. For what? Does he deny that he came with a multitude to my door, or that he had with him men girt with iron?

quos nominauero, arcesse. possunt quidem omnia audere, qui hoc ausi sunt: non tamen audebunt negare. si deprehensos intra limen meum cum ferro ad te deducerem, [rem] pro manifesto haberes: fatentes pro deprehensis habe.

Summon those whom I shall name. They who have dared this can indeed dare everything; yet they will not dare to deny. If I were to bring to you those apprehended within my threshold with iron, you would hold [the matter] as manifest: count the confessing as the apprehended.

[10] Exsecrare nunc cupiditatem regni, et furias fraternas concita. sed ne sint caecae, pater, exsecrationes tuae, discerne, dispice insidiatorem et petitum insidiis: noxium incesse caput. qui occisurus fratrem fuit, habeat etiam iratos paternos deos: qui periturus fraterno scelere fuit, perfugium in patris misericordia et iustitia habeat.

[10] Execrate now the lust for kingship, and rouse the fraternal furies. But let your execrations not be blind, father: discern, look upon the plotter and the one targeted by plots; assail the guilty head. Let him who was going to kill his brother have the paternal gods also angry; let him who was going to perish by a fraternal crime have a refuge in the father's mercy and justice.

quo enim alio confugiam, cui non sollemne lustrale exercitus tui, non decursus militum, non domus, non epulae, non nox ad quietem data naturae beneficio mortalibus tuta est? si iero ad fratrem inuitatus, moriendum est; si recepero intra ianuam comisatum fratrem, moriendum est: nec eundo nec manendo insidias euito. quo me conferam?

For to what other place shall I flee, where neither the solemn lustral rite of your army, nor the parade of the soldiers, nor the house, nor the banquets, nor the night given for rest to mortals by nature’s beneficence is safe? If I go to my brother when invited, I must die; if I receive my brother within my doorway for a carousal, I must die: neither by going nor by staying do I evade the ambushes. Where shall I betake myself?

nihil praeter deos, pater, et te colui. non Romanos habeo, ad quos confugiam: perisse expetunt, quia tuis iniuriis doleo, quia tibi ademptas tot urbes, tot gentes, modo Thraciae maritimam oram, indignor. nec me nec te incolumi Macedoniam suam futuram sperant.

I have revered nothing except the gods, father, and you. I do not have the Romans to whom I might flee for refuge: they seek that I perish, because I grieve at your injuries, because I am indignant that so many cities, so many nations—lately the maritime shore of Thrace—have been taken from you. They do not hope that their Macedonia will be theirs while you and I remain unscathed.

si me scelus fratris, te senectus absumpserit, aut ne ea quidem exspectata fuerit, regem regnumque Macedoniae sua futura sciunt. si quid extra Macedoniam tibi Romani reliquissent, mihi quoque id relictum crederem receptaculum. at in Macedonibus satis praesidii est.

if the crime of my brother should consume me, and old age you, or even before that is awaited, they know that the king and the kingdom of Macedonia will be their own. if the Romans had left to you anything outside Macedonia, I would believe that that too had been left to me as a refuge. but in the Macedonians there is sufficient protection.

uidisti hesterno die impetum militum in me. quid illis defuit nisi ferrum? quod illis defuit interdiu, conuiuae fratris noctu sumpserunt. quid de magna parte principum loquar, qui in Romanis spem omnem dignitatis et fortunae posuerunt et in eo, qui omnia apud Romanos potest?

You saw yesterday the assault of the soldiers on me. What was lacking to them except steel? What was lacking to them in the daytime, my brother’s dinner-guests took up at night. What am I to say of the great part of the principal men, who have placed all hope of dignity and fortune in the Romans, and in the one who has all power with the Romans?

neque hercule istum mihi tantum, fratri maiori, sed prope est, ut tibi quoque ipsi, regi et patri, praeferant. iste enim est, cuius beneficio poenam tibi senatus remisit, qui nunc te ab armis Romanis protegit, qui tuam senectutem obligatam et obnoxiam adulescentiae suae esse aequum censet. pro isto Romani stant, pro isto omnes urbes tuo imperio liberatae, pro isto Macedones qui pace Romana gaudent.

nor, by Hercules, do they prefer that man to me only, the elder brother, but it is almost to the point that they would prefer him even to you yourself, the king and father. for this is the man, by whose beneficence the Senate remitted the penalty to you, who now protects you from Roman arms, who deems it just that your old age be bound and beholden to his youth. for that man the Romans stand; for that man all the cities freed from your dominion; for that man the Macedonians who rejoice in Roman peace.

mihi praeter te, pater, quid usquam aut spei aut praesidii est?

For me, father, apart from you, what is there anywhere either of hope or of protection?

[11] Quo spectare illas litteras ad te nunc missas T. Quinctii credis, quibus et bene te consuluisse rebus tuis ait, quod Demetrium Romam miseris, et hortatur, ut iterum et cum pluribus legatis et primoribus eum remittas Macedonum? T. Quinctius nunc est auctor omnium rerum isti et magister. eum sibi te abdicato patre in locum tuum substituit.

[11] To what do you think those letters now sent to you by T. Quinctius are aimed—letters in which he says that you have consulted well for your own affairs because you sent Demetrius to Rome, and urges that you send him back again with more legates and with the leading men of the Macedonians? T. Quinctius is now that man’s adviser in all matters and his master. With you, his father, cast off, he has taken him to himself in your place.

illic ante omnia clandestina cocta sunt consilia. quaeruntur adiutores consiliis, cum te plures et principes Macedonum cum isto mittere iubet. qui hinc integri et sinceri Romam eunt, Philippum regem se habere credentes, imbuti illinc et infecti Romanis delenimentis redeunt.

there, before all else, clandestine counsels were concocted. adjutors are sought for these counsels, when he bids you to send more men and the chiefs of the Macedonians with that man. those who from here go to Rome intact and sincere, believing that they have King Philip, return from there imbued and infected by Roman blandishments.

Demetrius iis unus omnia est, eum iam regem uiuo patre appellant. haec si indignor, audiendum est statim non ab aliis solum sed etiam a te, pater, cupiditatis regni crimen. ego uero, si in medio ponitur, non agnosco.

To them Demetrius alone is everything; they already call him king while his father still lives. If I am indignant at these things, I must straightway hear, not from others only but even from you, father, the charge of cupidity for kingship. But I, for my part—if it is put in the open—do not acknowledge it.

quem enim suo loco moueo, ut ipse in eius locum succedam? unus ante me pater est, et ut diu sit, deos rogo. superstes—et ita sim, si merebor, ut ipse me esse uelit—hereditatem regni, si pater tradet, accipiam.

Whom, indeed, do I displace from his place, that I myself may succeed to his place? One alone stands before me—my father—and I pray the gods that he may be so for a long time. Surviving him—and so may I be, if I shall deserve it, as he himself wishes me to be—I will accept the inheritance of the kingdom, if my father will hand it over.

cupit regnum, et quidem scelerate cupit, qui transcendere festinat ordinem aetatis, naturae, moris Macedonum, iuris gentium. obstat frater maior, ad quem iure, uoluntate etiam patris, regnum pertinet. tollatur: non primus regnum fraterna caede petiero.

he desires the kingdom, and indeed he desires it criminally, who hastens to transcend the order of age, of nature, of the custom of the Macedonians, of the law of nations. the elder brother stands in the way, to whom by right, and even by the father’s will, the kingdom pertains. let him be removed: I shall not be the first to have sought a kingdom by fraternal slaughter.

pater senex et [filio] solus [orbatus] de se magis timebit, quam ut filii necem ulciscatur. Romani laetabuntur, probabunt, defendent factum. hae spes incertae, pater, sed non inanes sunt.

an old father and alone [of a son] [bereft] will fear more for himself than that he avenge his son's slaying. The Romans will rejoice, will approve, will defend the deed. These hopes are uncertain, father, but not vain.

ita enim se res habet: periculum uitae propellere a me potes, puniendo eos, qui ad me interficiendum ferrum sumpserunt; si facinori eorum successerit, mortem meam idem tu persequi non poteris.'

for thus the matter stands: you can repel the peril to my life from me, by punishing those who have taken up the iron to kill me; if their crime succeeds, you will not be able likewise to prosecute my death.'

[12] Postquam dicendi finem Perseus fecit, coniecti eorum, qui aderant, oculi in Demetrium sunt, uelut confestim responsurus esset. deinde diu silentium fuit, cum perfusum fletu appareret omnibus loqui non posse. tandem uicit dolorem ipsa necessitas, cum dicere iuberent, atque ita orsus est.

[12] After Perseus made an end of speaking, the eyes of those who were present were cast upon Demetrius, as though he were about to answer forthwith. Then there was a long silence, since it appeared to all that, drenched with tears, he was not able to speak. At last necessity itself overcame his grief, when they bade him speak, and thus he began.

'omnia, quae reorum antea fuerant auxilia, pater, praeoccupauit accusator. simulatis lacrimis in alterius perniciem ueras meas lacrimas suspectas tibi fecit. cum ipse, ex quo ab Roma redii, per occulta cum suis colloquia dies noctesque insidietur, ultro mihi non insidiatoris modo sed latronis manifesti et percussoris speciem induit.

'all the aids that previously had belonged to the defendants, father, the accuser has preempted. With feigned tears for another’s ruin he has made my true tears suspect to you. Although he himself, since I returned from Rome, through secret conferences with his own men lies in wait day and night, moreover he has put upon me the appearance not only of an ambusher but of a manifest brigand and an assassin.

periculo suo te exterret, ut innoxio fratri per eundem te maturet perniciem. perfugium sibi nusquam gentium esse ait, ut ego ne apud te quidem spei quicquam reliqui habeam. circumuentum, solum, inopem inuidia gratiae externae, quae obest potius quam prodest, onerat.

He frightens you with his own peril, so that, through you yourself, he may hasten destruction for his innocent brother. He says that for him there is refuge nowhere in the world, so that I may have not even with you anything of hope left. He burdens me with the charge that I am circumvented, alone, helpless, by the envy of foreign favor, which harms rather than helps.

iam illud quam accusatorie, quod noctis huius crimen miscuit cum cetera insectatione uitae meae, ut et hoc, quod iam quale sit scies, suspectum alio uitae nostrae tenore faceret, et illam uanam criminationem spei uoluntatis consiliorum meorum nocturno hoc ficto et composito argumento fulciret? simul et illud quaesiuit, ut repentina et minime praeparata accusatio uideretur, quippe ex noctis huius metu et tumultu repentino exorta. oportuit autem, Perseu, si proditor ego patris regnique eram, si cum Romanis, si cum aliis inimicis patris inieram consilia, non exspectatam fabulam esse noctis huius, sed proditionis me ante accusatum: si illa, separata hac, uana accusatio erat inuidiamque tuam aduersus me magis quam crimen meum indicatura, hodie quoque eam aut praetermitti aut in aliud tempus differri, ut per se quae<re>retur, utrum ego tibi an tu mihi, nouo quidem et singulari genere odii, insidias fecisses.

Now how prosecutorial it was, that he mixed the charge of this night with the rest of the persecution of my life, so that even this thing—which you will soon know of what sort it is—he might render suspect by a different tenor of our life, and might prop up that empty crimination concerning the hope, will, and counsels of mine by this nocturnal, feigned and composed argument? At the same time he also aimed at this, that the accusation might seem sudden and least premeditated, seeing that it arose from the fear and sudden tumult of this night. But it ought, Perseus, if I were a traitor to my father and to the kingdom, if I had entered into counsels with the Romans, if with other enemies of my father, not to have waited for the tale of this night, but that I should previously have been accused of treason. If that, taken separately from this, was an empty accusation and was going to indicate your ill-will against me rather than my crime, even today it ought either to be passed over or deferred to another time, so that it might be investigated in itself—quae<re>retur—whether I for you, or you for me, had laid plots, indeed by a new and singular kind of hatred.

ego tamen, quantum in hac subita perturbatione potero, separabo ea, quae tu confudisti, et noctis huius insidias aut tuas aut meas detegam. occidendi sui consilium inisse me uideri uult, ut scilicet maiore fratre sublato, cuius iure gentium, more Macedonum, tuo etiam, ut ait, iudicio regnum est futurum, ego minor in eius, quem occidissem, succederem locum. quid ergo illa sibi uult pars altera orationis, qua Romanos a me cultos ait atque eorum fiducia in spem regni me uenisse?

I, however, insofar as I shall be able in this sudden perturbation, will separate the things which you have confounded, and I will uncover the ambushes of this night, whether yours or mine. He wants it to seem that I entered upon a plan of killing him, so that, with the elder brother removed—unto whom, by the law of nations, by the custom of the Macedonians, and even by your judgment, as he says, the kingship is going to belong—I, the younger, would succeed into the place of him whom I had slain. What then does that other part of the speech mean, in which he says that the Romans have been courted by me and that by confidence in them I have come into a hope of the kingdom?

nam si et in Romanis tantum momenti credebam esse, ut quem uellent imponerent Macedoniae regem, et meae tantum apud eos gratiae confidebam, quid opus parricidio fuit? an ut cruentum diadema fraterna caede gererem? ut illis ipsis, apud quos aut uera aut certe simulata probitate partam gratiam habeo, si quam forte habeo, exsecrabilis et inuisus essem?

for if I believed that among the Romans there was such weight that they would impose whom they wished as king upon Macedonia, and if I trusted so much in my own favor with them, what need was there of parricide? or was it so that I might wear a bloody diadem by fraternal slaughter? so that to those very men, with whom I have a favor obtained by true—or at any rate feigned—probity, if perchance I have any, I should be execrable and odious?

nisi T. Quinctium credis, cuius nutu et consiliis me nunc arguis regi, cum et ipse tali pietate uiuat cum fratre, mihi fraternae caedis fuisse auctorem. idem non Romanorum gratiam solum, sed Macedonum iudicia ac paene omnium deorum hominumque consensum collegit, per quae omnia se mihi parem in certamine non futurum crediderit: idem, tamquam [in] aliis omnibus rebus inferior essem, ad sceleris ultimam spem confugisse me insimulat. uis hanc formulam cognitionis esse, ut, uter timuerit, ne alter dignior uideretur regno, is consilium opprimendi fratris iudicetur cepisse?

unless you believe T. Quinctius—at whose nod and counsels you now accuse me to be ruled, though he himself lives with his brother in such pietas—to have been the instigator to me of fraternal slaughter. the same man has collected not only the favor of the Romans, but the judgments of the Macedonians and almost the consensus of all gods and men, through all of which he would have believed that he would not be my equal in the contest: the same man alleges that I, as though [in] all other things I were inferior, fled to the ultimate hope of a crime. do you wish this to be the formula of the inquiry, that whichever one feared lest the other appear more worthy of the kingdom be judged to have formed the plan of crushing his brother?

[13] Exsequamur tamen quocumque modo conficti ordinem criminis. pluribus modis se petitum criminatus est, et omnes insidiarum uias in unum diem contulit. uolui interdiu eum post lustrationem, cum concurrimus, et quidem, si diis placet, lustrationum die occidere; uolui, cum ad cenam inuitaui, ueneno scilicet tollere; uolui, cum comisatum gladiis succincti me secuti sunt, ferro interficere.

[13] Let us, however, pursue, in whatever way, the sequence of the fabricated charge. He accused that he was attacked in several modes, and he concentrated all the paths of ambush into a single day. I wished in broad daylight to kill him after the lustration, when we came together, and indeed, if it please the gods, on the day of the lustrations; I wished, when I invited him to dinner, to remove him with poison, of course; I wished, when for a revel those girded with swords followed me, to slay him with steel.

tempora quidem qualia sint ad parricidium electa, uides: lusus, conuiuii, comisationis. quid? dies qualis?

You see, indeed, what kinds of times have been chosen for parricide: of games, of convivial banquet, of comissation. What? And what sort of day?

quo lustratus exercitus, quo inter diuisam uictimam, praelatis omnium, qui umquam fuere, Macedoniae regum armis regiis, duo soli tua tegentes latera, pater, praeuecti sumus, et secutum est Macedonum agmen: hoc ego, etiam si quid antea admisissem piaculo dignum, lustratus et expiatus sacro, tum cum maxime in hostiam itineri nostro circumdatam intuens, parricidium uenena gladios in comisationem praeparatos uolutabam in animo, ut quibus aliis deinde sacris contaminatam omni scelere mentem expiarem? sed caecus criminandi cupiditate animus, dum omnia suspecta efficere uult, aliud alio confundit. nam si ueneno te inter cenam tollere uolui, quid minus aptum fuit quam pertinaci certamine et concursu iratum te efficere, ut merito, sicut fecisti, inuitatus ad cenam abnueres?

when the army had been purified by lustration, when the victim had been divided, with the royal arms of all the kings of Macedonia that ever were borne before us, we two alone, father, covering your flanks, rode out in front, and the Macedonian column followed: was it then that I— even if I had previously committed anything worthy of expiatory sacrifice— lustrated and expiated by the sacred rite, then most of all, as I gazed upon the victim encircled for our journey, was revolving in mind parricide, poisons, swords prepared for a comissation— so that with what other rites thereafter could I expiate a mind contaminated with every crime? but a spirit blind with the desire of accusing, while it wishes to make everything suspect, confounds one thing with another. for if I wished to remove you with poison during dinner, what was less apt than to make you angry by obstinate contention and a rush-up, so that deservedly, just as you did, when invited to dinner you refused?

cum autem iratus negasses, utrum, ut placarem te, danda opera fuit, ut aliam quaererem occasionem, quoniam semel uenenum paraueram, an ab illo consilio uelut transiliendum ad aliud fuit, ut ferro te, et quidem eo<dem> die, per speciem comisationis occiderem? quo deinde modo, si te metu mortis credebam cenam uitasse meam, non ab eodem metu comisationem quoque uitaturum existimabam?

But when, in anger, you refused, was effort then to be made to placate you, that I might seek another occasion, since once I had prepared the poison; or was I, as it were, to leap from that plan to another, to kill you with the sword, and indeed on that same day, under the semblance of revelry? In what way then, if I believed that you had avoided my dinner from fear of death, did I not think that from the same fear you would also avoid the revelry?

[14] Non est res, qua erubescam, pater, si die festo inter aequales largiore uino sum usus. tu quoque uelim inquiras, qua laetitia, quo lusu apud me celebratum hesternum conuiuium sit, illo etiam— prauo forsitan—gaudio prouehente, quod in iuuenali armorum certamine pars nostra non inferior fuerat. miseria haec et metus crapulam facile excusserunt; quae si non interuenissent, insidiatores nos sopiti iaceremus.

[14] It is no matter to blush at, father, if on a festal day among my equals I made use of more liberal wine. I would also have you inquire with what gladness, with what sport yesterday’s banquet was celebrated at my house, with that joy also— perhaps perverse—joy carrying us along, because in the juvenile contest of arms our side had been not inferior. This misery and fear easily shook off the hangover; and if these had not intervened, we, asleep, would have lain for the ambushers.

si domum tuam expugnaturus, capta domo dominum interfecturus eram, non temperassem uino in unum diem, non milites meos abstinuissem? et ne ego me solus nimia simplicitate tuear, ipse quoque minime malus ac suspicax frater 'nihil aliud scio', inquit 'nihil arguo, nisi quod cum ferro comisatum uenerunt.' si quaeram, unde id ipsum scias, necesse erit te fateri aut speculatorum tuorum plenam domum fuisse meam, aut illos ita aperte sumpsisse ferrum, ut omnes uiderent. et ne quid ipse aut prius inquisisse aut nunc criminose argumentari uideretur, te quaerere ex iis, quos nominasset, iubebat, an ferrum habuissent, ut tamquam in re dubia, cum id quaesisses, quod ipsi fatentur, pro conuictis haberentur.

if I was going to storm your house, and, the house captured, kill the master, would I not have kept from wine for a single day, would I not have restrained my soldiers? And lest I alone defend myself with excessive simplicity, your brother too, by no means wicked or suspicious, says: 'I know nothing else,' he says, 'I allege nothing, except that they came to the revel with iron.' If I should ask whence you know this very thing, it will be necessary for you to confess either that my house was full of your spies, or that they took up the iron so openly that everyone saw. And so that he himself might not seem either to have inquired beforehand or now to be arguing in a criminous way, he ordered you to ask from those whom he had named whether they had had iron, so that, as though in a doubtful matter, when you had asked that which they themselves confess, they might be held as convicted.

quin tu illud quaeri iubes, num tui occidendi causa ferrum sumpserint, num me auctore et sciente? hoc enim uideri uis, non illud quod fatentur et palam est. ei sui se tuendi causa sumpsisse dicunt.

Why then do you order that to be inquired—whether they took up steel for the purpose of killing you, whether with me as author and aware? For this is what you wish to seem, not that which they confess and which is in the open. They say they took it up for the sake of defending themselves.

recte an perperam fecerint, ipsi sui facti rationem reddent: meam causam, quae nihil eo facto contingitur, ne miscueris. aut explica, utrum aperte an clam te aggressuri fuerimus. si aperte, cur non omnes ferrum habuimus?

Whether they acted rightly or wrongly, they themselves will render an account of their deed: do not mix in my case, which is in no way touched by that deed. Or explain whether we were going to attack you openly or secretly. If openly, why did we not all have iron?

cur nemo praeter eos, qui tuum speculatorem pulsauerunt? si clam, quis ordo consilii fuit? conuiuio soluto cum comisator ego discessissem, quattuor substitissent, ut sopitum te adgrederentur?

why did no one except those who struck your spy? if covertly, what was the order of the plan? when the banquet was dissolved and I, the reveller, had departed, had four stayed behind, to attack you while you were asleep?

quomodo fefellissent et alieni et mei et maxime suspecti, quia paulo ante in rixa fuerant? quomodo autem trucidato te ipsi euasuri fuerunt? quattuor gladiis domus tua capi et expugnari potuit?

how could they have escaped notice both of outsiders and of my men, being most suspect since a little before they had been in a brawl? and how, moreover, with you slaughtered, were they themselves going to get away? could your house be seized and stormed by four swords?

[15] Quin tu omissa ista nocturna fabula ad id, quod doles, quod inuidia urit, reuerteris? 'cur usquam [regni] tui mentio fit, Demetri? cur dignior patris fortunae successor quibusdam uideris quam ego?

[15] Why don’t you, dropping that nocturnal fable, return to that which pains you, which envy burns? ‘Why is any mention made anywhere of your [kingdom], Demetrius? Why do you seem to some a more worthy successor to our father’s fortune than I?’

cur spem meam, quae, si tu non esses, certa erat, dubiam et sollicitam facis?' haec sentit Perseus, etsi non dicit; haec istum inimicum, haec accusatorem faciunt; haec domum, haec regnum tuum criminibus et suspicionibus replent. ego autem, pater, quem ad modum nec nunc sperare regnum nec ambigere umquam de eo forsitan debeam, quia minor sum, quia tu me maiori cedere uis, sic illud nec debui facere nec debeo, ut indignus te patre [indignus] omnibus uidear. id enim uitiis meis, non cedendi, cui ius fasque est, modestia consequar.

why do you make my hope, which, if you did not exist, was certain, doubtful and anxious?' This is what Perseus feels, even if he does not say it; these things make that man an enemy, these an accuser; these fill your household, these your kingdom with charges and suspicions. But I, father, inasmuch as I ought perhaps neither now to hope for the kingdom nor ever to dispute about it, because I am the younger, because you wish me to yield to the elder, so likewise I neither ought to have done nor ought I to do this: that I should seem unworthy of you as father, [unworthy] to all. For that I shall attain by my own vices, not by the modesty of yielding to him to whom it is right and divine law.

Romanos obicis mihi, et ea, quae gloriae esse debent, in crimen uertis. ego nec obses Romanis ut traderer nec ut legatus mitterer Romam, petii. a te missus ire non recusaui.

You object the Romans to me, and you turn those things which ought to be for glory into a charge. I neither sought to be handed over to the Romans as a hostage nor to be sent to Rome as a legate. Sent by you, I did not refuse to go.

utroque tempore ita me gessi, ne tibi pudori, ne regno tuo, ne genti Macedonum essem. itaque mihi cum Romanis, pater, amicitiae causa tu fuisti. quoad tecum illis pax manebit, mecum quoque gratia erit: si bellum esse coeperit, qui obses, qui legatus pro patre non inutilis fui, idem hostis illis acerrimus ero.

at both times I so conducted myself that I might not be a shame to you, nor to your kingdom, nor to the nation of the Macedonians. and so, for me, father, you were the cause of friendship with the Romans. so long as peace shall remain between you and them, there will be favor with me also; if war shall begin, I—who as a hostage and as an envoy on behalf of my father was not useless—will be their same most bitter enemy.

nec hodie ut prosit mihi gratia Romanorum, postulo: ne obsit, tantum deprecor. nec in bello coepit nec ad bellum reseruatur: pacis pignus fui, ad pacem retinendam legatus missus sum: neutra res mihi nec gloriae nec crimini sit. ego si quid impie in te, pater, si quid scelerate in fratrem admisi, nullam deprecor poenam: si innocens sum, ne inuidia conflagrem, cum crimine non possim, deprecor.

nor today do I demand that the favor of the Romans should profit me: I only beseech that it not harm me. it neither began in war nor is reserved for war: I was a pledge of peace, I was sent as a legate to maintain peace: let neither matter be for me either a glory or a charge. if I have committed anything impiously against you, father, if anything criminally against my brother, I deprecate no punishment: if I am innocent, I beseech that I not be consumed by ill-will, since I cannot be by a charge.

non hodie me primum frater accusat, sed hodie primum aperte, nullo meo in se merito. si mihi pater suscenseret, te maiorem fratrem pro minore deprecari oportebat, te adulescentiae, te errori ueniam impetrare meo. ubi praesidium esse oportebat, ibi exitium est.

Not today does my brother accuse me for the first time, but today for the first time openly, with no merit of mine toward him. If my father were to be angry with me, it was proper that you, the elder brother, should intercede for the younger, that you obtain pardon for my adolescence, pardon for my error. Where there ought to be a safeguard, there is destruction.

e conuiuio et comisatione prope semisomnus raptus sum ad causam parricidii dicendam. sine aduocatis, sine patronis ipse pro me dicere cogor. si pro alio dicendum esset, tempus ad meditandum et componendam orationem sumpsissem, cum quid aliud quam ingenii fama periclitarer?

I was snatched from the banquet and comissation, almost half-asleep, to plead a case of parricide. Without advocates, without patrons, I am compelled to speak for myself. If it had been necessary to speak on behalf of another, I would have taken time for meditating and for composing the oration, since what else than the fame of my talent would I be imperiling?

ignarus, quid arcessitus essem, te iratum et iubentem dicere causam, fratrem accusantem audiui. ille diu ante praeparata ac meditata in me oratione est usus: ego id tantum temporis, quo accusatus sum, ad cognoscendum, quid ageretur, habui. utrum momento illo horae accusatorem audirem an defensionem meditarer?

Unaware why I had been summoned, I heard you angry and ordering me to plead the case, and my brother accusing. He employed against me a speech long before prepared and premeditated; I had only that amount of time, in which I was accused, to ascertain what was being done. In that mere moment of an hour, was I to listen to the accuser or to meditate a defense?

attonitus repentino atque inopinato malo, uix, quid obiceretur, intellegere potui, nedum satis sciam, quo modo me tuear. quid mihi spei esset, nisi patrem iudicem haberem? apud quem etiam si caritate a fratre maiore uincor, misericordia certe reus uinci non debeo.

Thunderstruck by the sudden and unanticipated misfortune, I could scarcely understand what was being alleged, let alone know enough how I might defend myself. What hope would there be for me, unless I had my father as judge? Before whom, even if in affection I am surpassed by my elder brother, surely in mercy I, the defendant, ought not to be overcome.

ego enim ut me mihi tibique serues, precor; ille ut me in securitatem suam occidas, postulat. quid eum, cum regnum ei tradideris, facturum credis in me esse, qui iam nunc sanguinem meum sibi indulgeri aequum censet?'

For I pray that you preserve me for myself and for yourself; he demands that, for his own security, you kill me. What do you believe he will do to me when you have handed the kingdom over to him, he who even now deems it just that he be indulged my blood?'

[16] Dicenti haec lacrimae simul spiritum et uocem intercluserunt. Philippus summotis iis paulisper collocutus cum amicis pronuntiauit, non uerbis se nec unius horae disceptatione causam eorum diiudicaturum, sed inquirendo in utriusque uitam <ac> mores, et dicta factaque in magnis paruisque rebus obseruando, ut omnibus appareret noctis proximae crimen facile reuictum, suspectam nimiam cum Romanis Demetrii gratiam esse. haec maxime uiuo Philippo uelut semina iacta sunt Macedonici belli, quod cum Perseo gerendum erat.

[16] As he was saying these things, tears at once choked off his breath and his voice. Philip, after removing those men and conversing for a little while with his friends, pronounced that he would not adjudicate their case by words nor by the disputation of a single hour, but by inquiring into the life and character of each, and by observing words and deeds in great and small matters, so that it might appear to all that the charge of the previous night was easily refuted, and that Demetrius’s excessive favor with the Romans was suspect. These things, especially while Philip still lived, were as it were seeds sown of the Macedonian war, which was to be waged with Perseus.

Consules ambo in Ligures, quae tum una consularis prouincia erat, proficiscuntur. et quia prospere ibi res gesserunt, supplicatio in unum diem decreta est. Ligurum duo milia fere ad extremum finem prouinciae Galliae, ubi castra Marcellus habebat, uenerunt, uti reciperentur, orantes.

Both consuls set out against the Ligurians, which at that time was the sole consular province. And because they conducted affairs there prosperously, a thanksgiving for one day was decreed. Nearly two thousand of the Ligurians came to the farthest boundary of the province of Gaul, where Marcellus had his camp, begging that they be received.

Marcellus opperiri eodem loco Liguribus iussis senatum per litteras consuluit. senatus rescribere M. Ogulnium praetorem Marcello iussit uerius fuisse consules, quorum prouincia esset, quam se, quid e re publica esset, decernere; tum quoque non placere nisi per deditionem Ligures recipi, et receptis arma adimi atque eos ad consules mitti senatum aequum censere.

Marcellus, having ordered the Ligurians to wait in the same place, consulted the senate by letter. The senate ordered M. Ogulnius, the praetor, to write back to Marcellus that it would more properly have been the consuls—whose province it was—rather than themselves, to determine what was for the good of the Republic; further, that even now it was not pleasing for the Ligurians to be received except through surrender, and that, once received, their arms be taken away and they be sent to the consuls—the senate deemed this equitable.

Praetores eodem tempore, P. Manlius in ulteriorem Hispaniam, quam et priore praetura prouinciam obtinuerat, Q. Fuluius Flaccus in citeriorem peruenit, exercitumque <ab> A. Terentio accepit: nam ulterior morte P. Sempronii proconsulis sine imperio fuerat. Fuluium Flaccum oppidum Hispanum Urbicnam nomine oppugnantem Celtiberi adorti sunt. dura ibi proelia aliquot facta, multi Romani milites et uulnerati et interfecti sunt.

The praetors at the same time—P. Manlius to Further Spain, which he had also held as his province in his former praetorship, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus to Nearer Spain—arrived, and he received the army <from> A. Terentius; for the Further [province], by the death of P. Sempronius, proconsul, had been without command. The Celtiberians assailed Fulvius Flaccus as he was besieging a Spanish town by name Urbicna. There several hard battles were fought, and many Roman soldiers were both wounded and slain.

uicit perseuerantia Fuluius, quod nulla ui abstrahi ab obsidione potuit: Celtiberi fessi proeliis uariis abscesserunt. urbs amoto auxilio eorum intra paucos dies capta et direpta est: praedam militibus praetor concessit. Fuluius hoc oppido capto, Manlius exercitu tantum in unum coacto, qui dissipatus fuerat, nulla alia memorabili gesta re, exercitus in hiberna deduxerunt.

Perseverance prevailed: Fulvius, since by no force could he be dragged away from the siege; the Celtiberians, wearied by various battles, withdrew. The city, with their support removed, was taken and sacked within a few days: the praetor granted the booty to the soldiers. Fulvius, with this town captured, and Manlius, having only concentrated into one the army which had been scattered, with no other memorable matter accomplished, led the armies into winter quarters.

haec ea aestate in Hispania gesta. Terentius, qui ex ea prouincia decesserat, ouans urbem iniit. translatum argenti pondo nouem milia trecenta uiginti, auri octoginta pondo et duo, coronae aureae [pondo] sexaginta septem.

These things were done in Spain that summer. Terentius, who had departed from that province, entered the city in an ovation. There were brought 9,320 pounds of silver; 82 pounds of gold; golden crowns, 67 [pounds].

[17] Eodem anno inter populum Carthaginiensem et regem Masinissam in re praesenti disceptatores Romani de agro fuerunt. ceperat eum ab Carthaginiensibus pater Masinissae Gala; Galam Syphax inde expulerat, postea in gratiam soceri Hasdrubalis Carthaginiensibus dono dederat; Carthaginienses eo anno Masinissa expulerat. haud minore certamine animorum, quam cum ferro et acie dimicarunt, res acta apud Romanos.

[17] In the same year, between the Carthaginian people and King Masinissa, Roman arbiters were concerning the land in the present matter. Masinissa’s father Gala had taken it from the Carthaginians; Syphax had then expelled Gala from there, and afterward, to gain the favor of his father-in-law Hasdrubal, had given it as a gift to the Carthaginians; that year Masinissa had expelled the Carthaginians. The matter was conducted among the Romans with a contest of spirits no less than when they fought with steel and in battle-line.

Carthaginienses, quod maiorum suorum fuisset, deinde ab Syphace ad se peruenisset, repetebant. Masinissa paterni regni agrum se et recepisse et habere gentium iure aiebat; et causa et possessione superiorem esse; nihil aliud se in ea disceptatione metuere, quam ne pudor Romanorum, dum uereantur, ne quid socio atque amico regi aduersus communes suos atque illius hostes indulsisse uideantur, damno sit. legati possessionis ius non mutarunt, causam integram Romam ad senatum reiecerunt.

The Carthaginians were demanding back what had been their ancestors’ and had then come to them from Syphax. Masinissa maintained that he had both recovered the land of his paternal kingdom and held it by the ius gentium; and that he was superior both in cause and in possession; he feared nothing else in that adjudication than lest the pudor of the Romans—while they are anxious not to seem to have indulged anything to a king who is their ally and friend against their and his common enemies—be to his detriment. The legates did not change the right of possession; they referred the cause, entire, to Rome to the senate.

In Liguribus nihil postea gestum. recesserant primum in deuios saltus, deinde dimisso exercitu passim in uicos castellaque sua dilapsi sunt. consules quoque dimittere exercitum uoluerunt, ac de ea re patres consuluerunt.

Among the Ligurians, nothing was done thereafter. They had withdrawn at first into remote mountain-forests, then, their army dismissed, they scattered everywhere into their villages and strongholds. The consuls also wished to dismiss the army, and on that matter the Fathers were consulted.

alterum ex iis dimisso exercitu ad magistratus in annum creandos uenire Romam iusserunt, alterum cum legionibus suis Pisis hiemare. fama erat Gallos Transalpinos iuuentutem armare, nec, in quam regionem Italiae effusura se multitudo esset, sciebatur. ita inter se consules compararunt, ut Cn. Baebius ad comitia iret, quia M. Baebius frater eius consulatum petebat.

They ordered that one of them, with his army dismissed, come to Rome for the magistrates for the coming year to be created, and that the other winter with his legions at Pisae. There was a report that the Transalpine Gauls were arming their youth, and it was not known into what region of Italy the multitude would pour itself. Thus the consuls arranged between themselves that Cn. Baebius should go to the elections, because M. Baebius, his brother, was seeking the consulship.

[18] Comitia consulibus rogandis fuere: creati P. Cornelius Lentulus M. Baebius Tamphilus. praetores inde facti duo Q. Fabii, Maximus et Buteo, Ti. Claudius Nero Q. Petilius Spurinus M. Pinarius Rusca L. Duronius. his inito magistratu prouinciae ita sorte euenerunt: Ligures consulibus, praetoribus Q. Petilio urbana, Q. Fabio Maximo peregrina, Q. Fabio Buteoni Gallia, Ti. Claudio Neroni Sicilia, M. Pinario Sardinia, L. Duronio Apulia; et Histri adiecti, quod Tarentini Brundisinique nuntiabant maritimos agros infestos transmarinarum nauium latrociniis esse.

[18] An assembly was held for electing the consuls: P. Cornelius Lentulus and M. Baebius Tamphilus were created. Then praetors were made: the two Q. Fabii, Maximus and Buteo, Ti. Claudius Nero, Q. Petilius Spurinus, M. Pinarius Rusca, L. Duronius. After they had entered upon office, the provinces thus fell by lot: Liguria to the consuls; for the praetors, to Q. Petilius the urban jurisdiction, to Q. Fabius Maximus the peregrine, to Q. Fabius Buteo Gaul, to Ti. Claudius Nero Sicily, to M. Pinarius Sardinia, to L. Duronius Apulia; and the Histri were added, because the Tarentines and Brundisians were reporting that the maritime fields were infested by the depredations of ships from overseas.

eadem Massilienses de Ligurum nauibus querebantur. exercitus inde decreti, quattuor legiones consulibus, quae quina milia ducenos Romanos pedites, trecenos haberent equites, et quindecim milia socium ac Latini nominis, octingenti equites. in Hispaniis prorogatum ueteribus praetoribus imperium est cum exercitibus, quos haberent, et in supplementum decreta tria milia ciuium Romanorum, ducenti equites, et socium Latini nominis sex milia peditum, trecenti equites.

Likewise the Massilians complained about the ships of the Ligurians. Then armies were decreed: four legions for the consuls, which should have 5,200 Roman infantry each and 300 cavalry apiece, and 15,000 of the allies and of the Latin name, with 800 horse. In the Spains, the imperium was prorogued to the former praetors with the armies they already had; and, as a supplement, there were decreed 3,000 Roman citizens, 200 horse, and of the allies of the Latin name 6,000 foot and 300 horse.

nec rei naualis cura omissa. duumuiros in eam rem consules creare iussi, per quos naues uiginti deductae naualibus sociis ciuibus Romanis, qui seruitutem seruissent, complerentur, ingenui tantum ut iis praeessent. inter duumuiros ita diuisa tuenda denis nauibus maritima ora, ut promunturium iis Mineruae uelut cardo in medio esset; alter in<de> dextram partem usque ad Massiliam, laeuam alter usque ad Barium tueretur.

nor was care for naval affairs omitted. The consuls were ordered to appoint duumvirs for that purpose, through whom twenty ships, launched from the shipyards, should be filled with allies and Roman citizens who had served out their servitude, with the proviso that only freeborn men command them. Between the two duumvirs the sea-coast to be guarded was thus divided with ten ships apiece, so that the Promontory of Minerva should be, as it were, a pivot in the middle; one from there should protect the right-hand section as far as Massilia, the other the left as far as Barium.

[19] Prodigia multa foeda et Romae eo anno uisa et nuntiata peregre. in area Uulcani et Concordiae sanguine pluuit; et pontifices hastas motas nuntiauere, et Lanuuini simulacrum Iunonis Sospitae lacrimasse. pestilentia in agris forisque et conciliabulis et in urbe tanta erat, ut Libitina fune<ribus> uix sufficeret.

[19] Many foul prodigies were seen at Rome in that year and reported from abroad. In the precinct of Vulcan and of Concord it rained blood; and the pontiffs announced that the spears had moved, and that at Lanuvium the statue of Juno Sospita had wept. The pestilence in the fields, in the fora and assembly-places, and in the city was so great that Libitina scarcely sufficed for the funerals.

his prodigiis cladibusque anxii patres decreuerunt, ut et consules, quibus diis uideretur, hostiis maioribus sacrificarent, et decemuiri libros adirent. eorum decreto supplicatio circa omnia puluinaria Romae in diem unum indicta est. iisdem auctoribus et senatus censuit et consules edixerunt, ut per totam Italiam triduum supplicatio et feriae essent.

Alarmed by these prodigies and disasters, the Fathers decreed that both the consuls should sacrifice with greater victims to whatever gods it seemed proper, and that the decemvirs should consult the books. By their decree a supplication around all the sacred couches (pulvinaria) at Rome was proclaimed for one day. On the same authorities both the senate resolved and the consuls issued an edict that throughout all Italy there should be a three-day supplication and holidays.

pestilentiae tanta uis erat, ut, cum propter defectionem Corsorum bellumque ab Iliensibus concitatum in Sardinia octo milia peditum ex sociis Latini nominis placuisset scribi et trecentos equites, quos M. Pinarius praetor secum in Sardiniam traiceret, tantum hominum demortuum esse, tantum ubique aegrorum consules renuntiauerint, ut is numerus effici militum non potuerit. quod deerat militum, sumere a Cn. Baebio proconsule, qui Pisis hibernabat, iussus praetor atque inde in Sardiniam traicere.

so great was the force of the pestilence that, when on account of the defection of the Corsicans and the war stirred up by the Ilienses in Sardinia it had seemed good that 8,000 infantry be enrolled from the allies of the Latin name and 300 cavalry, whom Marcus Pinarius, praetor, should carry across with him into Sardinia, the consuls reported that so many men had died, and so many were sick everywhere, that that number of soldiers could not be made up. What was lacking of soldiers the praetor was ordered to take from Gnaeus Baebius, proconsul, who was wintering at Pisa, and from there to transport into Sardinia.

L. Duronio praetori, cui prouincia Apulia euenerat, adiecta de Bacchanalibus quaestio est, cuius residua quaedam uelut semina ex prioribus malis iam priore anno apparuerant; sed magis inchoatae apud L. Pupium praetorem quaestiones erant quam ad exitum ullum perductae. id persecare nouum praetorem, ne serperet iterum latius, patres iusserunt. et legem de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt.

To the praetor L. Duronius, to whom the province of Apulia had fallen by lot, an inquiry concerning the Bacchanalia was appended, of which certain remnants, as it were seeds, from the earlier evils had already appeared in the previous year; but the investigations under the praetor L. Pupius had been more begun than brought to any outcome. The Fathers ordered the new praetor to cut this out, lest it should creep more widely again. And the consuls, by the authority of the senate, brought to the people a law concerning ambitus (electoral bribery).

[20] Legationes deinde in senatum introduxerunt, regum primas Eumenis et Ariarathis Cappadocis et Pharnacis Pontici. nec ultra quicquam eis responsum est quam missuros, qui de controuersiis eorum cognoscerent statuerentque. Lacedaemoniorum deinde exsulum et Achaeorum legati introducti sunt, et spes data exsulibus est scripturum senatum Achaeis, ut restituerentur.

[20] Then they introduced legations into the senate, the first being those of the kings Eumenes and Ariarathes the Cappadocian and Pharnaces the Pontic. Nor was anything further answered to them than that they would send men to take cognizance of and adjudicate their controversies. Then the envoys of the Lacedaemonian exiles and of the Achaeans were introduced, and hope was given to the exiles that the senate would write to the Achaeans that they be restored.

Achaei de Messene recepta compositisque ibi rebus cum adsensu patrum exposuerunt. et a Philippo rege Macedonum duo legati uenerunt, Philocles et Apelles, nulla super re, quae petenda ab senatu esset, speculatum magis inquisitumque missi de iis, quorum Perseus Demetrium insimulasset sermonum cum Romanis, maxime cum T. Quinctio, aduersus fratrem de regno habitorum. hos tamquam medios nec in alterius fauorem inclinatos miserat rex: erant autem et hi Persei fraudis in fratrem ministri et participes.

The Achaeans, after Messene had been recovered and matters there composed, set this forth with the assent of the senators. And from Philip, king of the Macedonians, two envoys came, Philocles and Apelles, sent not about any matter that ought to be petitioned from the Senate, but rather to reconnoiter and inquire concerning those conversations with the Romans—especially with T. Quinctius—held against his brother about the kingship, for which Perseus had accused Demetrius. The king had sent these men as though impartial and inclined to the favor of neither; but they too were ministers and participants in Perseus’s deceit against his brother.

Demetrius omnium praeterquam fraterno scelere, quod nuper eruperat, ignarus primo neque magnam neque nullam spem habebat patrem sibi placari posse; minus deinde in dies patris animo fidebat, cum obsideri aures a fratre cerneret. itaque circumspiciens dicta factaque sua, ne cuius suspiciones augeret, maxime ab omni mentione et contagione Romanorum abstinebat, ut neque scribi sibi uellet, quia hoc praecipue criminum genere exasperari patris animum sentiebat.

Demetrius, ignorant of everything except the fraternal crime which had lately erupted, at first had neither great hope nor none that his father could be appeased toward him; then day by day he trusted less in his father’s mind, since he saw his ears besieged by his brother. And so, looking around at his own words and deeds, lest he augment anyone’s suspicions, he especially abstained from all mention and contagion of the Romans, to the point that he did not even wish to be written to, because he perceived that by this type of accusations in particular his father’s spirit was being exasperated.

[21] Philippus, simul ne otio miles deterior fieret, simul auertendae suspicionis causa quicquam a se agitari de Romano bello, Stobos Paeoniae exercitu indicto in Maedicam ducere pergit. cupido eum ceperat in uerticem Haemi montis ascendendi, quia uulgatae opinioni crediderat Ponticum simul et Hadriaticum mare et Histrum amnem et Alpes conspici posse: subiecta oculis ea haud parui sibi momenti futura ad cogitationem Romani belli. percunctatus regionis peritos de ascensu Haemi, cum satis inter omnes constaret uiam exercitui nullam esse, paucis et expeditis per difficillimum aditum, ut sermone familiari minorem filium permulceret, quem statuerat non ducere secum, primum quaerit ab eo, cum tanta difficultas itineris proponatur, utrum perseuerandum sit in incepto an abstinendum.

[21] Philip, both so that the soldier not become worse through otium, and also for the purpose of averting the suspicion that anything was being agitated by him about a Roman war, proceeds to lead from Stobi in Paeonia, the levy of the army having been proclaimed, into Maedica. A desire had seized him to ascend the summit of Mount Haemus, because he had believed the widely spread opinion that the Pontic and the Adriatic Sea and the river Hister and the Alps could be seen at once: these things laid beneath the eyes would, for his cogitation concerning a Roman war, be of no small moment. After inquiring of men experienced in the region about the ascent of Haemus, since it was sufficiently agreed among all that there was no road for an army, but only for a few and unencumbered through a most difficult approach, in order to soothe with familiar speech his younger son, whom he had determined not to take with him, he first asks him, when so great a difficulty of the journey is set forth, whether one ought to persevere in the undertaking or to abstain.

si pergat tamen ire, non posse obliuisci se in talibus rebus Antigoni, qui saeua tempestate iactatus, cum in eadem naue secum suos omnes habuisset, praecepisse liberis diceretur, ut et ipsi meminissent et ita posteris proderent, ne quis cum tota gente simul in rebus dubiis periclitari auderet. memorem ergo se praecepti eius duos simul filios non commissurum in aleam eius, qui proponeretur, casus; et quoniam maiorem filium secum duceret, minorem ad subsidia spei et custodiam regni remissurum in Macedoniam esse. non fallebat Demetrium ablegari se, ne adesset consilio, cum in conspectu locorum consultarent, quae proxime itinera ad mare Hadriaticum atque Italiam ducerent, quaeque ratio belli esset futura.

if he should nevertheless proceed to go, he could not forget Antigonus, who, tossed by a savage tempest, when he had had all his own with him in the same ship, was said to have instructed his children that they themselves should remember and thus hand it down to posterity, that no one should dare to imperil himself with the whole clan at once in doubtful circumstances. mindful therefore of that precept, he would not at the same time commit two sons into the hazard of the chance that was being proposed; and since he would lead the elder son with him, he would send the younger back into Macedonia as reserves of hope and for the guardianship of the kingdom. it did not escape Demetrius that he was being sent away so that he might not be present at the council, when they were consulting, with the places before their eyes, which routes most nearly led to the Adriatic Sea and to Italy, and what the plan of the war would be.

sed non solum parendum patri [tutum], sed etiam adsentiendum erat, ne inuitum parere suspicionem faceret. ut tamen iter ei tutum in Macedoniam esset, Didas ex praetoribus regiis unus, qui Paeoniae praeerat, iussus est prosequi eum cum modico praesidio. hunc quoque Perseus, sicut plerosque patris amicorum, ex quo haud cuiquam dubium esse coeperat, ad quem regis animo ita inclinato hereditas regni pertineret, inter coniuratos in fratris perniciem habuit.

but it was necessary not only to obey the father [tutum], but also to assent, lest to obey as one unwilling should create suspicion. However, so that his journey into Macedonia might be safe, Didas, one of the royal praetors, who presided over Paeonia, was ordered to escort him with a modest guard. This man too Perseus, as he did very many of his father’s friends, from the time when it had begun to be no matter of doubt to anyone to whom, with the king’s mind so inclined, the inheritance of the kingdom would pertain, had among the conspirators for his brother’s destruction.

in praesentia dat ei mandata, ut per omne obsequium insinuaret se in quam maxime familiarem usum, ut elicere omnia arcana specularique abditos eius sensus posset. ita digreditur Demetrius cum infestioribus, quam si solus iret, praesidiis.

For the present he gives him instructions, that through every obsequiousness he should insinuate himself into the most intimate familiarity, so that he might elicit all the arcana and spy out his hidden sentiments. Thus Demetrius departs with guards more hostile than if he were going alone.

[22] Philippus Maedicam primum, deinde solitudines interiacentes Maedicae atque Haemo transgressus septimis demum castris ad radices montis peruenit. ibi unum moratus diem ad deligendos, quos duceret secum, tertio die iter est ingressus. modicus primo labor in imis collibus fuit.

[22] Philip, having crossed first into Maedica, then the solitudes lying between Maedica and Haemus, at last, in the seventh encampment, arrived at the roots of the mountain. There, having lingered one day to select those whom he would take with him, on the third day he entered upon the march. At first the labor was moderate on the lowermost hills.

quantum in altitudinem egrediebantur, magis magisque siluestria et pleraque inuia loca excipiebant: peruenere deinde in tam opacum iter, ut prae densitate arborum immissorumque aliorum in alios ramorum perspici caelum uix posset. ut uero iugis appropinquabant, quod rarum in altis locis est, adeo omnia contecta nebula <erant>, ut haud secus quam nocturno itinere impedirentur. tertio demum die ad uerticem peruentum.

The higher they advanced in altitude, the more and more sylvan and for the most part pathless places they encountered: then they came into a route so shaded that, because of the density of the trees and of branches thrust one into another, the sky could scarcely be seen. And indeed, as they were approaching the ridges—which is rare in high places—everything <was> so covered with fog, that they were impeded just as if on a nocturnal march. At last on the third day the summit was reached.

nihil uulgatae opinioni degressi inde detraxerunt, magis credo, ne uanitas itineris ludibrio esset, quam quod diuersa inter se maria montesque et amnes ex uno loco conspici potuerint. uexati omnes, et ante alios rex ipse, quo grauior aetate erat, difficultate uiae est. duabus aris ibi Ioui et Soli sacratis cum immolasset, qua triduo ascenderat, biduo est degressus, frigora nocturna maxime metuens, quae caniculae ortu similia brumalibus erant.

They, having descended from there, took nothing away from the common opinion—more, I believe, lest the vanity of the journey be a laughingstock, than because seas, mountains, and rivers diverse from one another could be beheld from one place. All were vexed by the difficulty of the way, and before others the king himself, the more he was burdened with age. After he had immolated on two altars there consecrated to Jupiter and to the Sun, by the route which he had ascended in three days he descended in two, greatly fearing the nocturnal colds, which, at the rising of the Dog-Star, were like brumal ones.

multis per eos dies difficultatibus conflictatus nihilo laetiora in castris inuenit, ubi summa penuria erat, ut in regione, quam ab omni parte solitudines clauderent. itaque unum tantum moratus diem, quietis eorum causa, quos habuerat secum, itinere inde simili fugae in Dentheletos transcurrit. socii erant, sed propter inopiam haud secus quam hostium fines Macedones populati sunt: rapiendo enim passim uillas primum, dein quosdam etiam uicos euastarunt, non sine magno pudore regis, cum sociorum uoces nequiquam deos sociales nomenque suum implorantes audiret.

Harassed through those many days by difficulties, he found nothing more cheerful in the camp, where there was extreme penury, as in a region which solitudes enclosed on every side. Therefore, having tarried only one day, for the sake of the rest of those whom he had had with him, from there with a march like to a flight he sped across into the Dentheleti. They were allies, but because of want the Macedonians ravaged no differently than the borders of enemies: for by seizing everywhere, first the country villas, then even certain villages, they laid waste—not without great shame to the king, as he heard the voices of the allies in vain imploring the Social Gods and his own name.

frumento inde sublato in Maedicam regressus, urbem, quam Petram appellant, oppugnare est adortus. ipse a campestri aditu castra posuit, Perseum filium cum modica manu circummisit, ut a superioribus locis urbem adgrederetur. oppidani, cum terror undique instaret, obsidibus datis in praesentia dediderunt sese: iidem, postquam exercitus recessit, obliti obsidum relicta urbe in loca munita et montes refugerunt.

with the grain carried off from there, returning into Maedica he set about to besiege the city which they call Petra. He himself pitched camp at the level approach, and sent around Perseus his son with a modest force, so that he might attack the city from the higher positions. The townsmen, since terror pressed on them from every side, with hostages given, for the present surrendered themselves; the same men, after the army withdrew, oblivious of the hostages, left the city and fled back into fortified places and the mountains.

Philippus omni genere laboris sine ullo effectu fatigatis militibus et fraude Didae praetoris auctis in filium suspicionibus in Macedoniam rediit.

Philip returned to Macedonia, his soldiers fatigued by every kind of labor with no effect, and the suspicions against his son augmented by the fraud of the praetor Didas.

[23] Missus hic comes, ut ante dictum est, cum simplicitatem iuuenis incauti et suis haud immerito suscensentis adsentando indignandoque et ipse uicem eius captaret, in omnia ultro suam offerens operam, fide data arcana eius elicuit. fugam ad Romanos Demetrius meditabatur; cui consilio adiutor deum beneficio oblatus uidebatur Paeoniae praetor, per cuius prouinciam spem ceperat elabi tuto posse. hoc consilium extemplo et fratri proditur et auctore eo indicatur patri.

[23] This companion, having been sent, as was said before, while he too, by assenting and by showing indignation, courted the favor of the incautious youth—who was, not without cause, resentful at his own—proffering of his own accord his service in everything, having given a pledge of good faith, drew out his secrets. Demetrius was contemplating flight to the Romans; for this plan a helper seemed to be offered by the beneficence of the gods—the praetor of Paeonia—through whose province he had conceived hope that he could slip away safely. This plan is forthwith betrayed both to the brother and, with him as instigator, reported to the father.

litterae primum ad obsidentem Petram adlatae sunt. inde Herodorus—princeps hic amicorum Demetrii erat —in custodiam est coniectus et Demetrius dissimulanter adseruari iussus. haec super cetera tristem aduentum in Macedoniam regi fecerunt.

letters were first brought to the one besieging Petra. then Herodorus—this man was chief among the friends of Demetrius—was cast into custody, and Demetrius was ordered, with dissimulation, to be kept under guard. these things, over and above the rest, made the king’s arrival into Macedonia gloomy.

mouebant eum et praesentia crimina: exspectandos tamen, quos ad exploranda omnia Romam miserat, censebat. his anxius curis cum aliquot menses egisset, tandem legati, iam ante praemeditati in Macedonia, quae ab Roma renuntiarent, uenerunt; qui super cetera scelera falsas etiam litteras, signo adulterino T. Quinctii signatas, reddiderunt regi. deprecatio in litteris erat, si quid adulescens cupiditate regni prolapsus secum egisset: nihil eum aduersus suorum quemquam facturum neque eum se esse, qui ullius impii consilii auctor futurus uideri possit.

He was moved also by the present crimes; nevertheless he judged that those whom he had sent to Rome to explore all things must be awaited. When he had spent several months with these anxious cares, at last the envoys—already having premeditated in Macedonia the things which they would report as from Rome—came; and they, beyond the other crimes, also handed to the king false letters, sealed with the adulterine signet of T. Quinctius. There was a deprecation in the letters, if the youth, having slipped through desire of the kingship, had transacted anything with him: that he would do nothing against any of his own, nor was he the sort of man who could seem likely to be the author of any impious counsel.

hae litterae fidem Persei criminibus fecerunt. itaque Herodorus extemplo diu excruciatus sine indicio rei ullius in tormentis moritur.

These letters gave credence to Perseus’s accusations. And so Herodorus, straightway subjected to long torture, dies in torments without any evidence of any matter.

[24] Demetrium iterum ad patrem accusauit Perseus. fuga per Paeoniam praeparata arguebatur et corrupti quidam, ut comites itineris essent; maxime falsae litterae T. Quinctii urgebant. nihil tamen palam grauius pronuntiatum de eo est, ut dolo potius interficeretur, nec id cura ipsius, sed ne poena eius consilia aduersus Romanos nudaret.

[24] Perseus accused Demetrius again before their father. A flight through Paeonia, having been prepared, was alleged, and certain men had been corrupted to be companions of the journey; most of all the forged letters of Titus Quinctius pressed. Nevertheless nothing more grievous was publicly pronounced about him, so that he might rather be slain by deceit; and this not out of any care for him, but lest his punishment should lay bare the counsels against the Romans.

ab Thessalonice Demetriadem ipsi cum iter esset, Astraeum Paeoniae Demetrium mittit cum eodem comite Dida, Perseum Amphipolin ad obsides Thracum accipiendos. digredienti ab se Didae mandata dedisse dicitur de filio occidendo. sacrificium ab Dida seu institutum seu simulatum est, ad quod celebrandum inuitatus Demetrius ab Astraeo Heracleam uenit.

from Thessalonica, since he himself had a journey to Demetrias, he sends Demetrius to Astraeus in Paeonia with the same companion Didas, and Perseus to Amphipolis to receive hostages of the Thracians. As Didas was departing from him, he is said to have given instructions about killing his son. A sacrifice by Didas was either instituted or simulated, to celebrate which, invited, Demetrius came from Astraeus to Heraclea.

in ea cena dicitur uenenum datum. poculo epoto extemplo sensit, et mox coortis doloribus, relicto conuiuio cum in cubiculum recepisset sese, crudelitatem patris conquerens, parricidium fratris ac Didae scelus incusans torquebatur. intromissi deinde Thyrsis quidam Stuberraeus et Beroeaeus Alexander iniectis tapetibus in caput faucesque spiritum intercluserunt.

at that dinner it is said poison was given. the cup drained, he sensed it immediately, and soon, with pains arising, leaving the banquet, when he had withdrawn into his bedchamber, complaining of his father’s cruelty, accusing his brother’s parricide and the crime of Didas, he was tormented. then, once admitted, a certain Thyrsis, a Stuberraean, and Alexander of Beroea, by throwing tapestries over his head and throat, shut off his breath.

ita innoxius adulescens, cum in eo ne simplici quidem genere mortis contenti inimici fuissent, interficitur.

thus the innocent adolescent, since his enemies had not been content in his case even with a simple kind of death, is slain.

[25] Dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, L. Aemilius Paulus, prorogato ex consulatu imperio, principio ueris in Ligures Ingaunos <exercitum> introduxit. ubi primum in hostium finibus castra posuit, legati ad eum per speciem pacis petendae speculatum uenerunt. neganti Paulo nisi cum deditis pacisci se pacem, non tam id recusabant, quam tempore aiebant opus esse, ut generi agresti hominum persuaderetur.

[25] While these things are being transacted in Macedonia, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, his imperium prolonged from his consulship, at the beginning of spring led the <army> into the Ligurian Ingauni. When first he pitched camp within the enemy’s borders, legates came to him under the appearance of seeking peace, to reconnoiter. To Paulus, declaring that he would make a pact of peace only with men who had surrendered, they did not so much refuse that as said there was need of time, so that a rustic kind of men might be persuaded.

ad hoc decem dierum indutiae cum darentur, petierunt deinde, ne trans montes proximos castris pabulatum lignatumque milites irent: culta ea loca suorum finium esse. id ubi impetrauere, post eos ipsos montes, unde auerterant hostem, exercitu omni coacto, repente multitudine ingenti castra Romanorum oppugnare simul omnibus portis adgressi sunt. summa ui totum diem oppugnarunt, ita ut ne efferendi quidem signa Romanis spatium nec ad explicandam aciem locus esset.

In addition, when a truce of ten days was being granted, they then asked that soldiers not go beyond the nearest mountains from the camp to forage and to gather wood: those places were the cultivated parts of their own borders. When they had obtained this, just beyond those very mountains, from which they had turned the enemy away, with the whole army assembled, they suddenly, with a huge multitude, set upon the Roman camp, attacking at all the gates at once. With the utmost force they assaulted the whole day, such that there was not even time for the Romans to carry out the standards nor space to deploy the battle line.

conferti in portis obstando magis quam pugnando castra tutabantur. sub occasum solis cum recessissent hostes, duos equites ad Cn. Baebium <pro>consulem cum litteris Pisas mittit, ut obsesso per indutias sibi quam primum subsidio ueniret. Baebius exercitum M. Pinario praetori eunti in Sardiniam tradiderat: ceterum et senatum litteris certiorem fecit obsideri a Liguribus L. Aemilium, et M. Claudio Marcello, cuius proxima inde prouincia erat, scripsit, ut, si uideretur ei, exercitum e Gallia traduceret in Ligures et L. Aemilium liberaret obsidione.

Packed together at the gates, they were protecting the camp more by blocking than by fighting. Toward sunset, when the enemy had withdrawn, he sends two cavalrymen to Cn. Baebius, proconsul, to Pisa with letters, that, since he was being besieged during a truce, he should come to his aid as soon as possible. Baebius had handed over the army to M. Pinarius, praetor, who was going to Sardinia; however, he both informed the senate by letters that L. Aemilius was being besieged by the Ligurians, and wrote to M. Claudius Marcellus, whose province was the nearest from there, that, if it seemed good to him, he should lead the army across from Gaul into the Ligurian country and free L. Aemilius from the siege.

haec sera futura auxilia erant. Ligures ad castra postero die redeunt. Aemilius cum et uenturos scisset et educere in aciem potuisset, intra uallum suos tenuit, ut extraheret rem in id tempus, quo Baebius cum exercitu uenire a Pisis posset.

These were aids that would come too late. The Ligurians returned to the camp on the next day. Aemilius, although he both knew they would come and could have led his men out into the battle-line, kept his men within the rampart, in order to draw out the affair to that time when Baebius might be able to come with the army from Pisa.

[26] Romae magnam trepidationem litterae Baebii fecerunt, eo maiorem, quod paucos post dies Marcellus, tradito exercitu Fabio Romam cum uenisset, spem ademit eum, qui in Gallia esset, exercitum in Ligures posse traduci, quia bellum cum Histris esset prohibentibus coloniam Aquileiam deduci: eo profectum Fabium, neque inde regredi bello inchoato posse. una, et ea ipsa tardior quam tempus postulabat, subsidii spes erat, si consules maturassent in prouinciam ire. id ut facerent, pro se quisque patrum uociferari.

[26] At Rome the letters of Baebius produced great trepidation, the greater because, a few days afterward, Marcellus—after the army had been handed over to Fabius—when he had come to Rome, removed the hope that he, who was in Gaul, could bring the army over into Liguria, because there was a war with the Histri preventing the colony at Aquileia from being led out: Fabius had set out thither, and, with the war begun, could not return from there. There was one hope of subsidy—and that itself slower than the time demanded—if the consuls should hasten to go into their province. That they should do this, each of the senators vociferated for his own part.

consules nisi confecto dilectu negare se ituros, nec suam segnitiem sed uim morbi in causa esse, quo serius perficeretur. non tamen potuerunt sustinere consensum senatus, quin paludati exirent et militibus, quos conscriptos haberent, diem edicerent, quo Pisas conuenirent. permissum, ut, qua irent, protinus subitarios milites scriberent ducerentque secum.

the consuls declared that they would not go unless the levy were completed, and that not their own sloth but the force of illness was the cause, whereby its completion was slower. nevertheless, they could not withstand the consensus of the senate, and so they went out wearing the paludamentum and proclaimed a day for the soldiers whom they had enrolled, on which they should assemble at Pisa. it was permitted that, wherever they went, they should at once enroll emergency soldiers and lead them along with them.

et praetoribus Q. Petilio et Q. Fabio imperatum est, ut Petilius duas legiones ciuium Romanorum tumultuarias scriberet et omnes minores quinquaginta annis sacramento rogaret, Fabio, ut sociis Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum, octingentos equites imperaret. duumuiri nauales creati C. Matienus et C. Lucretius, nauesque iis ornatae sunt, Matienoque, cuius ad Gallicum sinum prouincia erat, imperatum est, ut classem primo quoque tempore duceret in Ligurum oram, si quo usui esse L. Aemilio atque exercitui eius posset.

and to the praetors Q. Petilius and Q. Fabius it was ordered that Petilius should enroll two emergency legions of Roman citizens and exact the military oath from all under fifty years, to Fabius that he should require from the allies of the Latin name fifteen thousand infantry and eight hundred horse. Naval duumvirs were created, C. Matienus and C. Lucretius, and ships were equipped for them; and to Matienus, whose province was toward the Gallic Gulf, it was ordered that he should lead the fleet at the earliest possible time to the Ligurian coast, if in any way it could be of use to L. Aemilius and his army.

[27] Aemilius, postquam nihil usquam auxilii ostendebatur, interceptos credens equites, non ultra differendum ratus, quin per se fortunam temptaret, priusquam hostes uenirent, qui segnius socordiusque oppugnabant, ad quattuor portas exercitum instruxit, ut signo dato simul ex omnibus partibus eruptionem facerent. quattuor extraordinariis cohortibus duas adiunxit praeposito M. Ualerio legato, erumpere praetoria porta iussit. ad dexteram principalem hastatos legionis primae instruxit; principes ex eadem legione in subsidiis posuit: M. Seruilius et L. Sulpicius tribuni militum his praepositi.

[27] Aemilius, after no help was showing itself anywhere, believing the cavalry to have been intercepted, judged that it should no longer be deferred but that he should test fortune by himself before the enemies came, who were assaulting rather more slowly and slothfully; he drew up the army at the four gates, so that, the signal having been given, they might make a sortie at the same time from all quarters. To the four extraordinary cohorts he added two, and, with M. Valerius the legate put in command, ordered them to break out by the praetorian gate. At the right principal gate he drew up the hastati of the first legion; the principes from the same legion he placed in reserve: M. Servilius and L. Sulpicius, military tribunes, were set over these.

tertia legio aduersus sinistram principalem portam instructa est. id tantum mutatum: principes primi et hastati in subsidiis locati; Sex. Iulius Caesar et L. Aurelius Cotta tribuni militum huic legioni praepositi sunt.

The third legion was drawn up opposite the left principal gate. Only this was changed: the principes were first, and the hastati were placed in reserves; Sex. Julius Caesar and L. Aurelius Cotta, tribunes of the soldiers, were set over this legion.

Q. Fuluius Flaccus legatus cum dextera ala ad quaestoriam portam positus; duae cohortes et triarii duarum legionum in praesidio castrorum manere iussi. omnes portas contionabundus ipse imperator circumiit, et, quibuscumque irritamentis poterat, iras militum acuebat, nunc fraudem hostium incusans, qui pace petita, indutiis datis, per ipsum indutiarum tempus contra ius gentium ad castra oppugnanda uenissent: nunc, quantus pudor esset, edocens ab Liguribus, latronibus uerius quam hostibus iustis, Romanum exercitum obsideri. 'quo ore quisquam uestrum, si hinc alieno praesidio, non uestra uirtute euaseritis, occurret, non dico eis militibus, qui Hannibalem, qui Philippum, qui Antiochum, maximos aetatis nostrae reges ducesque, uicerunt, sed iis, qui hos ipsos Ligures aliquotiens pecorum modo fugientes per saltus inuios consectati ceciderunt?

Q. Fulvius Flaccus the legate was posted with the right wing at the quaestorian gate; two cohorts and the triarii of two legions were ordered to remain in garrison of the camp. The commander himself, haranguing, went around all the gates, and with whatever incitements he could he sharpened the soldiers’ anger, now accusing the enemy’s fraud, who, with peace sought and truces granted, during the very time of the truce had come to assault the camp contrary to the law of nations; now showing how great a shame it was that the Roman army was being besieged by Ligurians, brigands rather than just enemies. ‘With what face will any of you, if you escape hence by another’s aid, not by your own valor, meet—not, I do not say, those soldiers who defeated Hannibal, Philip, Antiochus, the greatest kings and leaders of our age—but those who, time and again, pursuing these very Ligurians through pathless defiles, cut them down as they fled like cattle?

quod Hispani, quod Galli, quod Macedones Poeniue non audeant, Ligustinus hostis uallum Romanum subit, obsidet ultro et oppugnat, quem scrutantes ante deuios saltus abditum et latentem uix inueniebamus.' ad haec consentiens reddebatur militum clamor, nullam militum culpam esse, quibus nemo ad erumpendum signum dedisset, daret signum: intellecturum eosdem, qui antea fuerint, et Romanos et Ligures esse.

what the Spaniards, what the Gauls, what the Macedonians or the Carthaginians do not dare, the Ligurian enemy goes up to the Roman rampart, besieges unprovoked and assaults it, whom, scrutinizing before through devious passes, hidden and lurking, we scarcely could find.' To this, in agreement, the shout of the soldiers was given back: that there was no fault of the soldiers, to whom no one had given the signal to sally; let him give the signal: he would understand that they were the same men they had been before, and that they were Romans and those were Ligurians.

[28] Bina cis montes castra Ligurum erant. ex iis primis diebus sole orto pariter omnes compositi et instructi procedebant; tum nisi exsatiati cibo uinoque arma non capiebant, dispersi inordinati exibant, ut quibus prope certum esset hostes extra uallum non elaturos signa. aduersus ita incompositos eos uenientes clamore pariter omnium, qui in castris erant, calonum quoque et lixarum sublato simul omnibus portis Romani eruperunt.

[28] There were two Ligurian camps on this side of the mountains. Of these, in the first days, at sunrise, all alike, orderly and arrayed, would advance; then, unless sated with food and wine, they would not take up arms—scattered and unformed they went out—as men to whom it was nearly certain that the enemies would not carry their standards outside the rampart. Against them, as they came on thus disordered, with a shout raised alike by all who were in the camp—even the camp-servants and sutlers—the Romans burst forth at once from all the gates.

Liguribus adeo improuisa res fuit, ut perinde ac si insidiis circumuenti forent trepidarent. exiguum temporis aliqua forma pugnae fuit: fuga deinde effusa et fugientium passim caedes erat, equitibus dato signo, ut conscenderent equos nec effugere quemquam sinerent. in castra omnes trepida fuga compulsi sunt, deinde ipsis exuti castris.

For the Ligurians the affair was so unexpected that they panicked just as if they had been surrounded by ambush. For a short time there was some semblance of battle; then came a headlong flight and everywhere a slaughter of the fugitives, a signal having been given to the cavalry to mount their horses and not allow anyone to escape. All were driven in a frightened flight into their camp, and then were stripped of the camp itself.

supra quindecim milia Ligurum eo die occisa, capti duo milia et trecenti. triduo post Ligurum Ingaunorum nomen omne obsidibus datis in dicionem uenit. gubernatores nautaeque conquisiti, qui <in> praedatoriis fuissent nauibus, atque omnes in custodiam coniecti.

more than fifteen thousand Ligurians were slain that day, two thousand three hundred taken captive. three days later the entire name of the Ingaunian Ligurians, hostages having been given, came into dominion. the pilots and sailors who had been in predatory ships were sought out, and all were cast into custody.

et a C. Matieno duumuiro naues eius generis in Ligustina ora triginta duae captae sunt. haec qui nuntiarent litterasque ad senatum ferrent, L. Aurelius Cotta C. Sulpicius Gallus Romam missi, simulque peterent, ut L. Aemilio confecta prouincia decedere et deducere secum milites liceret atque dimittere. utrumque permissum ab senatu et supplicatio ad omnia puluinaria per triduum decreta, iussique praetores Petilius urbanas dimittere legiones, Fabius sociis atque nomini Latino remittere dilectum; et uti praetor urbanus consulibus scriberet senatum aequum censere subitarios milites, tumultus causa conscriptos, primo quoque tempore dimitti.

and by G. Matienus, duumvir, thirty-two ships of that kind were captured on the Ligustine coast. To announce these things and carry letters to the senate, L. Aurelius Cotta and G. Sulpicius Gallus were sent to Rome, and at the same time to ask that, the province having been completed, it be permitted to L. Aemilius to depart and to lead away the soldiers with him and discharge them. Both were permitted by the senate, and a supplication at all the pulvinaria for three days was decreed; and the praetors were ordered—Petilius to dismiss the urban legions, Fabius to remit the levy upon the allies and the Latin name; and that the urban praetor should write to the consuls that the senate judges it fair that the emergency soldiers, enrolled on account of the tumult, be dismissed at the earliest possible time.

[29] Colonia Grauiscae eo anno deducta est in agrum Etruscum, de Tarquiniensibus quondam captum. quina iugera agri data; tresuiri deduxerunt C. Calpurnius Piso P. Claudius Pulcher C. Terentius Istra. siccitate et inopia frugum insignis annus fuit.

[29] A colony at Graviscae was led out that year into Etruscan territory, once captured from the Tarquinians. Five iugera of land were given to each; the triumvirs who led it out were Gaius Calpurnius Piso, Publius Claudius Pulcher, and Gaius Terentius Istra. The year was notable for drought and scarcity of grain.

sex menses numquam pluuisse memoriae proditum. eodem anno in agro L. Petilii scribae sub Ianiculo, dum cultores [agri] altius moliuntur terram, duae lapideae arcae, octonos ferme pedes longae, quaternos latae, inuentae sunt, operculis plumbo deuinctis. litteris Latinis Graecisque utraque arca inscripta erat, in altera Numam Pompilium Pomponis filium, regem Romanorum, sepultum esse, in altera libros Numae Pompilii inesse.

it is recorded that for six months it never rained. in the same year, in the field of L. Petilius the scribe, under the Janiculum, while the cultivators [of the field] were working the earth deeper, two stone chests, about eight feet long, four wide, were found, their lids bound with lead. each chest was inscribed with Latin and Greek letters: on the one, that Numa Pompilius, son of Pompon, king of the Romans, was buried; on the other, that the books of Numa Pompilius were inside.

eas arcas cum ex amicorum sententia dominus aperuisset, quae titulum sepulti regis habuerat, inanis inuenta, sine uestigio ullo corporis humani aut ullius rei, per tabem tot annorum omnibus absumptis. in altera duo fasces candelis inuoluti septenos habuere libros, non integros modo sed recentissima specie. septem Latini de iure pontificum erant, septem Graeci de disciplina sapientiae, quae illius aetatis esse potuit.

when the owner, in accordance with the opinion of his friends, had opened those chests, the one which bore the title of the buried king was found empty, without any trace of a human body or of anything at all, everything having been consumed by the decay of so many years. In the other, two bundles, wrapped with tapers, held seven books apiece, not only intact but of a very fresh appearance. Seven were Latin, on the ius of the pontifices; seven Greek, on the discipline of wisdom, such as could belong to that age.

adicit Antias Ualerius Pythagoricos fuisse, uulgatae opinioni, qua creditur Pythagorae auditorem fuisse Numam, mendacio probabili accommodata fide. primo ab amicis, qui in re praesenti fuerunt, libri lecti; mox pluribus legentibus cum uulgarentur, Q. Petilius praetor urbanus studiosus legendi libros eos a L. Petilio sumpsit: et erat familiaris usus, quod scribam eum quaestor Q. Petilius in decuriam legerat. lectis rerum summis cum animaduertisset pleraque dissoluendarum religionum esse, L. Petilio dixit sese libros eos in ignem coniecturum esse; priusquam id faceret, se ei permittere, uti, si quod seu ius seu auxilium se habere ad eos libros repetendos existimaret, experiretur: <id> integra sua gratia eum facturum.

Valerius Antias adds that they were Pythagorean, a credence accommodated to the common opinion, by which it is believed that Numa was a hearer of Pythagoras, fitted to a plausible falsehood. At first, by the friends who were present on the spot, the books were read; soon, as more read them and they were being made public, Q. Petilius, the city praetor, eager for reading, took those books from L. Petilius: and there was familiar intercourse, because the quaestor Q. Petilius had chosen him, a scribe, into a decury. After reading the summaries of the contents, when he had observed that most things tended to the dissolving of religious rites, he told L. Petilius that he would cast those books into the fire; before he did that, he would permit him, if he thought he had any right or aid for reclaiming those books, to try it: <id> he would do it with his influence intact toward him.

scriba tribunos plebis adit, ab tribunis ad senatum res est reiecta. praetor se iusiurandum dare paratum esse aiebat, libros eos legi seruarique non oportere. senatus censuit satis habendum quod praetor iusiurandum polliceretur; libros primo quoque tempore in comitio cremandos esse; pretium pro libris, quantum Q. Petilio praetori maiorique parti tribunorum plebis uideretur, domino soluendum esse.

The scribe approaches the tribunes of the plebs; by the tribunes the matter was referred to the senate. The praetor said that he was prepared to give an oath, that those books ought not to be read or preserved. The senate decreed that it should be held sufficient that the praetor pledged an oath; that the books be burned in the Comitium at the earliest possible time; that the price for the books, in such amount as should seem good to Q. Petilius the praetor and to the greater part of the tribunes of the plebs, be paid to the owner.

id scriba non accepit. libri in comitio igne a uictimariis facto in conspectu populi cremati sunt.

The clerk did not accept this. The books, in the Comitium, were burned with a fire made by the victimarii, in the sight of the people.

[30] Magnum bellum ea aestate coortum in Hispania citeriore. ad quinque et triginta milia hominum, quantum numquam ferme antea, Celtiberi comparauerant. Q. Fuluius Flaccus eam obtinebat prouinciam.

[30] A great war broke out that summer in Hither Spain. Up to 35 thousand men, a number scarcely ever before, the Celtiberians had assembled. Q. Fulvius Flaccus was holding that province.

is quia armare iuuentutem Celtiberos audierat, et ipse quanta poterat a sociis auxilia contraxerat, sed nequaquam numero militum hostem aequabat. principio ueris exercitum in Carpetaniam duxit, et castra locauit ad oppidum Aeburam, modico praesidio in urbe posito. paucis post diebus Celtiberi milia duo fere inde sub colle posuerunt castra.

He, because he had heard that the Celtiberians were arming the youth, had himself also gathered as much auxiliaries as he could from the allies, but by no means equalled the enemy in the number of soldiers. At the beginning of spring he led the army into Carpetania and pitched camp at the town Aebura, with a modest garrison posted in the city. A few days later the Celtiberians set their camp about 2 miles from there, under a hill.

quos ubi adesse praetor Romanus sensit, M. Fuluium fratrem cum duabus turmis sociorum equitum ad castra hostium speculatum misit, quam proxime succedere ad uallum iussum, ut uiseret, quanta essent; pugna abstineret, reciperetque sese, si hostium equitatum exeuntem uidisset. ita ut praeceptum erat fecit. per dies aliquot nihil ultra motum, quam ut hae duae turmae ostenderentur, deinde subducerentur, ubi equitatus hostium castris procucurrisset.

when the Roman praetor sensed that they were present, he sent his brother M. Fulvius with two squadrons of the allied horse to the enemy camp to reconnoiter, ordered to advance as near as possible to the rampart, so that he might see how great their numbers were; he was to abstain from battle and withdraw if he should see the enemy cavalry coming out. he did as it had been prescribed. for several days nothing further was set in motion than that these two squadrons should be displayed and then drawn back, whenever the enemy’s cavalry had dashed out from the camp.

postremo Celtiberi, simul omnibus copiis peditum equitumque castris egressi, acie derecta medio fere spatio inter bina castra constiterunt. campus erat planus omnis et aptus pugnae. ibi stetere Hispani hostes exspectantes.

at last the Celtiberians, having at once gone out from the camp with all their forces of foot and of horse, with the battle-line drawn up, halted in almost the middle space between the two camps. the whole plain was level and apt for battle. there the Spaniards stood, awaiting the enemy.

Romanus suos intra uallum continuit. per quadriduum continuum et illi eodem loco aciem instructam tenuerunt <et> ab Romanis nihil motum. inde quieuere in castris Celtiberi, quia pugnae copia non fiebat: equites tantum in stationem egrediebantur, ut parati essent, si quid ab hoste moueretur.

The Roman kept his men within the rampart. For a continuous four days they too held their battle-line drawn up in the same place, and on the Roman side nothing was moved. Then the Celtiberians kept quiet in camp, because no opportunity for battle was being afforded: only the cavalry went out on station, so that they might be ready if anything were moved by the enemy.

pone castra utrique pabulatum et lignatum ibant, neutri alteros impedientes.

behind the camps both sides were going to forage and to gather wood, neither hindering the other.

[31] Praetor Romanus ubi satis tot dierum quiete credidit spem factam hosti nihil se priorem moturum, L. Acilium cum ala sinistra et sex milibus prouincialium auxiliorum circumire montem iubet, qui ab tergo hostibus erat; inde, ubi clamorem audisset, decurrere ad castra eorum. nocte profecti sunt, ne possent conspici. Flaccus luce prima C. Scribonium praefectum socium ad uallum hostium cum equitibus extraordinariis sinistrae alae mittit; quos ubi et propius accedere et plures, quam soliti erant, Celtiberi conspexerunt, omnis equitatus effunditur castris, simul et peditibus signum ad exeundum datur.

[31] When the Roman praetor, after enough days of quiet, believed that hope had been given to the enemy that he would not be the first to make a move, he orders Lucius Acilius with the left wing and six thousand provincial auxiliaries to go around the mountain which was behind the enemy; from there, when he should hear the shouting, to run down to their camp. They set out by night, so that they could not be seen. At first light Flaccus sends Gaius Scribonius, prefect of the allies, to the enemy’s rampart with the extraordinarii horse of the left wing; and when the Celtiberians saw them both draw nearer and in greater numbers than they were accustomed, all the cavalry bursts out of the camp, and at the same time the signal is given for the infantry to go out.

Scribonius, uti praeceptum erat, ubi primum fremitum equestrem audiuit, auertit equos et castra repetit. eo effusius sequi hostes. primo equites, mox et peditum acies aderat, haud dubia spe castra eo die se expugnaturos.

Scribonius, as it had been prescribed, as soon as he heard the cavalry’s rumble, turned his horses and made for the camp again. Thereupon the foes pursued all the more unrestrainedly. First the horsemen, soon too the battle-line of the foot was at hand, with no doubtful hope that they would storm the camp that day.

quingentos passus non plus a uallo aberant. itaque Flaccus ubi satis abstractos eos a praesidio castrorum suorum ratus est, intra uallum exercitu instructo tribus partibus simul erumpit, clamore non tantum ad ardorem pugnae excitandum sublato, sed etiam ut, qui in montibus erant, exaudirent. nec morati sunt, quin decurrerent, sicut imperatum erat, ad castra; ubi quinque milium armatorum non amplius relictum erat praesidium.

they were not more than five hundred paces away from the rampart. therefore Flaccus, when he judged them drawn off sufficiently from the garrison of his camp, with the army drawn up within the rampart bursts forth at once in three divisions, a shout being raised not only to excite the ardor of the fight, but also so that those who were in the mountains might hear. nor did they delay to run down, as had been ordered, to the camp; where a garrison of not more than five thousand armed men had been left.

quos cum et paucitas sua et multitudo hostium et improuisa res terruisset, prope sine certamine capiuntur castra. captis, quae pars maxime <a> pugnantibus conspici poterat, iniecit Acilius ignem.

when both their own paucity and the multitude of the enemy and the unforeseen event had terrified them, the camp is captured almost without a fight. With it captured, Acilius cast fire upon the part which could be most visible to the combatants, namely that which could most be seen by those fighting.

[32] Postremi Celtiberorum qui in acie erant, primi flammam conspexere, deinde per totam aciem uulgatum est castra amissa esse et tum cum maxime ardere. unde illis terror, inde Romanis animus creuit. iam clamor suorum uincentium accidebat, iam ardentia hostium castra apparebant.

[32] The rearmost of the Celtiberians who were in the battle-line were the first to catch sight of the flame; then through the whole line it was spread abroad that the camp had been lost and that just then it was blazing at its very height. From that, terror for them; from that, spirit for the Romans grew. Already the clamor of their own conquering men was reaching them; already the enemy’s burning camp was appearing.

Celtiberi parumper incertis animis fluctuati sunt: ceterum postquam receptus pulsis nullus erat nec usquam nisi in certamine spes, pertinacius de integro capessunt pugnam. acie media urgebantur acriter a quinta legione: aduersus laeuum cornu, in quo sui generis prouincialia auxilia instruxisse Romanos cernebant, cum maiore fiducia intulerunt signa. iam prope erat, ut sinistrum cornu pelleretur Romanis, ni septima legio successisset.

The Celtiberians for a little while wavered with uncertain minds; but after they perceived that for the routed there was no retreat, and hope lay nowhere except in the contest, they pertinaciously take up the fight afresh. In the middle of the battle-line they were being pressed sharply by the 5th legion; against the left wing, in which they saw that the Romans had drawn up provincial auxiliaries of their own race, they advanced their standards with greater confidence. It was now close to the point that the Roman left wing would be driven back, had not the 7th legion come up in support.

simul ab oppido Aebura, qui in praesidio relicti erant, in medio ardore pugnae aduenerunt, et Acilius ab tergo erat. diu in medio caesi Celtiberi: qui supererant in omnes passim partes capessunt fugam. equites bipartito in eos emissi magnam caedem edidere.

At the same time, from the town of Aebura, those who had been left in garrison arrived in the very ardor of the fight, and Acilius was at their rear. For a long time the Celtiberians were cut down in the center; those who survived take to flight haphazardly in all directions. The cavalry, sent against them in two parts, wrought great slaughter.

ad uiginti tria milia hostium eo die occisa, capta quattuor milia septingenti cum equis plus quingentis, et signa militaria octoginta octo. magna uictoria, non tamen incruenta fuit: Romani milites de duabus legionibus paulo plus ducenti, socium Latini nominis octingenti triginta, externorum auxiliarium ferme duo milia et quadringenti ceciderunt. praetor in castra uictorem exercitum reduxit, Acilius manere in captis ab se castris iussus.

about twenty-three thousand of the enemy were slain that day; four thousand seven hundred were captured, with more than five hundred horses, and eighty-eight military standards. a great victory, yet not bloodless: a little more than two hundred Roman soldiers from the two legions fell, eight hundred thirty of the allies of the Latin name, and nearly two thousand four hundred of the foreign auxiliaries. the praetor led the victorious army back to the camp; Acilius was ordered to remain in the camp that he himself had captured.

postero die spolia de hostibus lecta, et pro contione donati, quorum uirtus insignis fuerat.

On the following day the spoils were gathered from the enemies, and, before the assembly, those whose valor had been conspicuous were rewarded.

[33] Sauciis deinde in oppidum Aeburam deuectis per Carpetaniam ad Contrebiam ductae legiones. ea urbs circumsessa cum a Celtiberis auxilia arcessisset, morantibus iis, non quia ipsi cunctati sunt, sed quia profectos domo inexplicabiles continuis imbribus uiae et inflati amnes tenebant, desperato auxilio suorum in deditionem uenit. Flaccus quoque tempestatibus foedis coactus exercitum omnem in urbem introduxit.

[33] Then, the wounded having been conveyed into the town of Aebura, the legions were led through Carpetania to Contrebia. That city, once surrounded, when it had summoned aid from the Celtiberians, with them delaying—not because they themselves hesitated, but because the roads had become impassable through continuous rains and swollen rivers held those who had set out from home—despairing of help from its own people, came into surrender. Flaccus also, compelled by foul storms, brought his whole army into the city.

Celtiberi, qui profecti erant [a domo] deditionis ignari, cum tandem superatis, ubi primum remiserunt imbres, amnibus Contrebiam uenissent, postquam nulla castra extra moenia uiderunt, aut in alteram partem translata rati aut recessisse hostes, per neglegentiam effusi ad oppidum accesserunt. in eos duabus portis Romani eruptionem fecerunt et incompositos adorti fuderunt. quae res ad resistendum eos et ad capessendam pugnam impediit, quod non uno agmine nec ad signa frequentes ueniebant, eadem magnae parti ad fugam saluti fuit: sparsi enim toto passim campo se diffuderunt, nec usquam confertos eos hostis circumuenit.

The Celtiberians, who had set out [from home] ignorant of the surrender, when at length—once the rains first abated and the rivers were overcome—they had come to Contrebia, after they saw no camp outside the walls, thinking either that it had been transferred to the other side or that the enemies had withdrawn, approached the town, poured out through negligence. Against them the Romans made a sally from two gates and, attacking them disordered, routed them. This circumstance hindered them both from resisting and from taking up the fight—because they were not coming in one column nor frequent at the standards—yet the same thing proved a salvation for a great part in their flight: for, scattered, they spread themselves everywhere over the whole field, and nowhere did the enemy surround them close-packed.

tamen ad duodecim milia sunt caesa, capta plus quinque milia hominum, equi quadringenti, signa militaria sexaginta duo. qui palati e fuga domum se recipiebant, alterum agmen uenientium Celtiberorum deditionem Contrebiae et suam cladem narrando auerterunt. extemplo in uicos castellaque sua omnes dilapsi.

nevertheless about twelve thousand were cut down, more than five thousand men captured, four hundred horses, sixty‑two military standards. those who, scattered from the flight, were making their way home, by narrating the surrender of Contrebia and their own disaster turned back another column of Celtiberians that was coming up. immediately all dispersed to their villages and strongholds.

Flaccus a Contrebia profectus per Celtiberiam populabundus ducit legiones multa castella expugnando, donec maxima pars Celtiberorum in deditionem uenit.

Flaccus, setting out from Contrebia, leads the legions marauding through Celtiberia, storming many strongholds, until the greatest part of the Celtiberians came to surrender.

[34] Haec in citeriore Hispania eo anno gesta. in ulteriore Manlius praetor secunda aliquot proelia cum Lusitanis fecit.

[34] These things were done in Citerior Spain in that year. in Ulterior Spain Manlius the praetor fought several successful battles with the Lusitanians.

Aquileia colonia Latina eodem anno in agrum Gallorum est deducta. tria milia peditum quinquagena iugera, centuriones centena, centena quadragena equites acceperunt. tresuiri deduxerunt P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica C. Flaminius L. Manlius Acidinus.

Aquileia, a Latin colony, in the same year was led out into the territory of the Gauls. Three thousand infantry received fifty iugera each; the centurions a hundred each; the equites a hundred and forty. The three commissioners who led them out were Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Gaius Flaminius, and Lucius Manlius Acidinus.

aedes duae eo anno dedicatae sunt, una Ueneris Erycinae ad portam Collinam: dedicauit L. Porcius L. f. Licinus duumuir, uota erat a consule L. Porcio Ligustino bello, altera in foro holitorio Pietatis. eam aedem dedicauit M'. Acilius Glabrio duumuir; statuamque auratam, quae prima omnium in Italia est statuta aurata, patris Glabrionis posuit. is erat, qui ipse eam aedem uouerat, quo die cum rege Antiocho ad Thermopylas depugnasset, locaueratque idem ex senatus consulto.

two temples were dedicated that year, one of Venus Erycina at the Colline Gate: it was dedicated by L. Porcius L. f. Licinus, duumvir; it had been vowed by the consul L. Porcius in the Ligurian war; the other, in the Forum Holitorium, to Pietas. That temple was dedicated by M'. Acilius Glabrio, duumvir; and he set up a gilded statue of his father Glabrio, which is the first gilded statue ever erected in all Italy. He was the man who had himself vowed that temple on the day when he fought with King Antiochus at Thermopylae, and the same man had let out the contract for it in accordance with a decree of the senate.

per eosdem dies, quibus aedes hae dedicatae sunt, L. Aemilius Paulus proconsul ex Liguribus Ingaunis triumphauit. transtulit coronas aureas quinque et uiginti, nec praeterea quicquam auri argentique in eo triumpho latum. captiui multi principes Ligurum antea currum ducti.

in those same days, on which these temples were dedicated, L. Aemilius Paulus, proconsul, triumphed over the Ingaunian Ligurians. He brought in twenty-five golden crowns, and besides that nothing of gold or silver was carried in that triumph. Many captives, princes of the Ligurians, were led before the chariot.

aeris trecenos militibus diuisit. auxerunt eius triumphi famam legati Ligurum pacem perpetuam orantes: ita in animum induxisse Ligurum gentem, nulla umquam arma nisi imperata a populo Romano sumere. responsum a Q. Fabio praetore est Liguribus iussu senatus orationem eam non nouam Liguribus esse: mens uero ut noua et orationi conueniens esset, ipsorum id plurimum referre.

he distributed three hundred bronze asses apiece to the soldiers. the legates of the Ligurians, petitioning for perpetual peace, augmented the renown of his triumph: that the Ligurian nation had thus brought itself to the resolve to take up no arms ever, except those commanded by the Roman People. by order of the senate, an answer was given to the Ligurians by the praetor Q. Fabius: that that oration was not new to the Ligurians; but that the mind, to be new and consonant with the oration, depended very much on themselves.

ad consules irent, et, quae ab iis imperata essent, facerent. nulli alii quam consulibus senatum crediturum esse sincera fide in pace Ligures esse. pax in Liguribus fuit.

that they should go to the consuls, and do whatever had been ordered by them. that the senate would believe no one other than the consuls that the Ligurians were at peace in sincere faith. there was peace among the Ligurians.

in Corsica pugnatum cum Corsis: ad duo milia eorum M. Pinarius praetor in acie occidit. qua clade compulsi obsides dederunt et cerae centum milia pondo. inde in Sardiniam exercitus ductus, et cum Iliensibus, gente ne nunc quidem omni parte pacata, secunda proelia facta.

in Corsica it was fought with the Corsicans: about two thousand of them the praetor M. Pinarius slew in the battle line. Driven by this disaster they gave hostages and one hundred thousand pounds of wax. Thence the army was led into Sardinia, and with the Ilienses, a people not even now pacified in every part, successful battles were fought.

Carthaginiensibus eodem anno centum obsides redditi, pacemque [cum] iis populus Romanus non ab se tantum sed ab rege etiam Masinissa praestitit, qui cum praesidio armato agrum, qui in controuersia erat, obtinebat.

In the same year a hundred hostages were returned to the Carthaginians, and the Roman people guaranteed peace [with] them not from themselves only but from King Masinissa as well, who, with an armed garrison, was holding the land that was in controversy.

[35] Otiosam prouinciam consules habuerunt. M. Baebius comitiorum causa Romam reuocatus consules creauit A. Postumium Albinum Luscum et C. Calpurnium Pisonem. praetores exinde facti Ti. Sempronius Gracchus L. Postumius Albinus P. Cornelius Mammula, Ti. Minucius Molliculus A. Hostilius Mancinus C. Maenius.

[35] The consuls had a quiet province. M. Baebius, recalled to Rome for the sake of the elections, elected as consuls A. Postumius Albinus Lusculus and C. Calpurnius Piso. Thereupon the praetors were appointed: Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Cornelius Mammula, Ti. Minucius Molliculus, A. Hostilius Mancinus, C. Maenius.

ii omnes magistratum idibus Martiis inierunt.

they all entered upon office on the Ides of March.

Principio eius anni, quo A. Postumius Albinus et C. Calpurnius Piso consules fuerunt, ab A. Postumio consule in senatum introducti, qui ex Hispania citeriore uenerant a Q. <Fuluio> Flacco, L. Minucius legatus et duo tribuni militum, T. Maenius et L. Terentius Massaliota. hi cum duo secunda proelia, deditionem Celtiberiae, confectam prouinciam nuntiassent, nec stipendio, quod mitti soleret, nec frumento portato ad exercitum in eum annum opus esse, petierunt ab senatu primum, ut ob res prospere gestas diis immortalibus honos haberetur, deinde ut Q. Fuluio decedenti de prouincia deportare inde exercitum, cuius forti opera et ipse et multi ante eum praetores usi essent, liceret. quod fieri, praeterquam quod ita deberet, etiam prope necessarium esse: ita enim obstinatos esse milites, ut non ultra retineri posse in prouincia uiderentur, iniussuque abituri inde essent, si non dimitterentur, aut in perniciosam, si quis impense retineret, seditionem exarsuri.

At the beginning of that year, in which A. Postumius Albinus and C. Calpurnius Piso were consuls, there were brought into the senate by the consul A. Postumius those who had come from Hither Spain from Q. <Fuluio> Flaccus: L. Minucius, legate, and two tribunes of soldiers, T. Maenius and L. Terentius the Massaliote. When these announced that two successful battles had been fought, that Celtiberia had surrendered, that the province was finished, and that in that year there was no need either of the pay which was wont to be sent or of grain carried to the army, they requested from the senate, first, that, on account of matters prosperously managed, honor be paid to the immortal gods, then that to Q. Fulvius, as he was departing from the province, it be permitted to bring away the army from there, whose brave service both he himself and many praetors before him had employed. That this, besides that it ought to be so done, was even almost necessary: for the soldiers were so obstinately set that they seemed not able to be kept any longer in the province, and would depart from there without orders if they were not dismissed, or would blaze up into a pernicious sedition, if anyone should insistently keep them.

consulibus ambobus prouinciam Ligures esse senatus iussit. praetores inde sortiti sunt: A. Hostilio urbana, Ti. Minucio peregrina obuenit, P. Cornelio Sicilia, C. Maenio Sardinia. Hispanias sortiti L. Postumius ulteriorem, Ti. Sempronius citeriorem.

the senate ordered that for both consuls the province be the Ligurians. then the praetors cast lots: to A. Hostilius fell the urban jurisdiction, to Ti. Minucius the peregrine; to P. Cornelius Sicily, to C. Maenius Sardinia. for the Spains they drew lots: L. Postumius received the Farther, Ti. Sempronius the Nearer.

is quia successurus Q. Fuluio erat, ne uetere exercitu prouincia spoliaretur, 'quaero' inquit 'de te, L. Minuci, cum confectam prouinciam nunties, existimesne Celtiberos perpetuo in fide mansuros, ita ut sine exercitu ea prouincia obtineri possit. si neque de fide barbarorum quicquam recipere aut adfirmare nobis potes, et habendum illic utique exercitum censes, utrum tandem auctor senatui sis supplementum in Hispaniam mittendi, ut ii modo, quibus emerita stipendia sint, milites dimittantur, ueteribus militibus tirones immisceantur, an deductis de prouincia ueteribus legionibus nouas conscribendi et mittendi, cum contemptum tirocinium etiam mitiores barbaros excitare ad rebellandum possit? dictu quam re facilius est prouinciam ingenio ferocem, rebellatricem confecisse.

He, because he was going to succeed Q. Fulvius, lest the province be despoiled of its veteran army, said: 'I ask of you, L. Minucius, since you announce the province “finished,” do you think the Celtiberians will remain perpetually in good faith, such that that province can be held without an army? If you can neither guarantee nor affirm anything to us about the loyalty of the barbarians, and you judge that in any case an army must be maintained there, are you then an advocate to the senate for sending a supplement to Spain, so that only those soldiers whose terms of service have been earned out are discharged, recruits being intermixed with the veteran soldiers; or, with the old legions led down from the province, for levying and sending new ones—since contempt for raw soldiery can rouse even gentler barbarians to rebellion? It is easier to say than to do, to have “finished” a province fierce by disposition, a breeder of rebellions.'

paucae ciuitates, ut quidem ego audio, quas uicina maxime hiberna premebant, in ius dicionemque uenerunt; ulteriores in armis sunt. quae cum ita sint, ego iam hinc praedico, patres conscripti, me exercitu eo, qui nunc est, rem publicam administraturum: si deducat secum Flaccus legiones, loca pacata me ad hibernacula lecturum neque nouum militem ferocissimo hosti obiecturum.'

few cities, as indeed I hear, those which the neighboring winter‑quarters most oppressed, came into our jurisdiction and dominion; the farther ones are in arms. Since these things are so, I now from here declare, Conscript Fathers, that I, with that army which now is, will administer the commonwealth: if Flaccus leads the legions away with him, I will choose pacified places for winter‑quarters and will not expose new soldiers to a most ferocious enemy.'

[36] Legatus ad ea, quae interrogatus erat, respondit neque se neque quemquam alium diuinare posse, quid in animo Celtiberi haberent aut porro habituri essent. itaque negare non posse, quin rectius sit etiam ad pacatos barbaros, nondum satis adsuetos imperio, exercitum mitti. nouo autem an uetere exercitu opus sit, eius esse dicere, qui scire possit, qua fide Celtiberi in pace mansuri sint, simul et qui illud exploratum habeat, quieturos milites, si diutius in prouincia retineantur.

[36] The legate, in answer to the matters about which he had been questioned, replied that neither he nor anyone else could divine what the Celtiberians had in mind or what, furthermore, they would have hereafter. Accordingly he could not deny that it is more right that an army be sent even to pacified barbarians, not yet sufficiently accustomed to our rule. But whether there is need of a new army or of the old, it is for that man to say who can know with what fidelity the Celtiberians will remain in peace, and likewise for the man who has it ascertained that the soldiers will keep quiet if they are retained longer in the province.

si ex eo, quod aut inter se loquantur aut succlamationibus apud contionantem imperatorem significent, quid sentiant, coniectandum sit, palam uociferatos esse aut imperatorem in prouincia retenturos aut cum eo in Italiam uenturos esse. disceptationem inter praetorem legatumque consulum relatio interrupit, qui suas ornari prouincias, priusquam de praetoris exercitu ageretur, aequum censebant. nouus omnis exercitus consulibus est decretus, binae legiones Romanae cum suo equitatu, et socium Latini nominis quantus semper numerus, quindecim milia peditum, octingenti equites.

if, from what they either say among themselves or signify by acclamations in the presence of the commander haranguing the assembly, one must conjecture what they feel, they shouted openly that they would either keep the commander in the province or would come to Italy with him. the debate between the praetor and the legate was interrupted by the consuls’ motion, who judged it equitable that their own provinces be furnished before there was discussion about the praetor’s army. an entirely new army was decreed to the consuls: two Roman legions with their own cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin name as great a number as always, 15,000 infantry, 800 cavalry.

cum hoc exercitu Apuanis Liguribus ut bellum inferrent, mandatum est. P. Cornelio et M. Baebio prorogatum imperium iussique prouincias obtinere, donec consules uenissent; tum imperatum, ut dimisso, quem haberent, exercitu reuerterentur Romam. de Ti. Sempronii deinde exercitu actum est.

it was mandated that with this army war be brought upon the Apuan Ligurians. the imperium of P. Cornelius and M. Baebius was prorogued, and they were ordered to hold their provinces until the consuls had come; then it was ordered that, after dismissing the army which they had, they should return to Rome. then the matter of Ti. Sempronius’s army was dealt with.

nouam legionem ei quinque milium et ducentorum peditum cum equitibus quadringentis consules scribere iussi, et mille praeterea peditum Romanorum, quinquaginta equites, et sociis nominis Latini imperare septem milia peditum, trecentos equites. cum hoc exercitu placuit ire in Hispaniam citeriorem Ti. Sempronium. Q. Fuluio permissum, ut, qui milites ante Sp. Postumium Q. Marcium consules ciues Romani sociiue in Hispaniam transportati essent, et praeterea supplemento adducto, quo amplius <in> duabus legionibus quam decem milia et quadringenti pedites, sescenti equites essent, et socium Latini nominis duodecim milia, sescenti equites, quorum forti opera duobus aduersus Celtiberos proeliis usus Q. Fuluius esset, eos, si uideretur, secum deportaret.

The consuls were ordered to enroll for him a new legion of 5,200 infantry with 400 cavalry, and, moreover, 1,000 Roman infantry and 50 cavalry, and to levy upon the allies of the Latin name 7,000 infantry and 300 cavalry. With this army it was resolved that Ti. Sempronius should go into Nearer Spain. Permission was granted to Q. Fulvius that those soldiers who previously, under the consuls Sp. Postumius and Q. Marcius, had been transported into Spain—Roman citizens or allies—and, besides, a supplement being brought in, so that there might be more than <in> two legions 10,400 infantry and 600 cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin name 12,000 and 600 cavalry—whose brave service Q. Fulvius had employed in two battles against the Celtiberians—those men, if it seemed good, he might carry off with him.

et supplicationes decretae, quod is prospere rem publicam gessisset. et ceteri praetores in prouincias missi. Q. Fabio Buteoni prorogatum in Gallia imperium est.

And supplications were decreed, because he had managed the commonwealth prosperously. And the other praetors were sent into their provinces. The imperium was prorogued in Gaul for Quintus Fabius Buteo.

octo legiones praeter exercitum ueterem, qui in Liguribus in spe propinqua missionis erat, eo anno esse placuit. et is ipse exercitus aegre explebatur propter pestilentiam, quae tertium iam annum urbem Romanam atque Italiam uastabat.

It was resolved that in that year there should be eight legions, besides the veteran army, which among the Ligurians was in near hope of discharge. And that same army was with difficulty filled up because of a pestilence, which for now the third year was devastating the city of Rome and Italy.

[37] Praetor Ti. Minucius et haud ita multo post consul C. Calpurnius moritur, multique alii omnium ordinum illustres uiri. postremo prodigii loco ea clades haberi coepta est. C. Seruilius pontifex maximus piacula irae deum conquirere iussus, decemuiri libros inspicere, consul Apollini Aesculapio Saluti dona uouere et dare signa inaurata: quae uouit deditque.

[37] The praetor Ti. Minucius and, not so much later, the consul C. Calpurnius died, and many other illustrious men of all ranks besides. At last that calamity began to be held in the category of a prodigy. C. Servilius, pontifex maximus, was ordered to seek expiations (piacula) for the wrath of the gods; the decemvirs to inspect the books; the consul to vow gifts to Apollo, Aesculapius, and Salus, and to give gilded statues: which he vowed and gave.

decemuiri supplicationem in biduum ualetudinis causa in urbe et per omnia fora conciliabulaque edixerunt: maiores duodecim annis omnes coronati et lauream in manu tenentes supplicauerunt. fraudis quoque humanae insinuauerat suspicio animis; et ueneficii quaestio ex senatus consulto, quod in urbe propiusue urbem decem milibus passuum esset commissum, C. Claudio praetori, qui in locum Ti. Minucii erat suffectus, ultra decimum lapidem per fora conciliabulaque C. Maenio, priusquam in Sardiniam prouinciam traiceret, decreta. suspecta consulis erat mors maxime.

the decemvirs proclaimed a supplication for two days, for the sake of health, in the city and through all the fora and meeting-places: all those older than twelve years, crowned and holding laurel in hand, made supplication. a suspicion of human fraud also had insinuated itself into minds; and an inquiry into poisoning, by decree of the senate, was assigned—what had been committed in the city or within ten thousand paces of the city to C. Claudius the praetor, who had been appointed in place of Ti. Minucius; beyond the tenth milestone, through the fora and meeting-places, to C. Maenius, before he should carry across to the province of Sardinia. the death of the consul was especially suspected.

necatus a Quarta Hostilia uxore dicebatur. ut quidem filius eius Q. Fuluius Flaccus in locum uitrici consul est declaratus, aliquanto magis infamis mors Pisonis coepit esse; et testes exsistebant, qui post declaratos consules Albinum et Pisonem, quibus comitiis Flaccus tulerat repulsam, et exprobratum ei a matre dicerent, quod iam ei tertium negatus consulatus petenti esset, et adiecisse, pararet se ad petendum: intra duos menses effecturam, ut consul fieret. inter multa alia testimonia ad causam pertinentia haec quoque uox, nimis uero euentu comprobata, ualuit, cur Hostilia damnaretur.

He was said to have been slain by his wife Quarta Hostilia. And in fact, when his son Q. Fulvius Flaccus was declared consul in the place of his stepfather, the death of Piso began to be considerably more infamous; and witnesses came forward who said that, after Albinus and Piso had been declared consuls—at the comitia in which Flaccus had suffered a repulse—it had been cast in his teeth by his mother that now for the third time the consulship had been denied to him as a petitioner, and that she added that he should prepare himself to canvass: within two months she would bring it about that he would be made consul. Among many other testimonies pertinent to the case, this remark too—indeed too well verified by the event—prevailed as a reason why Hostilia was condemned.

ueris principio huius, dum consules nouos dilectus Romae tenet, mors deinde alterius et creandi comitia consulis in locum eius omnia tardiora fecerunt, interim P. Cornelius et M. Baebius, qui in consulatu nihil memorabile gesserant, in Apuanos Ligures exercitum induxerunt.

at the beginning of this spring, while levies for the new consuls were being held at Rome, then the death of one of them and the comitia for creating a consul in his place made everything slower; meanwhile Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius, who in their consulship had accomplished nothing memorable, led the army into the territory of the Apuan Ligurians.

[38] Ligures, qui ante aduentum in prouinciam consulum non exspectassent bellum, improuiso oppressi ad duodecim milia hominum dediderunt se. eos consulto per litteras prius senatu deducere ex montibus in agros campestres procul ab domo, ne reditus spes esset, Cornelius et Baebius statuerunt, nullum alium ante finem rati fore Ligustini belli.

[38] The Ligurians, who before the arrival of the consuls into the province had not expected war, being taken by surprise, to about twelve thousand persons surrendered themselves. Cornelius and Baebius, after first consulting the senate by letters, resolved to lead them down from the mountains into champaign fields far from home, so that there might be no hope of return, thinking that there would be no other end of the Ligurian war.

Ager publicus populi Romani erat in Samnitibus, qui Taurasinorum <fuerat. eo cum> traducere Ligures Apuanos uellent, edixerunt, <ut> Ligures Apuani de montibus descenderent cum liberis coniugibusque, sua omnia secum portarent. Ligures saepe per legatos deprecati, ne penates, sedem in qua geniti essent, sepulcra maiorum cogerentur relinquere, arma obsides pollicebantur.

The public land of the Roman people was among the Samnites, which of the Taurasini <had been. when to that place> they wished to transfer the Apuan Ligurians, they proclaimed, <that> the Apuan Ligurians should descend from the mountains with children and wives, and carry all their belongings with them. The Ligurians, often entreating through envoys that they not be compelled to leave their household gods (Penates), the seat in which they had been born, the tombs of their ancestors, were promising arms and hostages.

postquam nihil impetrabant neque uires ad bellandum erant, edicto paruerunt. traducti sunt publico sumptu ad quadraginta milia liberorum capitum cum feminis puerisque. argenti data centum et quinquaginta milia, unde in nouas sedes compararent, quae opus essent.

after they were obtaining nothing and had no strength for waging war, they obeyed the edict. they were transferred at public expense—about forty thousand free persons, together with women and children. one hundred and fifty thousand in silver was given, from which they might procure, for their new settlements, the things that were needed.

agro diuidendo dandoque iidem, qui traduxerant, Cornelius et Baebius praepositi. postulantibus tamen ipsis quinqueuiri ab senatu dati, quorum ex consilio agerent. transacta re cum ueterem exercitum Romam deduxissent, triumphus ab senatu est decretus.

For dividing and assigning the land, the same men who had transferred them, Cornelius and Baebius, were put in charge. However, at their own request, five commissioners were granted by the senate, by whose counsel they should act. When the matter had been completed and they had led the old army back to Rome, a triumph was decreed by the senate.

hi omnium primi nullo bello gesto triumpharunt. tantum hostiae ductae ante currum, quia nec quod ferretur neque quod duceretur captum neque quod militibus daretur, quicquam in triumphis eorum fuerat.

These were the first of all to triumph with no war waged. Only sacrificial victims were led before the chariot, because in their triumphs there had been nothing to be borne, nor any captive to be led, nor anything to be given to the soldiers.

[39] Eodem anno in Hispania Fuluius Flaccus proconsul, quia successor in prouinciam tardius ueniebat, educto exercitu ex hibernis ulteriorem Celtiberiae agrum, unde ad deditionem non uenerant, institit uastare. qua re irritauit magis quam conterruit animos barbarorum; et clam comparatis copiis saltum Manlianum, per quem transiturum exercitum Romanum satis sciebant, obsederunt. in Hispaniam ulteriorem eunti L. Postumio Albino collegae Gracchus mandauerat, ut Q. Fuluium certiorem faceret, Tarraconem exercitum adduceret: ibi dimittere ueteranos supplementaque distribuere et ordinare omnem exercitum sese uelle.

[39] In the same year in Spain, Fulvius Flaccus, proconsul, because his successor was coming more slowly into the province, having led the army out of winter quarters, set himself to devastate the farther territory of Celtiberia, from which they had not come to surrender. By this he provoked rather than terrified the spirits of the barbarians; and with forces secretly assembled they blockaded the Manlian pass, through which they quite well knew the Roman army would be going to cross. To his colleague L. Postumius Albinus, going to Farther Spain, Gracchus had given instructions to inform Q. Fulvius to bring the army to Tarraco: there he wished to discharge the veterans, distribute the reinforcements, and marshal the whole army.

dies quoque, et ea propinqua, edita Flacco est, qua successor esset uenturus. haec noua adlata res, omissis quae agere instituerat, Flaccum raptim deducere exercitum ex Celtiberia cum coegisset, barbari causae ignari, suam defectionem et clam comparata arma sensisse eum et pertimuisse rati, eo ferocius saltum insederunt. ubi eum saltum prima luce agmen Romanum intrauit, repente ex duabus partibus simul exorti hostes Romanos inuaserunt.

Also the day, and that a near one, was announced to Flaccus on which a successor would be coming. This new matter, having been brought, with the things he had set himself to do dropped, compelled Flaccus to lead the army down swiftly out of Celtiberia; the barbarians, ignorant of the cause, thinking that he had sensed their defection and their arms prepared in secret and had taken fright, for that reason occupied the pass the more ferociously. When at first light the Roman column entered that pass, suddenly the enemies, arising at once from two sides, assailed the Romans.

quod ubi uidit Flaccus, primos tumultus in agmine per centuriones stare omnes, suo quemque loco, et arma expedire iubendo sedauit, et sarcinis iumentisque in unum locum coactis copias omnes partim ipse partim per legatos tribunosque militum, ut tempus, ut locus postulabat, sine ulla trepidatione instruxit, cum bis deditis rem esse admonens, scelus et perfidiam illis, non uirtutem nec animum accessisse, reditum ignobilem in patriam clarum ac memorabilem eos sibi fecisse: cruentos ex recenti caede hostium gladios et manantia sanguine spolia Romam ad triumphum delaturos. plura dici tempus non patiebatur: inuehebant se hostes, et in partibus extremis iam pugnabatur. deinde acies concurrerunt.

When Flaccus saw this, he calmed the first tumults in the column by ordering all to stand fast, each in his own place, and to make their arms ready; and, the baggage and beasts of burden having been gathered into one place, he arrayed all the forces—partly himself, partly through legates and tribunes of the soldiers—as time and place demanded, without any trepidation, reminding them that they were dealing with men twice surrendered, that to them crime and perfidy had come, not virtue nor spirit; that they had made for themselves an inglorious return to their homeland into one glorious and memorable; that they would carry to Rome swords bloodied from the fresh slaughter of the enemy and spoils dripping with blood for a triumph. More could not be said for lack of time: the enemy was pressing in, and already in the far wings fighting was going on. Then the battle lines clashed.

[40] Atrox ubique proelium, sed uaria fortuna erat. egregie legiones, nec segnius duae alae pugnabant: externa auxilia ab simili armatura, meliore aliquantum militum genere urgebantur, nec locum tueri poterant. Celtiberi ubi ordinata acie et signis collatis se non esse pares legionibus senserunt, cuneo impressionem fecerunt, quo tantum ualent genere pugnae, ut quamcumque [in] partem perculere impetu suo, sustineri nequeant.

[40] The battle was fierce everywhere, but fortune was variable. The legions fought excellently, and the two wings no less briskly; the external auxiliaries were pressed by opponents of similar armature, of a somewhat better kind of soldiers, and could not hold their position. When the Celtiberians, with the line drawn up and the standards joined, realized that they were not a match for the legions, they made an assault in a wedge—a mode of fighting in which they are so powerful that, into whatever [in] part they have broken through with their onrush, they cannot be withstood.

tunc quoque turbatae legiones sunt, prope interrupta acies. quam trepidationem ubi Flaccus conspexit, equo aduehitur ad legionarios equites, et 'ni quid auxilii in uobis est, actum iam de hoc exercitu erit.' cum undique acclamassent, quin ederet, quid fieri uellet: non segniter imperium exsecuturos; 'duplicate turmas' inquit, 'duarum legionum equites, et permittite equos in cuneum hostium, quo nostros urgent. id cum maiore ui [equorum] facietis, si effrenatos in eos equos immittitis; quod saepe Romanos equites cum magna laude fecisse sua memoriae proditum est.' dicto paruerunt detractisque frenis bis ultro citroque cum magna strage hostium, infractis omnibus hastis, transcurrerunt.

then too the legions were thrown into turmoil, the battle line nearly broken. When Flaccus saw this trepidation, he rides up on horseback to the legionary cavalry and says, “unless there is any help in you, it will already be done for this army.” When they had shouted from every side that he should state what he wished to be done—that they would execute the command not sluggishly—he says, “double the squadrons, horsemen of the two legions, and let your horses go into the enemy’s wedge, with which they are pressing our men. You will do this with greater force [of the horses] if you send the horses against them unbridled; a thing which it has been handed down to memory that Roman horsemen have often done with great praise.” They obeyed at his word, and the bridles having been removed, twice, back and forth, with great slaughter of the enemy, with all their lances broken, they rode through.

dissipato cuneo, in quo omnis spes fuerat, Celtiberi trepidare et prope omissa pugna locum fugae circumspicere. et alarii equites postquam Romanorum equitum tam memorabile facinus uidere, et ipsi uirtute eorum accensi sine ullius imperio in perturbatos iam hostes equos immittunt. tunc uero Celtiberi omnes in fugam effunduntur, et imperator Romanus auersos hostes contemplatus aedem Fortunae equestri Iouique optimo maximo ludos uouit.

dissipated as the wedge, in which all hope had been, the Celtiberians began to panic and, with the battle almost abandoned, to look around for a place of flight. And the allied cavalry, after they saw so memorable a feat of the Roman horsemen, themselves too, inflamed by their valor and without anyone’s command, let their horses loose upon the enemies now already thrown into disorder. Then indeed all the Celtiberians burst into flight, and the Roman commander, having contemplated the foes in retreat, vowed a temple to Equestrian Fortune and games to Jupiter Best and Greatest.

caeduntur Celtiberi per totum saltum dissipati fuga. decem et septem milia hostium caesa eo die traduntur, uiui capti plus tria milia septingenti, cum signis militaribus septuaginta septem, equis prope sescentis. in suis castris eo die uictor exercitus mansit.

The Celtiberians were cut down through the whole wooded pass, scattered in flight. It is reported that 17,000 of the enemy were slain that day; more than 3,700 were taken alive, with 77 military standards and nearly 600 horses. The victorious army remained that day in its own camp.

uictoria non sine iactura militum fuit: quadringenti septuaginta duo milites Romani, socium ac Latini nominis mille decem et nouem, cum his tria milia militum auxiliariorum perierunt. ita uictor exercitus renouata priore gloria Tarraconem est perductus. uenienti Fuluio Ti. Sempronius praetor, qui biduo ante uenerat, obuiam processit gratulatusque est, quod rem publicam egregie gessisset.

The victory was not without loss of soldiers: 472 Roman soldiers, 1,019 of the allies and of the Latin name, together with these 3,000 auxiliary soldiers, perished. Thus the victorious army, its former glory renewed, was conducted to Tarraco. As Fulvius was arriving, Tiberius Sempronius, the praetor, who had come two days earlier, went out to meet him and offered congratulations, because he had conducted the commonwealth’s business excellently.

cum summa concordia, quos dimitterent quosque retinerent milites, composuerunt. inde Fuluius exauctoratis militibus in naues impositis Romam est profectus, Sempronius in Celtiberiam legiones duxit.

with the utmost concord, they settled which soldiers to discharge and which to retain. then Fulvius, with the discharged soldiers put aboard ships, set out for Rome, Sempronius led the legions into Celtiberia.

[41] Consules ambo in Ligures exercitus induxerunt diuersis partibus. Postumius prima et tertia legione Ballistam Letumque montes obsedit, et premendo praesidiis angustos saltus eorum commeatus interclusit, inopiaque omnium rerum eos perdomuit. Fuluius secunda et quarta legione adortus a Pisis Apuanos Ligures, qui eorum circa Macram fluuium incolebant, in deditionem acceptos, ad septem milia hominum, in naues impositos praeter oram Etrusci maris Neapolim transmisit.

[41] Both consuls led their armies into the Ligurians in different sectors. Postumius, with the first and third legion, besieged the Mounts Ballista and Letum, and by occupying the narrow passes with garrisons he cut off their supplies, and by want of all things he thoroughly subdued them. Fulvius, with the second and fourth legion, having attacked from Pisae the Apuan Ligurians who dwelt around the river Macra, received them into surrender—about 7,000 men—put them aboard ships, and conveyed them along the shore of the Etruscan Sea to Naples.

inde in Samnium traducti, agerque iis inter populares datus est. montanorum Ligurum ab A. Postumio uineae caesae frumentaque deusta, donec cladibus omnibus belli coacti in deditionem uenerunt armaque tradiderunt. nauibus inde Postumius ad uisendam oram Ingaunorum Intemeliorumque Ligurum processit.

thence they were transferred into Samnium, and land was assigned to them among the inhabitants. the vineyards of the mountain Ligurians were cut down by A. Postumius and their grain was burned, until, forced by every disaster of war, they came into surrender and handed over their arms. then by ships Postumius advanced to inspect the shore of the Ligurians, the Ingauni and the Intemelii.

priusquam hi consules uenirent ad exercitum, qui Pisas indictus erat, praeerat A. Postumius. frater Q. Fuluii M. Fuluius Nobilior—secundae legionis [Fuluius] tribunus militum is erat—mensibus suis dimisit legionem, iureiurando adactis centurionibus aes in aerarium ad quaestores esse delaturos. hoc ubi Placentiam—nam eo forte erat profectus—Aulo nuntiatum est, cum equitibus expeditis secutus dimissos, quos eorum potuit adsequi, reduxit castigatos Pisas; de ceteris consulem certiorem fecit.

before these consuls came to the army which had been summoned to Pisa, A. Postumius was in command. the brother of Q. Fuluius, M. Fuluius Nobilior—he was military tribune of the second legion [Fuluius]—dismissed the legion at the expiry of its months, having bound the centurions by oath that they would deliver the money to the quaestors into the treasury. when this had been reported at Placentia to Aulus—for he had by chance set out thither—he, with lightly equipped cavalry, pursued the discharged men, and those of them whom he was able to overtake he led back to Pisa after chastisement; about the rest he informed the consul.

eo referente senatus consultum factum est, ut M. Fuluius in Hispaniam relegaretur ultra nouam Carthaginem; litteraeque ei datae sunt a consule ad P. Manlium in Hispaniam ulteriorem deferendae: milites iussi ad signa redire. ignominiae causa uti semestre stipendium in eum annum esset ei legioni, decretum: qui miles ad exercitum non redisset, eum ipsum bonaque eius uendere consul iussus.

upon his reporting this, a senatorial decree was passed that M. Fulvius be relegated to Spain beyond New Carthage; and letters were given to him by the consul to be conveyed to P. Manlius in Further Spain: the soldiers were ordered to return to the standards. by way of ignominy it was decreed that for that year that legion should have half-pay; any soldier who had not returned to the army, the consul was ordered to sell the man himself and his goods.

[42] Eodem anno L. Duronius, qui praetor anno superiore <fuerat>, ex Illyrico cum decem nauibus Brundisium rediit. inde in portu relictis nauibus cum uenisset Romam, inter exponendas res, quas ibi gessisset, haud dubie in regem Illyriorum Gentium latrocinii omnis maritimi causam auertit: ex regno eius omnes naues esse, quae superi maris oram depopulatae essent; de his rebus se legatos misisse, nec conueniendi regis potestatem factam. uenerant Romam legati a Gentio, qui, quo tempore Romani conueniendi regis causa uenissent, aegrum forte eum in ultimis partibus fuisse regni dicerent: petere Gentium ab senatu, ne crederent confictis criminibus in se, quae inimici detulissent.

[42] In the same year L. Duronius, who had been praetor the previous year, returned from Illyricum to Brundisium with ten ships. Then, leaving the ships in the harbor, when he had come to Rome, in the course of setting forth the affairs which he had transacted there, he unquestionably fastened the blame for all maritime brigandage upon Gentius, king of the Illyrians: that all the ships which had ravaged the coast of the Upper Sea were from his realm; that about these matters he had sent envoys, and no opportunity had been afforded of meeting the king. Envoys had come to Rome from Gentius, who said that at the time when the Romans had come for the purpose of meeting the king, he happened by chance to be ill in the farthest parts of the kingdom: Gentius asked of the senate that they not believe the fabricated charges against him which enemies had brought.

ad ea Duronius adiecit multis ciuibus Romanis et sociis Latini nominis iniurias factas in regno eius, et ciues Romanos dici Corcyrae retineri. eos omnes Romam adduci placuit, C. Claudium praetorem cognoscere, neque ante Gentio regi legatisue eius responsum reddi.

To this Duronius added that many injuries had been done to Roman citizens and to allies of the Latin name in his kingdom, and that Roman citizens were said to be detained at Corcyra. It was resolved that all of them be brought to Rome, that Gaius Claudius, the praetor, should take cognizance, and that no reply be returned to King Gentius or to his envoys before that.

Inter multos alios, quos pestilentia eius anni absumpsit, sacerdotes quoque aliquot mortui sunt. L. Ualerius Flaccus pontifex mortuus est: in eius locum suffectus est Q. Fabius Labeo. P. Manlius, qui nuper ex ulteriore Hispania redierat, triumuir epulo: Q. Fuluius M. f. in locum eius triumuir cooptatus, tum praetextatus erat.

Among many others whom the pestilence of that year consumed, several priests also died. L. Valerius Flaccus, pontiff, died: in his place Q. Fabius Labeo was appointed suffect. P. Manlius, who had recently returned from Further Spain, was a triumvir epulo: Q. Fulvius M. f., coopted as a triumvir in his place, was then wearing the praetexta.

de rege sacrific<ul>o sufficiendo in locum Cn. Cornelii Dolabellae contentio inter C. Seruilium pontificem maximum fuit et L. Cornelium Dolabellam duumuirum naualem, quem ut inauguraret pontifex magistratu sese abdicare iubebat. recusantique id facere ob eam rem multa duumuiro dicta a pontifice, deque ea, cum prouocasset, certatum ad populum. cum plures iam tribus intro uocatae dicto esse audientem pontifici duumuirum iuberent, multamque remitti, si magistratu se abdicasset, uitium de caelo, quod comitia turbaret, interuenit.

Concerning a king of sacrifices being supplied in the place of Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, there was a contention between C. Servilius, the pontifex maximus, and L. Cornelius Dolabella, the naval duumvir: the pontiff was ordering him to abdicate his magistracy so that he might inaugurate him. As he refused to do this, on that account a mulct (fine) was pronounced against the duumvir by the pontiff, and about this, when he had appealed, the matter was contested before the people. When already more tribes, called within, were ordering the duumvir to be obedient to the pontiff’s word, and that the fine be remitted if he abdicated his magistracy, a flaw from the sky intervened, which threw the comitia (assembly) into disorder.

religio inde fuit pontificibus inaugurandi Dolabellae. P. Cloelium Siculum inaugurarunt, qui secundo loco nominatus erat. exitu anni et C. Seruilius Geminus pontifex maximus decessit: idem decemuir sacrorum fuit.

Thereupon there was a religious scruple for the pontiffs about inaugurating Dolabella. They inaugurated P. Cloelius Siculus, who had been named in second place. At the end of the year, C. Servilius Geminus, the pontifex maximus, also died: the same man was a decemvir of the sacred rites.

pontifex in locum eius a collegio cooptatus est Q. Fuluius Flaccus: <creatus> inde pontifex maximus M. Aemilius Lepidus, cum multi clari uiri petissent; et decemuir sacrorum Q. Marcius Philippus in eiusdem locum est cooptatus. et augur Sp. Postumius Albinus decessit: in locum eius P. Scipionem, filium Africani, augures cooptarunt.

Q. Fulvius Flaccus was coopted by the college as pontifex in his place: <created> then pontifex maximus was M. Aemilius Lepidus, although many distinguished men had sought the office; and Q. Marcius Philippus was coopted as decemvir of the sacred rites into that same man’s place. And the augur Sp. Postumius Albinus died: in his place the augurs coopted P. Scipio, the son of Africanus.

Cumanis eo anno petentibus permissum, ut publice Latine loquerentur et praeconibus Latine uendendi ius esset.

In that year, at the petition of the Cumaeans, it was permitted that they speak publicly in Latin, and that the heralds have the right of selling in Latin.

[43] Pisanis agrum pollicentibus, quo Latina colonia deduceretur, gratiae ab senatu actae; triumuiri creati ad eam rem Q. Fabius Buteo M. et P. Popilii Laenates. a C. Maenio praetore, cui prouincia Sardinia cum euenisset, additum erat, ut quaereret de ueneficiis longius ab urbe decem milibus passuum, litterae adlatae, se iam tria milia hominum damnasse, et crescere sibi quaestionem indiciis: aut eam sibi esse deserendam aut prouinciam dimittendam.

[43] To the Pisans, who were promising land on which a Latin colony might be led out, thanks were voted by the senate; triumvirs were appointed for that matter—Q. Fabius Buteo, and M. and P. Popilius Laenas. From C. Maenius the praetor, to whom Sardinia had fallen as his province, it had been added that he should inquire concerning poisonings farther than 10 miles from the city; letters were brought stating that he had already condemned 3,000 persons, and that the inquiry was growing for him by the evidence: either that investigation must be abandoned by him, or the province relinquished.

Q. Fuluius Flaccus ex Hispania rediit Romam cum magna fama gestarum rerum; qui cum extra urbem triumphi causa esset, consul est creatus cum L. Manlio Acidino, et post paucos dies cum militibus, quos secum deduxerat, triumphans urbem est inuectus. tulit in triumpho coronas aureas centum uiginti quattuor: praeterea auri pondo triginta unum, <argenti infecti> * * * et signati Oscensis nummum centum septuaginta tria milia ducentos. militibus de praeda quinquagenos denarios dedit, duplex centurionibus, triplex equiti, tantundem sociis Latini nominis, et stipendium omnibus duplex.

Q. Fulvius Flaccus returned to Rome from Spain with great fame for deeds accomplished; and when he was outside the city for the sake of a triumph, he was elected consul with L. Manlius Acidinus, and after a few days, entering in triumph, he was carried into the city with the soldiers whom he had brought with him. He bore in the triumph 124 golden crowns; besides, 31 pounds by weight of gold, <unworked silver> * * * and of stamped Oscensian coins 173,200. From the booty he gave to the soldiers fifty denarii apiece, double to the centurions, triple to a horseman, the same to the allies of the Latin name, and double pay to all.

[44] Eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab L. Uillio tribuno plebis, quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque. inde cognomen familiae inditum, ut Annales appellarentur. praetores quattuor post multos annos lege Baebia creati, quae alternis quaternos iubebat creari.

[44] In that year a rogation was for the first time carried by L. Uillius, tribune of the plebs, fixing at how many years of age men should seek and hold each magistracy. Thence a cognomen was bestowed upon the family, so that they were called the Annales. The four praetors, after many years, were elected under the Baebian law, which ordered that in alternate years four should be created.

hi facti Cn. Cornelius Scipio C. Ualerius Laeuinus Q. et P. Mucii Q. f. Scaeuolae. Q. Fuluio et L. Manlio consulibus eadem prouincia, quae superioribus, pari numero copiae peditum equitum, ciuium sociorum decretae. in Hispaniis duabus Ti. Sempronio et L. Postumio cum iisdem exercitibus, quos haberent, prorogatum imperium est; et in supplementum consules scribere iussi ad tria milia peditum Romanorum, trecentos equites, quinque milia sociorum Latini nominis et quadringentos equites.

These were elected: Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, Gaius Valerius Laevinus, and Quintus and Publius Mucius Scaevola, sons of Quintus. With Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius as consuls, the same province as to their predecessors was decreed, with an equal number of forces of infantry and cavalry, of citizens and allies. In the two Spains, to Tiberius Sempronius and Lucius Postumius their imperium was prolonged with the same armies which they had; and, as a supplement, the consuls were ordered to enroll up to three thousand Roman infantry, three hundred cavalry, five thousand allies of the Latin name, and four hundred cavalry.

P. Mucius Scaeuola urbanam sortitus prouinciam est, et ut idem quaereret de ueneficiis in urbe et propius urbem decem milia passuum, Cn. Cornelius Scipio peregrinam, Q. Mucius Scaeuola Siciliam, C. Ualerius Laeuinus Sardiniam.

P. Mucius Scaevola drew by lot the urban province, and that the same man should inquire into poisonings in the city and within ten miles of the city; Cn. Cornelius Scipio the peregrine jurisdiction, Q. Mucius Scaevola Sicily, C. Valerius Laevinus Sardinia.

Q. Fuluius consul priusquam ullam rem publicam ageret, liberare et se et rem publicam religione uotis soluendis dixit uelle. uouisse, quo die postremum cum Celtiberis pugnasset, ludos Ioui optimo maximo et aedem equestri Fortunae sese facturum: in eam rem sibi pecuniam collatam esse ab Hispanis. ludi decreti, et ut duumuiri ad aedem locandam crearentur.

Q. Fulvius, the consul, before he transacted any public business, said that he wished to free both himself and the commonwealth from religious obligation by discharging his vows. He had vowed, on the day when he had last fought with the Celtiberians, that he would celebrate games to Jupiter Best and Greatest and would make a temple to Equestrian Fortuna; for that purpose money had been contributed to him by the Spaniards. The games were decreed, and that duumvirs be created to let out the contract for the temple.

de pecunia finitum, ne maior ludorum causa consumeretur, quam quanta Fuluio Nobiliori post Aetolicum bellum ludos facienti decreta esset; neue quid ad eos ludos arcesseret cogeret acciperet faceret aduersus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio consulibus de ludis factum esset. decreuerat id senatus propter effusos sumptus factos in ludos Ti. Sempronii aedilis, qui graues non modo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis, sed etiam prouinciis externis fuerant.

Concerning the money it was fixed, lest more be consumed for the games than the amount which had been decreed to Fulvius Nobilior when, after the Aetolian war, he was putting on the games; and that he should not summon, compel, accept, or do anything for those games contrary to that senatorial decree which had been made, in the consulship of L. Aemilius and Cn. Baebius, about the games. The senate had decreed this on account of the lavish expenditures made for the games of Ti. Sempronius, aedile, which had been burdensome not only to Italy and the allies of the Latin name, but even to the external provinces.

[45] Hiems eo anno niue saeua et omni tempestatum genere fuit: arbores, quae obnoxiae frigoribus sunt, deusserat cunctas; et eadem aliquanto quam alias longior fuit. itaque Latinas nox subito coorta et intolerabilis tempestas in monte turbauit, instaurataeque sunt ex decreto pontificum. eadem tempestas et in Capitolio aliquot signa prostrauit fulminibusque complura loca deformauit, aedem Iouis Tarracinae, aedem Albam Capuae portamque Romanam; muri pinnae aliquot locis decussae erant.

[45] The winter in that year was savage with snow and with every kind of storms: it had blighted all the trees that are susceptible to cold; and the same was somewhat longer than at other times. And so the Latin Games were thrown into confusion on the mountain by a night that suddenly arose and an intolerable tempest, and were renewed by decree of the pontiffs. The same storm also overthrew several statues on the Capitol and by lightning disfigured many places: the temple of Jupiter at Tarracina, the White Temple at Capua, and the Roman Gate; the battlements of the wall had been struck down in several places.

haec inter prodigia nuntiatum et ab Reate tripedem natum mulum. ob ea decemuiri iussi adire libros edidere, quibus diis et quot hostiis sacrificaretur, et [fulminibus complura loca deformata aedem Iouis] ut supplicatio diem unum esset. ludi deinde uotiui Q. Fuluii consulis per dies decem magno apparatu facti.

Among these prodigies it was reported also that from Reate a three-footed mule had been born. On account of these things the decemvirs, ordered to consult the books, published to which gods and with how many victims sacrifice should be made, and [with many places and the temple of Jupiter disfigured by lightning] that there should be a supplication for one day. Then the votive games of the consul Q. Fulvius were held for ten days with great apparatus.

Censorum inde comitia habita: creati M. Aemilius Lepidus pontifex maximus et M. Fuluius Nobilior, qui ex Aetolis triumphauerat. inter hos uiros nobiles inimicitiae erant, saepe multis et in senatu et ad populum atrocibus celebratae certaminibus. comitiis confectis, ut traditum antiquitus est, censores in Campo ad aram Martis sellis curulibus consederunt; quo repente principes senatorum cum agmine uenerunt ciuitatis, inter quos Q. Caecilius Metellus uerba fecit.

Then the elections of the censors were held: were elected M. Aemilius Lepidus, Pontifex Maximus, and M. Fulvius Nobilior, who had celebrated a triumph over the Aetolians. Between these noble men there was enmity, often kept up by many atrocious contests both in the senate and before the people. The elections completed, as has been handed down from antiquity, the censors sat down in the Campus by the altar of Mars on their curule seats; to that place suddenly the leading men of the senators came with a throng of the citizenry, among whom Q. Caecilius Metellus delivered words.

[46] 'Non obliti sumus, censores, uos paulo ante ab uniuerso populo Romano moribus nostris praepositos esse, et nos a uobis et admoneri et regi, non uos a nobis debere. indicandum tamen est, quid omnes bonos in uobis aut offendat aut certe mutatum malint. singulos cum intuemur, M. Aemili, M. Fului, neminem hodie in ciuitate habemus, quem, si reuocemur in suffragium, uelimus uobis praelatum esse.

[46] 'We have not forgotten, censors, that a little while ago you were set by the entire Roman people over our morals, and that we ought both to be admonished and ruled by you, not you by us. Nevertheless it must be indicated what either offends all good men in you, or at least they would prefer to be changed. When we look at you individually, M. Aemilius, M. Fulvius, we have no one today in the state whom, if we were called back to a vote, we would wish to be preferred to you.'

ambo cum simul aspicimus, non possumus <non> uereri, ne male comparati sitis, nec tantum rei publicae prosit, quod omnibus nobis egregie placetis, quam, quod alter alteri displicetis, noceat. inimicitias per annos multos uobis ipsis graues et atroces geritis, quae periculum est ne ex hac die nobis et rei publicae quam uobis grauiores fiant. de quibus causis hoc timeamus, multa succurrunt, quae dicerentur, * * * nisi forte implacabiles ~fueritis implicauerint animos uestros.

when we look upon you both together, we cannot <not> fear lest you be ill-matched, nor that it will so much profit the Republic that you are exceptionally pleasing to us all, as that, because each displeases the other, it will do harm. you have been waging for many years between yourselves enmities, grave and atrocious to you yourselves, which there is a danger may from this day become heavier for us and for the Republic than for you. on account of which causes that we should fear this, many things occur which might be said, * * * unless perhaps — implacable as you have been — they have entangled your minds.

has ut hodie, ut in isto templo finiatis simultates, quaesumus uos uniuersi, et quos coniunxit suffragiis suis populus Romanus, hos etiam reconciliatione gratiae coniungi a nobis sinatis; uno animo, uno consilio legatis senatum, equites recenseatis, agatis censum, lustrum condatis; quod in omnibus fere precationibus nuncupabitis uerbis "ut ea res mihi collegaeque meo bene et feliciter eueniat," id ita ut uere, ut ex animo uelitis euenire, efficiatisque, ut, quod deos precati eritis, id uos uelle etiam homines credamus. T. Tatius et Romulus, in cuius urbis medio foro acie hostes concurrerant, ibi concordes regnarunt. non modo simultates, sed bella quoque finiuntur: ex infestis hostibus plerumque socii fideles, interdum etiam ciues fiunt.

that today, that in that temple you put an end to your animosities, we all beseech you; and those whom the Roman People has joined by its suffrages, allow these also to be joined by us through a reconciliation of goodwill; with one mind, with one counsel enroll the senate, review the knights, conduct the census, inaugurate the lustrum; that which in almost all prayers you will pronounce in the words, "that this matter may turn out well and happily for me and my colleague," bring it about thus, that truly, that from the heart you wish it to turn out, and bring it about that what you will have prayed from the gods we men also may believe you wish. T. Tatius and Romulus, in the middle forum of whose city enemies had clashed in battle line, there reigned in concord. Not only animosities, but wars too are ended: from hostile enemies for the most part faithful allies, sometimes even citizens are made.

Albani diruta Alba Romam traducti sunt, Latini, Sabini in ciuitatem accepti. uulgatum illud, quia uerum erat, in prouerbium uenit, amicitias immortales, <mortales> inimicitias debere esse.' fremitus ortus cum adsensu, deinde uniuersorum uoces idem petentium confusae in unum orationem interpellarunt. inde Aemilius questus cum alia, tum bis a M. Fuluio se certo consulatu deiectum: Fuluius contra queri se ab eo semper lacessitum et in probrum suum sponsionem factam.

The Albans, with Alba razed, were led over to Rome; the Latins and the Sabines were received into the citizenship. That well-known saying, because it was true, passed into a proverb, that friendships ought to be immortal, enmities <mortal>.' a rumbling arose with assent; then the voices of all, seeking the same thing, mingled into one, interrupted the speech. Then Aemilius complained, among other things, that he had twice been cast down from a sure consulship by M. Fulvius; Fulvius, on the contrary, complained that he had always been provoked by him, and that a wager had been laid to his disgrace.

tamen ambo significare, si alter uellet, se in potestate tot principum ciuitatis futuros. omnibus instantibus, qui aderant, dexteras fidemque dedere remittere [uere] ac finire odium. deinde collaudantibus cunctis deducti sunt in Capitolium.

nevertheless both signified that, if the other were willing, they would be in the power of so many princes of the state. With all who were present pressing them, they gave their right hands and their faith to remit [truly] and to end the hatred. Then, with all applauding, they were conducted to the Capitol.

et cura super tali re principum et facilitas censorum egregie comprobata ab senatu et laudata est. censoribus deinde postulantibus, ut pecuniae summa sibi, qua in opera publica uterentur, <attribueretur,> uectigal annuum decretum est.

and the concern over such a matter of the leading men and the readiness of the censors were excellently approved and praised by the senate. with the censors then requesting that a sum of money to them, which they might use for public works, an annual tax was decreed.

[47] Eodem anno in Hispania L. Postumius et Ti. Sempronius propraetores comparauerunt ita inter se, ut in Uaccaeos per Lusitaniam iret Albinus, in Celtiberiam inde reuerteretur; Gracchus, si maius ibi bellum esset, in ultima Celtiberiae penetraret. * * * * Mundam urbem primum ui cepit, nocte ex improuiso adgressus. acceptis deinde obsidibus praesidioque imposito castella oppugnare, [deinde] agros urere, donec ad praeualidam aliam urbem—Certimam appellant Celtiberi—peruenit.

[47] In the same year in Spain, L. Postumius and Ti. Sempronius, propraetors, arranged between themselves as follows: that Albinus should go against the Vaccaei through Lusitania, and from there return into Celtiberia; Gracchus, if the war were greater there, should penetrate into the farthest parts of Celtiberia. * * * * He first took the city of Munda by force, having attacked unexpectedly by night. Then, after hostages had been received and a garrison imposed, he began to assault the forts, [then] to burn the fields, until he reached another very strong city—the Celtiberians call it Certima—.

ubi cum iam opera admoueret, ueniunt legati ex oppido, quorum sermo antiquae simplicitatis fuit, non dissimulantium bellaturos, si uires essent. petierunt enim, ut sibi in castra Celtiberorum ire liceret ad auxilia accienda: si non impetrassent, tum separatim [eos] ab illis se consulturos. permittente Graccho ierunt et post paucis diebus alios decem legatos secum adduxerunt.

when he was now bringing up his siege-works, legates came from the town, whose speech was of ancient simplicity, not dissembling that they would wage war, if they had the strength. For they asked that it be permitted them to go into the camp of the Celtiberians to call in auxiliaries: if they did not obtain this, then they would deliberate separately, apart from them. With Gracchus permitting, they went, and after a few days brought with them ten other legates.

meridianum tempus erat. nihil prius petierunt a praetore, quam ut bibere sibi iuberet dari. epotis primis poculis iterum poposcerunt, magno risu circumstantium in tam rudibus et moris omnis ignaris ingeniis.

It was the meridian time. They asked nothing first of the praetor than that he order drink to be given to them. When the first cups had been drained, they demanded again, to the great laughter of those standing around, at such rude minds, wholly ignorant of all manners.

tum maximus natu ex iis 'missi sumus' inquit 'a gente nostra, qui sciscitaremur, qua tandem re fretus arma nobis inferres.' ad hanc percunctationem Gracchus exercitu se egregio fidentem uenisse respondit; quem si ipsi uisere uelint, quo certiora ad suos referant, potestatem se eis facturum esse. tribunisque militum imperat, ut ornari omnes copias peditum equitumque et decurrere iubeant armatas. ab hoc spectaculo legati <di>missi deterruerunt suos ab auxilio circumsessae urbi ferendo.

Then the eldest among them said, “We have been sent by our nation to inquire on what, pray, relying you would bring arms against us.” To this interrogation Gracchus replied that he had come confident in an excellent army; and that, if they themselves wished to visit it, so that they might refer more certain information to their own people, he would grant them the permission. He orders the military tribunes to have all the forces of infantry and cavalry equipped and to command them to run past in arms. From this spectacle, the legates, dismissed, deterred their people from bringing aid to the besieged city.

oppidani cum ignes nocte <e> turribus nequiquam, quod signum conuenerat, sustulissent, destituti ab unica spe auxilii in deditionem uenerunt. nummum quater et uiciens ab iis est exactum, quadraginta nobilissimi equites, nec obsidum nomine—nam militare iussi sunt—, et tamen re ipsa ut pignus fidei essent.

when the townsmen had, by night, raised fires from the towers in vain—the signal that had been agreed upon—abandoned by their sole hope of aid they came into surrender. from them a sum of 2,400,000 sesterces was exacted, and forty of the most noble knights were taken, not under the name of hostages—for they were ordered to serve as soldiers—yet in reality so that they might be a pledge of good faith.

[48] Inde iam duxit ad Alcen urbem, ubi castra Celtiberorum erant, a quibus uenerant nuper legati. eos cum per aliquot dies, armaturam leuem immittendo in stationes, lacessisset paruis proeliis, in dies maiora certamina serebat, ut omnes extra munitiones eliceret. ubi, quod petebat, <sat>is sensit effectum, auxiliorum praefectis imperat, ut contracto certamine, tamquam multitudine superarentur, repente tergis datis ad castra effuse fugerent: ipse intra uallum ad omnes portas instruxit copias.

[48] Thence he now led to the city of Alce, where the camp of the Celtiberians was, from whom envoys had recently come. After for several days, by sending in light-armed troops against their outposts, he had provoked them with small skirmishes, day by day he was sowing greater contests, to draw them all outside their fortifications. When he sensed that what he was seeking had been effected <sat>is, he orders the prefects of the auxiliaries that, once the engagement was joined, as though they were overmatched by the multitude, they should suddenly, with backs turned, flee in headlong rout to the camp: he himself within the rampart drew up his forces at all the gates.

haud multum temporis intercessit, cum ex composito refugientium suorum agmen, post effuse sequentes barbaros conspexit. instructam ad hoc ipsum intra uallum habebat aciem. itaque tantum moratus, ut suos refugere in castra libero introitu sineret, clamore sublato simul omnibus portis erupit.

Not much time intervened, when, as prearranged, he saw the column of his own retreating men, with the barbarians following after in a disorderly rush. He had a line of battle drawn up within the rampart for this very purpose. And so, delaying only so far as to allow his men to flee back into the camp with free entry, with a shout raised he burst forth at once from all the gates.

non sustinuere impetum necopinatum hostes. qui ad castra oppugnanda uenerant, ne sua quidem tueri potuerunt: nam extemplo fusi fugati, mox intra uallum pauentes compulsi, postremo exuuntur castris. eo die nouem milia hostium caesa; capti uiui trecenti uiginti, equi centum duodecim, signa militaria triginta septem.

the enemies did not endure the unexpected onrush. those who had come to attack the camp could not even protect their own: for immediately they were routed and put to flight, soon, panic-stricken, driven within the rampart, and at last driven out of the camp. on that day 9,000 of the enemy were cut down; 320 taken alive, 112 horses, 37 military standards.

de exercitu Romano centum nouem ceciderunt.

Of the Roman army, 109 fell.

[49] Ab hoc proelio Gracchus duxit ad depopulandam Celtiberiam legiones. et cum ferret passim cuncta atque ageret, populique alii uoluntate alii metu iugum acciperent, centum tria oppida intra paucos dies in deditionem accepit, praeda potitus ingenti est. conuertit inde agmen retro, unde uenerat, ad Alcen, atque eam urbem oppugnare institit.

[49] From this battle Gracchus led the legions to depopulate Celtiberia. and as he was carrying off everything everywhere and driving it away, and the peoples—some by willingness, others by fear—were accepting the yoke, he received into surrender within a few days one hundred and three towns, and gained possession of an immense booty. He then turned the column back, whence he had come, toward Alce, and set about assaulting that city.

oppidani primum impetum hostium sustinuerunt; deinde cum iam non armis modo sed etiam operibus oppugnarentur, diffisi praesidio urbis in arcem uniuersi concesserunt: postremo et inde praemissis oratoribus in dicionem se suaque omnia Romanis permiserunt. magna inde praeda facta est. multi captiui nobiles in potestatem uenerunt, inter quos et Thurri filii duo et filia.

the townspeople at first withstood the enemy’s onset; then, when they were now being besieged not only by arms but also by siege-works, distrusting the city’s defense they all withdrew into the citadel: finally, even from there, with envoys sent ahead, they surrendered themselves and all that was theirs into the dominion of the Romans. great booty was then taken. many noble captives came into their power, among whom were also Thurri’s two sons and his daughter.

regulus hic earum gentium erat, longe potentissimus omnium Hispanorum. audita suorum clade, missis qui fidem uenienti in castra ad Gracchum peterent, uenit. et primum quaesiuit ab eo, liceretne sibi ac suis uiuere.

He was a regulus of those peoples, by far the most potent of all the Spaniards. On hearing of the disaster of his own, after sending men to seek a pledge of good faith for his coming into the camp to Gracchus, he came; and first he asked of him whether it would be permitted for himself and his own to live.

cum praetor uicturum respondisset, quaesiuit iterum, si cum Romanis militare liceret. id quoque Graccho permittente, 'sequar' inquit 'uos aduersus ueteres socios meos, quoniam illos ~ad me propiunt suspicere.' secutus est inde Romanos, fortique ac fideli opera multis locis rem Romanam adiuuit.

when the praetor had responded that he would live, he asked again whether it were permitted to serve with the Romans. With Gracchus permitting that as well, he said, 'I will follow you against my former allies, since they ~are beginning to suspect me.' Thereupon he followed the Romans, and with brave and faithful service he aided the Roman cause in many places.

[50] Ergauica inde, nobilis et potens ciuitas, aliorum circa populorum cladibus territa portas aperuit Romanis. eam deditionem oppidorum haud cum fide factam quidam auctores sunt: e qua regione abduxisset legiones, extemplo inde rebellatum, magnoque eum postea proelio ad montem Chaunum cum Celtiberis a prima luce ad sextam horam diei signis collatis pugnasse, multos utrimque cecidisse; nec aliud magnopere, cur uicisse crederes, fecisse Romanos, nisi quod postero die lacessierint proelio manentes intra uallum: spolia per totum diem legisse; tertio die proelio maiore iterum pugnatum, et tum demum haud dubie uictos Celtiberos castraque eorum capta et direpta esse. uiginti duo milia hostium eo die esse caesa, plus trecentos captos, parem fere equorum numerum, et signa militaria septuaginta duo.

[50] From there Ergavica, a noble and potent city, terrified by the disasters of the peoples around, opened its gates to the Romans. Some authorities assert that that surrender of the towns was not made in good faith: when he had led his legions away from that region, there was straightway a revolt from there, and that afterward he fought a great battle at Mount Chaunus with the Celtiberians, with the standards joined, from first light to the sixth hour of the day, and that many fell on both sides; nor did the Romans do anything greatly to make you believe they had won, except that on the next day they provoked to battle those remaining within the rampart: that they collected the spoils throughout the whole day; that on the third day, the battle being greater, it was fought again, and then at length that the Celtiberians were without doubt defeated, and their camp taken and sacked. On that day 22,000 of the enemy were slain, more than 300 captured, nearly an equal number of horses, and 72 military standards.

inde <de>bellatum, ueramque pacem, non fluxa, ut ante, fide Celtiberos fecisse. eadem aestate et L. Postumium in Hispania ulteriore bis cum Uaccaeis egregie pugnasse scribunt: ad triginta et quinque milia hostium occidisse et castra expugnasse. propius uero est serius in prouinciam peruenisse, quam ut ea aestate potuerit res gerere.

then the war was brought to an end, and the Celtiberians made a true peace, not with fickle faith, as before. In the same summer, they also write that L. Postumius in Further Spain fought with the Vaccaei twice to excellent effect: that he killed about 35,000 of the enemy and stormed their camps. But it is closer to the truth that he arrived later in the province than that he could have conducted operations in that summer.

[51] Censores fideli concordia senatum legerunt. princeps lectus est ipse censor M. Aemilius Lepidus pontifex maximus: tres eiecti de senatu; retinuit quosdam Lepidus a collega praeteritos. opera ex pecunia attributa diuisaque inter se haec [con]fecerunt.

[51] The censors, with faithful concord, enrolled the senate. The princeps was chosen—the censor himself, M. Aemilius Lepidus, pontifex maximus; three were ejected from the senate; Lepidus retained certain men who had been passed over by his colleague. The works from the money assigned and divided among themselves they completed.

Lepidus molem ad Tarracinam, ingratum opus, quod praedia habebat ibi priuatamque publicae rei impensam ins<er>uerat; theatrum et proscaenium ad Apollinis, aedem Iouis in Capitolio, columnasque circa poliendas albo locauit; et ab his columnis, quae incommode opposita uidebantur, signa amouit clipeaque de columnis et signa militaria adfixa omnis generis dempsit. M. Fuluius plura et maioris locauit usus: portum et pilas pontis in Tiberi, quibus pilis fornices post aliquot annos P. Scipio Africanus et L. Mummius censores locauerunt imponendos; basilicam post argentarias nouas et forum piscatorium circumdatis tabernis quas uendidit in priuatum; [et forum] et porticum extra portam Trigeminam, et aliam post naualia et ad fanum Herculis et post Spei ad Tiberim <et ad> aedem Apollinis medici. habuere et in promiscuo praeterea pecuniam: ex ea communiter locarunt aquam adducendam fornicesque faciendos.

Lepidus [undertook] the mole at Tarracina, a thankless work, because he had estates there and had inserted a private expense into the public account; he let out on contract the theater and the proscenium by Apollo’s, the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, and the columns around to be polished with white; and from those columns, which seemed inconveniently set opposite, he removed statues, and he took down the shields from the columns and the military standards of every sort that had been affixed. M. Fulvius let out more works and of greater utility: a harbor and the piers of a bridge on the Tiber—upon which piers, after some years, P. Scipio Africanus and L. Mummius, censors, let out the placing of arches; a basilica behind the New Silversmiths and the fish-market, with shops set round about, which he sold into private ownership; and a forum and a portico outside the Porta Trigemina, and another behind the dockyards and at the shrine of Hercules and behind the Temple of Hope by the Tiber and at the temple of Apollo the Physician. They also had money besides in common: out of it they jointly let out the bringing in of water and the making of arches.

impedimento operi fuit M. Licinius Crassus, qui per fundum suum duci non est passus. portoria quoque et uectigalia iidem multa instituerunt. complura sacella publicaque loca, occupata a priuatis, publica sacraque ut essent paterentque populo curarunt.

A hindrance to the work was M. Licinius Crassus, who did not allow it to be conducted through his estate. The same men also instituted many customs-duties and revenues. They took care that several shrines and public places, occupied by private individuals, should be public and sacred and lie open to the people.

mutarunt suffragia, regionatimque generibus hominum causisque et quaestibus tribus discripserunt.

they changed the suffrages, and, by regions, they distributed the tribes according to classes of men, and causes, and trades.

[52] Et alter ex censoribus M. Aemilius petiit ab senatu, ut sibi dedicationis <causa> templorum reginae Iunonis et Dianae, quae bello Ligustino annis octo ante uouisset, pecunia ad ludos decerneretur. uiginti milia aeris decreuerunt. dedicauit eas aedes, utramque in circo Flaminio, ludosque scaenicos triduum post dedicationem templi Iunonis, biduum post Dianae, et singulos dies fecit in circo.

[52] And the other of the censors, M. Aemilius, asked from the senate that, for the sake of the dedication of the temples of Queen Juno and Diana, which he had vowed in the Ligurian war eight years before, money be decreed to him for games. They decreed 20,000 asses. He dedicated those shrines, both in the Circus Flaminius, and he gave scenic games for three days after the dedication of the temple of Juno, for two days after that of Diana, and he put on single days in the circus.

idem dedicauit aedem Larum permarinum in Campo. uouerat eam annis undecim ante L. Aemilius Regillus nauali proelio aduersus praefectos regis Antiochi. supra ualuas templi tabula cum titulo hoc fixa est: 'duello magno dirimendo, regibus subigendis, ~caput patrandae pacis haec pugna exeunti L. Aemilio M. Aemilii filio * * auspicio imperio felicitate ductuque eius inter Ephesum Samum Chiumque, inspectante eopse Antiocho, exercitu omni, equitatu elephantisque, classis regis Antiochi antehac inuicta fusa contusa fugataque est, ibique eo die naues longae cum omnibus sociis captae quadraginta duae.

the same man dedicated the temple of the Lares of the Sea in the Campus. L. Aemilius Regillus had vowed it eleven years earlier in a naval battle against the prefects of King Antiochus. Above the doors of the temple a tablet with this title was affixed: 'for bringing to an end a great war, for subduing kings, ~the chief of accomplishing peace—this battle, with L. Aemilius, son of M. Aemilius, going forth, * * under his auspices, command, good fortune, and leadership, between Ephesus, Samos, and Chios, with Antiochus himself looking on, with his whole army, cavalry, and elephants, the fleet of King Antiochus, heretofore unconquered, was routed, shattered, and put to flight; and there on that day forty-two long ships, with all their allies, were captured.'

ea pugna pugnata rex Antiochus regnumque * * * . eius rei ergo aedem Laribus permarinis uouit.' eodem exemplo tabula in aede Iouis in Capitolio supra ualuas fixa est.

with that battle fought, King Antiochus and the kingdom * * * . For that reason he vowed a temple to the sea‑faring Lares.' A tablet on the same model was fixed above the doors in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol.

[53] Biduo, quo senatum legerunt censores, Q. Fuluius consul profectus in Ligures, per inuios montes Ballistae saltus cum exercitu transgressus, signis collatis cum hoste pugnauit; neque tantum acie uicit, sed castra quoque eodem die cepit. tria milia ducenti hostium <caesi sunt>, omnisque ea regio Ligurum in deditionem uenit. consul deditos in campestres agros deduxit, praesidiaque montibus imposuit.

[53] Two days after the censors enrolled the senate, Q. Fulvius, the consul, set out against the Ligurians; through pathless mountains he crossed the Ballista Pass with his army and, with standards brought together, fought a pitched battle with the enemy; and he not only won in line of battle, but on the same day also captured their camp. Three thousand two hundred of the enemy were slain, and all that region of the Ligurians came into surrender. The consul led the surrendered down into level plains, and he imposed garrisons upon the mountains.

celeriter <et Roma consul ad hostes> et ex prouincia litterae Romam uenerunt: supplicationes ob eas res gestas in triduum decretae sunt; praetores quadraginta hostiis maioribus per supplicationes rem diuinam fecerunt. ab altero consule L. Manlio nihil memoria dignum in Liguribus est gestum. Galli Transalpini, tria milia hominum, in Italiam transgressi, neminem bello lacessentes agrum a consulibus et senatu petebant, ut pacati sub imperio populi Romani essent.

Quickly <et Roma consul ad hostes> and from the province letters came to Rome: supplications were decreed for 3 days on account of these achievements; the praetors performed a sacred rite with 40 greater victims during the supplications. From the other consul, L. Manlius, nothing worthy of memory was done among the Ligurians. The Transalpine Gauls, 3 thousand men, having crossed into Italy, provoking no one to war, were asking land from the consuls and the senate, so that, being peaceful, they might be under the imperium of the Roman people.

eos senatus excedere Italia iussit, et consulem Q. Fuluium quaerere et animaduertere in eos, qui principes et auctores transcendendi Alpes fuissent.

The senate ordered them to depart from Italy, and directed the consul Q. Fulvius to seek out and proceed against those who had been the leaders and authors of crossing the Alps.

[54] Eodem anno Philippus rex Macedonum, senio et maerore consumptus post mortem filii, decessit. Demetriade hibernabat, cum desiderio anxius filii, tum paenitentia crudelitatis suae. stimulabat animum et alter filius haud dubie et sua et aliorum opinione rex, conuersique in eum omnium oculi, et destituta senectus aliis exspectantibus suam mortem, aliis ne exspectantibus quidem.

[54] In the same year Philip, king of the Macedonians, consumed by senility and mourning after the death of his son, died. He was wintering at Demetrias, anxious both with longing for his son and with repentance for his own cruelty. His spirit was also spurred by his other son—without doubt, in his own and in others’ opinion, a king—and the eyes of all were turned toward him; and his old age stood forsaken, some awaiting his death, others not even awaiting it.

quo magis angebatur, et cum eo Antigonus Echecratis filius, nomen patrui Antigoni ferens, qui tutor Philippi fuerat, regiae uir maiestatis, nobili etiam pugna aduersus Cleomenem Lacedaemonium clarus. tutorem eum Graeci, ut cognomine a ceteris regibus distinguerent, appellarunt. huius fratris filius Antigonus ex honoratis Philippi amicis unus incorruptus permanserat, eique ea fides nequaquam amicum Persea inimicissimum fecerat is prospiciens animo, quanto cum periculo suo hereditas regni uentura esset ad Persea, ut primum labare animum regis et ingemiscere interdum filii desiderio sensit, nunc praebendo aures, nunc lacessendo etiam mentionem rei temere actae, saepe querenti querens et ipse aderat.

by which he was the more anguished; and along with him Antigonus, son of Echecrates, bearing the name of his paternal uncle Antigonus, who had been the guardian of Philip, a man of royal majesty, also famous for a noble battle against Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian. The Greeks called him “Tutor,” so that by a cognomen they might distinguish him from the other kings. The son of this man’s brother, Antigonus, had remained, from among Philip’s honored friends, the one uncorrupted; and that loyalty had by no means made Perseus his friend, but most inimical. He, foreseeing in mind with how great a peril to himself the inheritance of the kingdom would come to Perseus, as soon as he perceived the king’s spirit wavering and sometimes groaning with longing for his son, now by lending his ears, now even by provoking a mention of the matter rashly done, often was present to the one complaining, himself too complaining.

et cum multa, <ut> adsolet, ueritas praeberet uestigia sui, omni ope adiuuabat, quo maturius omnia emanarent. suspecti ut ministri facinoris Apelles maxime et Philocles erant, qui Romam legati fuerant litterasque exitiales Demetrio sub nomine Flaminini attulerant.

and since truth, as is wont, was offering many vestiges of itself, he aided with every resource, in order that all things might the sooner emanate. Suspected as ministers of the deed were most of all Apelles and Philocles, who had been legates to Rome and had brought death-dealing letters to Demetrius under the name of Flamininus.

[55] Falsas esse et a scriba uitiatas signumque adulterinum uulgo in regia fremebant. ceterum cum suspecta magis quam manifesta esset res, forte Xychus obuius fit Antigono, comprehensusque ab eo in regiam est perductus. relicto eo custodibus Antigonus ad Philippum processit.

[55] There was a general outcry in the palace that the letters were false and vitiated by the scribe, and that the seal was adulterine. However, since the matter was suspected rather than manifest, by chance Xychus met Antigonus, and, apprehended by him, was conducted into the palace. Leaving him with the guards, Antigonus advanced to Philip.

'multis' inquit 'sermonibus intellexisse uideor magno te aestimaturum, si scire uera omnia posses de filiis tuis, uter ab utro petitus fraude et insidiis esset. homo unus omnium, qui nodum huius erroris exsoluere possit, in potestate tua est Xychus. forte oblatum perductumque in regiam uocari iube.' regi adductus primo ita negare inconstanter, ut paruo metu admoto paratum indicem esse appareret.

'from many conversations,' he says, 'I seem to have understood that you would value it greatly, if you could know all the true things about your sons— which of the two was assailed by which, by fraud and ambush. The one man of all who can unloose the knot of this error is in your power—Xychus. Since he has by chance been encountered and conducted into the palace, order that he be summoned.' Brought to the king, at first he denied so inconstantly that, with a small fear applied, it appeared he was a ready informer.

conspectum tortoris uerberumque non sustinuit, ordinemque omnem facinoris legatorum ministeriique sui exposuit. extemplo missi, qui legatos comprehenderent, Philoclem, qui praesens erat, oppresserunt: Apelles missus ad Chaeream quendam persequendum indicio Xychi audito in Italiam traiecit. de Philocle nihil certi uulgatum est: alii primo audaciter negantem, postquam in conspectum adductus sit Xychus, non ultra tetendisse, alii tormenta etiam infitiantem perpessum adfirmant.

He did not endure the sight of the torturer and of the lashings, and he set forth the whole order of the crime of the envoys and of his own ministry. At once men were sent to apprehend the envoys; they overpowered Philocles, who was present: Apelles, sent to pursue a certain Chaereas, on the evidence of Xychus heard, crossed over into Italy. About Philocles nothing certain was published: some say that, after at first denying boldly, once Xychus was brought into his sight, he did not hold out further; others affirm that he even, while denying, endured the tortures.

Philippo redintegratus est luctus geminatusque; et infelicitatem suam in liberis grauiorem, quod alter <su>peresset, censebat.

Philip’s grief was renewed and doubled; and he judged his misfortune in his children the graver, because the other survived.

[56] Perseus certior factus omnia detecta esse, potentior quidem erat, quam ut fugam necessariam duceret: tantum ut procul abesset, curabat, interim uelut ab incendio flagrantis irae, dum Philippus uiueret, se defensurus. <is> spe potiundi ad poenam corporis eius amissa, quod reliquum erat, id studere, ne super impunitatem etiam praemio sceleris frueretur. Antigonum igitur appellat, cui et palam facti parricidii gratia obnoxius erat, et nequa<quam> pudendum aut paenitendum eum regem Macedonibus propter recentem patrui Antigoni gloriam fore censebat.

[56] Perseus, made more certain that everything had been uncovered, was indeed more powerful than to deem flight necessary: he merely took care to be far away, meanwhile, as from a conflagration of blazing wrath, intending to defend himself so long as Philip lived. With the hope of obtaining his person for punishment lost, he applied himself to what remained: that he should not, over and above impunity, also enjoy a reward for his crime. Therefore he appeals to Antigonus, to whom he was openly beholden for the favor in the parricide that had been done, and he judged that it would be by no means shameful or to-be-regretted for the Macedonians that he should be king, on account of the recent glory of his paternal uncle Antigonus.

'quando in eam fortunam ueni,' inquit 'Antigone, ut orbitas mihi, quam alii detestantur parentes, optabilis esse debeat, regnum, quod a patruo tuo forti, non solum fideli, tutela eius custoditum et auctum etiam accepi, id tibi tradere in animo est. te unum habeo, quem dignum regno iudicem. si neminem haberem, perire et exstingui id mallem quam Perseo scelestae fraudis praemium esse.

'Since I have come into such a fortune,' he says, 'Antigonus, that childlessness, which other parents detest, ought to be desirable to me, I intend to hand over to you the kingdom, which I received safeguarded under the tutelage of your brave, and not only faithful, uncle and even augmented; you alone I hold, whom I judge worthy of the kingdom. If I had no one, I would prefer that it perish and be extinguished rather than be the reward to Perseus of wicked fraud.

Demetrium excitatum ab inferis restitutumque credam mihi, si te, qui morti innocentis, qui meo infelici errori unus illacrimasti, in locum eius substitutum relinquam.' ab hoc sermone omni genere honoris producere eum non destitit. cum in Thracia Perseus abesset, circumire Macedoniae urbes principibusque Antigonum commendare; et si uita longior suppetisset, haud dubium fuit, quin eum in possessione regni relicturus fuerit. ab Demetriade profectus Thessalonicae plurimum temporis moratus fuerat.

‘I would believe Demetrius raised from the Underworld and restored to me, if I should leave you, who alone wept for the death of the innocent, who alone wept for my unlucky error, set in his place.’ From this discourse he did not cease to escort him with every kind of honor. While Perseus was away in Thrace, he went around the cities of Macedonia and commended Antigonus to the leading men; and if a longer life had been afforded, there was no doubt that he would have left him in possession of the kingdom. Setting out from Demetrias, he had spent very much time at Thessalonica.

inde cum Amphipolim uenisset, graui morbo est implicitus. sed animo tamen aegrum magis fuisse quam corpore constat; curisque et uigiliis, cum identidem species et umbrae insontis interempti filii agitarent, exstinctum esse cum diris exsecrationibus alterius. tamen * * * admoueri potuisset Antigonus, si aut <affuisset aut> statim palam facta esset mors regis.

from there, when he had come to Amphipolis, he was seized by a grave illness. But it is agreed that he was ailing more in spirit than in body; and by cares and vigils, since again and again the apparitions and shades of his innocent son, slain, kept agitating him, he was extinguished, with dire execrations against the other. nevertheless * * * Antigonus could have been brought in, if either he had <been present or> the king’s death had at once been made public.

medicus Calligenes, qui curationi praeerat, non exspectata morte regis, a primis desperationis notis nuntios per dispositos <equos>, ita ut conuenerat, misit ad Perseum, et mortem regis in aduentum eius omnes, qui extra regiam erant, celauit.

The physician Calligenes, who presided over the treatment, without waiting for the king’s death, at the first indications of desperation sent messengers to Perseus by arranged relays of horses, as had been agreed, and he concealed the king’s death until his arrival from all who were outside the royal palace.

[57] Oppressit igitur necopinantes ignarosque omnes Perseus et regnum scelere partum inuasit. peropportuna mors Philippi fuit ad dilationem et ad uires bello subtrahendas. nam post paucis diebus gens Bastarnarum, diu sollicitata, ab suis sedibus magna peditum equitumque manu Histrum traiecit.

[57] Therefore Perseus overpowered all, unexpecting and unaware, and seized the kingdom engendered by crime. The death of Philip was very opportune for delay and for withdrawing forces from the war. For a few days later the nation of the Bastarnae, long solicited, from their own seats, with a great force of infantry and cavalry, crossed the Hister (Danube).

inde praegressi, qui nuntiarent regi, Antigonus et Cotto: <Cotto> nobilis erat Bastarna, Antigonus e regiis unus, saepe cum ipso Cottone legatus ad concitandos Bastarnas missus. haud procul Amphipoli fama, in<de> certi nuntii occurrerunt mortuum esse regem. quae res omnem ordinem consilii turbauit.

then going on ahead, to announce to the king, Antigonus and Cotto: <Cotto> was a noble Bastarnian; Antigonus, one of the royal household, often sent as a legate with Cotto himself to incite the Bastarnae. Not far from Amphipolis, rumor, in<de> reliable messengers, met them with the report that the king was dead. This matter threw the whole order of the plan into confusion.

compositum autem sic fuerat, transitum per Thraciam tutum et commeatus Bastarnis ut Philippus praestaret. id ut facere posset, regionum principes donis coluerat, fide sua obligata pacato agmine transituros Bastarnas. Dardanorum gentem delere propositum erat inque eorum agro sedes dare Bastarnis.

but it had been arranged thus: that Philip should provide a safe transit through Thrace and provisions for the Bastarni. That he might be able to do this, he had cultivated the princes of the regions with gifts, their good faith obligated by his pledge, that the Bastarni would pass in a pacified column. It was the plan to destroy the nation of the Dardani and to give settlements to the Bastarni in their territory.

duplex inde erat commodum futurum, si et Dardani, gens semper infestissima Macedoniae temporibusque iniquis regum imminens, tolleretur, et Bastarnae relictis in Dardania coniugibus liberisque ad populandam Italiam possent mitti. per Scordiscos iter esse ad mare Hadriaticum Italiamque; alia uia traduci exercitum non posse. facile Bastarnis Scordiscos iter daturos: nec enim aut lingua aut moribus [aequales] abhorrere; et ipsos adiuncturos se, cum ad praedam opulentissimae gentis ire uidissent.

a double advantage was going to result from this: both if the Dardanians—a people always most hostile to Macedonia and pressing upon it in the adverse times of the kings—were removed, and if the Bastarnae, with wives and children left in Dardania, could be sent to devastate Italy. the route, through the Scordisci, led to the Adriatic Sea and to Italy; by no other way could an army be conveyed. the Scordisci would readily grant a passage to the Bastarnae; for they were not alien either in language or in customs [as kindred], and they themselves would join, when they saw them going to the plunder of a most opulent nation.

inde in omnem euentum consilia <ac>commodabantur: siue caesi ab Romanis forent Bastarnae, Dardanos tamen sublatos praedamque ex reliquiis Bastarnarum et possessionem liberam Dardaniae solacio fore; siue prospere <rem> gessissent, Romanis auersis in Bastarnarum bellum recuperaturum se in Graecia, quae amisisset. haec Philippi consilia fuerant.

Then, for every eventuality, the counsels were being accommodated: whether the Bastarnae should be cut down by the Romans, nevertheless the Dardani removed and booty from the remnants of the Bastarnae, and free possession of Dardania, would be a consolation; or, if they had managed the matter prosperously, with the Romans turned away in the Bastarnae war, he would recover in Greece what he had lost. These had been Philip’s counsels.

[58] <Primum> ingressi sunt pacato agmine. <digressu> deinde Cottonis et Antigoni et haud multo post fama mortis Philippi neque Thraces commercio faciles erant, <neque> Bastarnae empto contenti esse poterant aut in agmine contineri, ne decederent uia. inde iniuriae ultro citroque fieri, quarum in dies incremento bellum exarsit.

[58] <At first> they entered in a pacified column. <On the departure> then of Cotto and Antigonus, and not long after at the report of Philip’s death, neither were the Thracians amenable to commerce, <nor> could the Bastarnae be content with purchase or be kept in the column, so that they might not depart from the road. From there injuries were done to and fro, and with their increment day by day the war blazed up.

postremo Thraces cum uim ac multitudinem sustinere hostium non possent, relictis campestribus uicis in montem ingentis altitudinis—Donucam uocant—concesserunt. quo <cum> subire Bastarnae uellent, quali tempestate Gallos spoliantes Delphos fama est peremptos esse, talis tum Bastarnas nequiquam ad iuga montium appropinquantes oppressit. neque enim imbre tantum effuso, dein creberrima grandine obruti sunt cum ingenti fragore caeli tonitribusque et fulguribus praestringentibus aciem oculorum, sed fulmina etiam sic undique micabant, ut peti uiderentur corpora, nec solum milites sed etiam principes icti caderent.

At last, when the Thracians could not sustain the force and multitude of the enemy, leaving the open-country villages they withdrew to a mountain of immense height—they call it Donuca. When the Bastarnae wished to climb up to it, a storm such as, the report goes, destroyed the Gauls while they were despoiling Delphi then overwhelmed the Bastarnae, who were advancing in vain toward the ridges of the mountains. For they were not only buried by rain poured forth and then by a most frequent hailstorm, with a huge crashing of the sky and with thunders and flashes dazzling the sharpness of their sight, but even lightning-bolts were flashing from all sides in such a way that their bodies seemed to be targeted, and not only soldiers but even leaders, when struck, fell.

itaque cum praecipiti fuga per rupes praealtas improuidi sternerentur ruerentque, instabant quidem perculsis Thraces, sed ipsi deos auctores fugae esse caelumque in se ruere aiebant. dissipati procella cum tamquam ex naufragio plerique semermes in castra, unde profecti erant, redissent, consultari, quid agerent, coeptum. inde orta dissensio, aliis redeundum aliis penetrandum in Dardaniam censentibus: triginta ferme milia hominum Clondico duce, <quo> profecti erant, peruenerunt, cetera multitudo retro, qua uenerat, Apolloniam Mesembriamque repetit.

and so, as in precipitate flight over very high crags the unwary were being strewn and were tumbling, the Thracians indeed pressed upon the panic‑stricken, but they themselves kept saying that the gods were the authors of the flight and that the sky was collapsing upon them. Scattered by the tempest, when, as if from a shipwreck, most, half‑armed, had returned to the camp whence they had set out, consultation began as to what they should do. Then a dissension arose, some judging that they must return, others that they must penetrate into Dardania: about 30,000 men, under Clondicus as leader, reached the place whither they had set out; the rest of the multitude went back the way it had come and made again for Apollonia and Mesembria.

Perseus potitus regno interfici Antigonum iussit; et dum firmaret res, legatos Romam ad amicitiam paternam renouandam petendumque, ut rex ab senatu appellaretur, misit. haec eo anno in Macedonia gesta.

Perseus, having gained possession of the kingdom, ordered Antigonus to be put to death; and while he was consolidating affairs, he sent legates to Rome to have the paternal amity renewed and to petition that he be styled king by the senate. These things were done that year in Macedonia.

[59] Alter consulum Q. Fuluius ex Liguribus triumphauit; quem triumphum magis gratiae quam rerum gestarum magnitudini datum constabat. armorum hostilium magnam uim transtulit, nullam pecuniam admodum. diuisit tamen in singulos milites trecenos aeris, duplex centurionibus, triplex equiti.

[59] The other of the consuls, Q. Fulvius, triumphed over the Ligurians; and it was agreed that this triumph was granted more to favor than to the magnitude of the deeds accomplished. He transferred a great quantity of enemy arms, but virtually no money. Nevertheless, he distributed to each soldier three hundred asses, double to the centurions, triple to a horseman.

nihil in eo triumpho magis insigne fuit, quam quod forte euenit, ut eodem die triumpharet, quo priore anno ex praetura triumphauerat. secundum triumphum comitia edixit, quibus creati consules sunt M. Iunius Brutus A. Manlius Uulso. praetorum inde tribus creatis comitia tempestas diremit.

Nothing in that triumph was more noteworthy than what happened by chance: that he triumphed on the same day on which in the previous year he had triumphed from the praetorship. Following the triumph he proclaimed the comitia, by which M. Iunius Brutus and A. Manlius Uulso were created consuls. Then, after three praetors had been created, a storm broke up the comitia.

postero die reliqui tres facti, ante diem quartum idus Martias, M. Titinius Curuus Ti. Claudius Nero T. Fonteius Capito. ludi Romani instaurati ab aedilibus curulibus Cn. Seruilio Caepione Ap. Claudio Centone propter prodigia, quae euenerant. terra mouit; in fanis publicis, ubi lectisternium erat, deorum capita, quae in lectis erant, auerterunt se, lanxque cum integumentis, quae Ioui apposita fuit, decidit de mensa.

on the next day the remaining three were elected, on the fourth day before the Ides of March, M. Titinius Curvus, Ti. Claudius Nero, T. Fonteius Capito. the Roman Games were renewed by the curule aediles Cn. Servilius Caepio and Ap. Claudius Cento on account of prodigies which had occurred. the earth moved; in the public fanes, where there was a lectisternium, the heads of the gods, which were on the couches, turned themselves away, and the platter with the coverings which had been set before Jupiter fell from the table.

oleas quoque praegustasse mures in prodigium uersum est. ad ea expianda nihil ultra, quam ut ludi instaurarentur, actum est.

The fact that the mice had pre-tasted the olives was also turned into a prodigy. For the expiation of these, nothing further was done than that the games were renewed.