Sallust: FRAGMENTA HISTORIARUM

[1] I composed the affairs of the Roman people in the consulship of Marcus Lepidus and Quintus Catulus, and thereafter the deeds carried out in military service and at home.

[2] Nam a principio urbis ad bellum Persi Macedonicum.

[2] For from the beginning of the City to the Macedonian war against Perseus.

[3] [Cato] Romani generis disertissimus paucis absolvit . . . Fannio veritatem [tradidit Sallustius].

[3] [Cato], the most eloquent of the Roman race, summed it up in few words . . . to Fannius the truth [Sallust handed down].

[4] Recens scriptum.

[4] Recently written.

[5] Nos in tanta doctissimorum hominum copia.

[5] We in so great an abundance of most learned men.

[6] ADNOTATIO SVPER LVCANVMQuod Cato hic rogatione Clodii missus est Cyprum, ut cerneret hereditatem regis Ptolemaei, qui defunctus vita populum Romanum heredem fecerat; meminit huius Sallustius in principio libri primi historiae.

[6] ANNOTATION ON LUCANThat here Cato, by the rogation of Clodius, was sent to Cyprus to adjudge the inheritance of King Ptolemy, who, deceased, had made the Roman people heir; Sallust makes mention of this at the beginning of the first book of the History.

[7] Neque me diversa pars in civilibus armis movit a vero.

[7] Nor did the opposing party in the civil war move me from the truth.

[8] Nobis primae dissensiones vitio humani ingeni evenere, quod inquies atque indomitum semper in certamine libertatis aut gloriae aut dominationis agit.

[8] For us the first dissensions occurred through the vice of human nature, which, unquiet and indomitable, is always active in the contest of liberty or glory or domination.

[9] Res Romana plurimum imperio valuit Ser. Sulpicio et M. Marcello consulibus, omni Gallia cis Rhenum atque inter mare nostrum atque Occanum, nisi qua a paludibus invia fuit, perdomita. Optimis autem moribus et maxima concordia egit inter secundum atque postremum bellum Carthaginiense.

[9] The Roman state was at its strongest in imperial power under the consuls Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus, all
Gaul on this side of the Rhine and between our sea and the Ocean, except where it was impassable because of marshes,
being thoroughly subdued. Moreover, it conducted itself with the best morals and the greatest concord between
the second and the last Carthaginian war.

[10] At discordia et avaritia atque ambitio et cetera secundis rebus oriri sueta mala post Carthaginis excidium maxime aucta sunt. Nam iniuriae validiorum et ob eas discessio plebis a patribus aliaeque dissensiones domi fuere iam inde a principio, neque amplius quam regibus exactis, dum metus a Tarquinio et bellum grave cum Etruria positum est, aequo et modesto iure agitatum. Dein servili imperio patres plebem exercere, de vita atque tergo regio more consulere, agro pellere et, ceteris expertibus, soli in imperio agere.

[10] But discord and avarice and ambition and the other evils accustomed to arise in prosperous circumstances were especially increased after the destruction of Carthage. For the injustices of the stronger, and on account of these the secession of the plebs from the patres, and other dissensions at home, existed already from the beginning; nor more than when the kings had been driven out—while fear of Tarquin and a grievous war with Etruria lay upon them—was it conducted with equal and moderate law. Then, with a servile rule, the patres exercised the plebs, they deliberated about life and the back in royal fashion, they drove them from their land, and, the others deprived, they alone acted in power.

Quibus saevitiis et maxime fenore oppressa plebes cum assiduis bellis tributum simul et militiam toleraret, armata montem sacrum atque Aventinum insedit, tumque tribunos plebis et alia sibi iura paravit. Discordiarum et certaminis utrimque finis fuit secundum bellum Punicum.

By these cruelties and
especially by usury oppressed, the plebs, since amid continual wars it was enduring tribute together with
military service, armed, occupied the Sacred Mount and the Aventine, and then
procured for itself tribunes of the plebs and other rights. The end of discords and of contention on both sides
came after the Second Punic War.

[11] Quietam a bellis civitatem.

[11] A commonwealth at rest from wars.

[12] Postquam remoto metu Punico simultates exercere vacuum fuit, plurimae turbae, seditiones et ad postremum bella civilia orta sunt, dum pauci potentes, quorum in gratiam plerique concesserant, sub honesto patrum aut plebis nomine dominationes affectabant; bonique et mali cives appellati non ob merita in rempublicam, omnibus pariter corruptis; sed uti quisque locupletissimus et iniuria validior, quia praesentia defendebat, pro bono ducebatur.

[12] After the Punic fear had been removed, there was room to exercise enmities, very many tumults, seditions, and at last civil wars arose, while a few powerful men, into whose favor the majority had yielded, under the honorable name of the Fathers or the Plebs, were aiming at dominations; and good and bad citizens were so called not on account of merits toward the commonwealth, all alike being corrupted; but in proportion as each was most wealthy and stronger in injustice, because he defended the present state of things, he was reckoned as good.

[13] Ex quo tempore maiorum mores non paulatim, ut antea, sed torrentis modo praecipitati; adeo iuventus luxu atque avaritia corrupta, ut merito dicatur, genitos esse, qui neque ipsi habere possent res familiaris, neque alios pati.

[13] From that time the customs of the ancestors not gradually, as before, but in the manner of a torrent were hurled headlong; to such a degree was the youth corrupted by luxury and avarice, that it may rightly be said that there were born those who could neither themselves possess a private estate, nor allow others to do so.

[14] Omnium partium decus in mercedem corruptum erat.

[14] The honor of all parties had been corrupted for mercenary pay.

[15] AVGVSTINVSEo quippe tempore disputatur, quo iam unus Gracchorum occisus fuit, a quo scribit seditiones graves coepisse Sallustius.

[15] AUGUSTINEFor indeed it is debated as belonging to that time, when already one of the Gracchi had been slain, from which grave seditions began Sallust.

[16] Tantum antiquitatis curaeque maioribus pro Italica gente fuit.

[16] So great was the concern for antiquity and the care of the ancestors on behalf of the Italian race.

[17] Citra Padum omnibus lex Licinia ingrata fuit.

[17] On this side of the Po, the Licinian law was unwelcome to all.

[18] Atque omnis Italia animis discessit.

[18] And all Italy departed in spirit.

[19] Post defectionem sociorum et Latii.

[19] After the defection of the allies and of Latium.

[20] Quippe vasta Italia rapinis, fuga, caedibus.

[20] Indeed Italy was devastated by rapine, flight, and slaughters.

[21] Postremo ipsos colonos per miserias et incerta humani generis orare.

[21] At last the colonists themselves, on account of the miseries and the uncertainties of the human race, were pleading.

[22] Incidit forte per noctem in lenunculum piscantis.

[22] By chance, during the night, he happened upon a fisherman's little skiff.

[23] Bellum, quibus posset condicionibus, desineret.

[23] The war, under what conditions it might cease.

[24] Nihil esse de republica neque libertate populi Romani pactum.

[24] that nothing had been stipulated concerning the republic nor the liberty of the Roman people.

[25] Nexuit catenae modo.

[25] He linked together in the mode of a chain.

[26] Libertatis insueti.

[26] Unaccustomed to liberty.

[27] Quis rebus Sulla suspectis maximeque ferocia regis Mithridatis in tempore bellaturi.

[27] With these matters suspect to Sulla, and most especially the ferocity of King Mithridates, they were about to wage war in time.

[28] Maturaverunt exercitum Dyrrachium cogere.

[28] They hastened to concentrate the army at Dyrrachium.

[29] Inde ortus sermo, percuntantibus utrimque: satin salve, quam grati ducibus suis, quantis familiaribus copiis agerent.

[29] Then conversation arose, with both sides cross-questioning: all well? how much in favor with their leaders they were, with how many household forces they were proceeding.

[30] ADNOTATIO SVPER LVCANVMSulla de Asia regressus pugnavit cum Mario adulescente, qui victus Praeneste fugit. Hic est Marius, qui invita matre Iulia adeptus est consulatum, de quo Sallustius meminit.

[30] ANNOTATION ON LUCANSulla, having returned from Asia, fought with Marius the Younger, who, defeated, fled to Praeneste. This is the Marius who against the will of his mother Julia obtained the consulship, of whom Sallust makes mention.

[31] Et Marius victus duplicaverat bellum.

[31] And Marius, defeated, had duplicated the war.

[32] Apud Praeneste locatus.

[32] At Praeneste stationed.

[33] Carbo turpi formidine Italiam atque exercitum deseruit.

[33] Carbo in shameful fear deserted Italy and the army.

[34] Vt Sullani fugam in noctem componerent.

[34] That the Sullan partisans might arrange their flight for the night.

[35] Vt Sullae dominatio quam ultum ierat desideratur.

[35] How Sulla’s domination, which he had gone to avenge, is desired.

[36] Vt in M. Mario, cui fracta prius crura, bracchiaque, et oculi effossi, scilicet ut per singulos artus exspiraret.

[36] As in
M. Marius, whose legs were first broken, and his arms as well, and his eyes gouged out—namely so that
he might expire through each single limb.

[37] Et liberis eius avunculus erat.

[37] And he was the maternal uncle of his children.

[38] Cum arae et alia diis sacrata supplicum sanguine foedarentur.

[38] When the altars and other things consecrated to the gods were defiled with the blood of suppliants.

[39] LYDVSThe nomenclators, as Aemilius says in his commentary on the Histories of Sallustius, are those who indicate and name the Roman citizens.

[40] Igitur venditis proscriptorum bonis aut dilargitis.

[40] Therefore, with the goods of the proscribed having been sold or distributed as largess.

[41] Nihil ob tantam mercedem sibi abnuituros.

[41] Nothing on account of so great a reward would they refuse to themselves.

[42] Quo patefactum est rempublicam praedae, non libertati repetitam.

[42] Whereby it was revealed that the republic had been recovered for spoil, not for liberty.

[43] Et relatus inconditae olim vitae mos, ut omne ius in viribus esset.

[43] And the custom of a once unregulated life was brought back, so that all right lay in force.

[44] Simulans sibi alvom purgari.

[44] Feigning an alvine purgation.

[45] Id bellum excitabat metus Pompei victoris Hiempsalem in regnum restituentis.

[45] That war was being stirred up by fear of Pompey the victor, who was restoring Hiempsal to his kingdom.

[46] Magnis operibus perfectis obsidium cepit per L. Catilinam legatum.

[46] With great works completed, he began the siege through L. Catiline, his legate.

[47] De praefecto urbis quasi possessione reipublicae magna utrimque vi contendebatur.

[47] Concerning the Prefect of the City, as over the possession of the republic, it was contended with great force on both sides.

[48] Clementia et probitas vostra, Quirites, quibus per ceteras gentis maxumi et clari estis, plurumum timoris mihi faciunt advorsum tyrannidem L. Sullae, ne, quae ipsi nefanda aestumatis, ea parum credundo de aliis circumveniamini—praesertim cum illi spes omnis in scelere atque perfidia sit neque se aliter tutum putet, quam si peior atque intestabilior metu vostro fuerit, quo captis libertatis curam miseria eximat—aut, si provideritis, in tutandis periculis magis quam ulciscendo teneamini.

[48] Your clemency and probity, Quirites, by which among the other peoples you are most eminent and renowned, cause me very great fear in the face of the tyranny of L. Sulla, lest, the very things which you yourselves deem unspeakable, by too little believing them of others, you be circumvented—especially since all his hope is in crime and perfidy, nor does he think himself safe otherwise than if he be worse and more intestable than your fear, so that, once you are taken captive, by misery he may strip from you the concern for liberty—or, if you do foresee, that you be occupied more with safeguarding against dangers than with avenging.

2 Satellites quidem eius, homines maxumi nominis optumis maiorum exemplis, nequeo satis mirari, qui dominationis in vos servitium suum mercedem dant et utrumque per iniuriam malunt quam optumo iure liberi agere, 3 praeclara Brutorum atque Aemiliorum et Lutatiorum proles, geniti ad ea quae maiores virtute peperere subvortunda. 4 Nam quid a Pyrrho, Hannibale, Philippoque et Antiocho defensum est aliud quam libertas et suae cuique sedes, neu cui nisi legibus pareremus? 5 Quae cuncta scaevos iste Romulus quasi ab externis rapta tenet, non tot excercituum clade neque consulum et aliorum principum, quos fortuna belli consumpserat, satiatus, sed tum crudelior, cum plerosque secundae res in miserationem ex ira vortunt.

2 Indeed his satellites, men of the greatest name with the best exemplars of their ancestors, I cannot enough marvel at, who pay their own servitude as the price for his domination over you, and prefer both, by injustice, rather than to live free by the best right, 3 illustrious progeny of the Bruti and the Aemilii and the Lutatii, born to overturn those things which your elders by virtue procured. 4 For what was defended against Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philip, and Antiochus other than liberty and each man’s own seats, and that we should obey none except the laws? 5 All which things that ill-omened Romulus holds as if snatched from foreigners, not sated by the disaster of so many armies nor by the consuls and other chiefs whom the fortune of war had consumed, but then more cruel, when favorable circumstances turn most men from anger to compassion.

6 Quin solus omnium post memoriam humani generis supplicia in post futuros composuit, quis prius iniuria quam vita certa esset, pravissumeque per sceleris immanitatem adhuc tutus fuit, dum vos metu gravioris serviti a repetunda libertate terremini.

6 Nay rather, he alone of all since the memory of the human race has contrived punishments for those to come after, for whom injustice was more certain than life; and most perversely, through the immanity of his crime, he has thus far been safe, while you, by fear of a heavier servitude, are being terrified away from reclaiming your liberty.

7 Agundum atque obviam eundum est, Quirites, ne spolia vostra penes illum sint, non prolatandum neque votis paranda auxilia. Nisi forte speratis taedium iam aut pudorem tyrannidis Sullae esse et eum per scelus occupata periculosius dimissurum. 8 At ille eo processit, ut nihil gloriosum nisi tutum et omnia retinendae dominationis honesta aestumet.9 Itaque illa quies et otium cum libertate, quae multi probi potius quam laborem cum honoribus capessebant, nulla sunt; 10 hac tempestate serviundum aut imperitandum, habendus metus est aut faciundus, Quirites.

7 Action must be taken and we must go to meet him, Quirites, lest your spoils be in his possession, no delaying, nor are auxiliaries to be procured by vows. Unless perhaps you hope that there is now a weariness or a shame at Sulla’s tyranny, and that he will, to his greater peril, let go what he seized by crime. 8 But he has advanced to this point, that he esteems nothing glorious unless it is safe, and everything honorable that serves the retaining of domination.9 Therefore that quiet and leisure with liberty, which many upright men used to choose rather than toil with honors, do not exist; 10 at this crisis one must serve or command, fear must be felt or made, Quirites.

Nam quid ultra? 11 Quaeve humana superant aut divina impolluta sunt? Populus Romanus, paulo ante gentium moderator, exutus imperio, gloria, iure, agitandi inops despectusque, ne servilia quidem alimenta reliqua habet.

For what remains beyond? 11 Or what human things survive, or divine things remain undefiled? The Roman People, a little before the ruler of nations, stripped of dominion, glory, and right, destitute of the means of action and despised, has not even servile sustenance left.

12 Sociorum et Lati magna vis civitate pro multis et egregiis factis a vobis data per unum prohibentur et plebis innoxiae patrias sedes occupavere pauci satellites mercedem scelerum. 13 Leges, iudicia, aerarium, provinciae, reges penes unum, denique necis civium et vitae licentia. 14 Simul humanas hostias vidistis et sepulcra infecta sanguine civili.

12 A great multitude of Allies and Latins, to whom citizenship was given by you for many and excellent deeds, are barred by a single man, and a few henchmen have occupied the ancestral seats of the innocent plebeians as the wage of their crimes. 13 The laws, the courts, the treasury, the provinces, the kings are in the hands of one; finally, the license over the death and life of citizens. 14 At the same time you have seen human sacrifices and sepulchres stained with the blood of citizens.

15 Estne viris reliqui aliud quam solvere iniuriam aut mori per virtutem? Quoniam quidem unum omnibus finem natura vel ferro saeptis statuit neque quisquam extremam necessitatem nihil ausus nisi muliebri ingenio exspectat.

15 Is there left to men anything other than to redress the injury or to die by valor? Since indeed nature has appointed one end for all, even for those fenced with iron, nor does anyone await the ultimate necessity, having dared nothing, except with a womanish disposition.

16 Verum ego seditiosus, uti Sulla ait, qui praemia turbarum queror, et bellum cupiens, qui iura pacis repeto. 17 Scilicet, quia non aliter salvi satisque tuti in imperio eritis, nisi Vettius Picens et scriba Cornelius aliena bene parata prodegerint; nisi approbaritis omnes proscriptionem innoxiorum ob divitias, cruciatus virorum illustrium, vastam urbem fuga et caedibus, bona civium miserorum quasi Cimbricam praedam venum aut dono datam. 18 At obiectat mihi possessiones ex bonis proscriptorum; quod quidem scelerum illius vel maxumum est, non me neque quemquam omnium satis tutum fuisse, si recte faceremus.

16 But I am the seditious one, as Sulla says, I who complain of the prizes of tumults, and a lover of war, I who demand the rights of peace. 17 Of course, because you will not otherwise be safe and sufficiently secure in power, unless Vettius the Picentine and the scribe Cornelius have squandered others’ well‑gotten goods; unless you all have approved the proscription of the innocent on account of riches, the tortures of illustrious men, the vast city laid waste by flight and slaughters, the goods of wretched citizens set for sale or given as a gift like Cimbrian plunder. 18 But he objects to me possessions from the property of the proscribed; and indeed this is the greatest of that man’s crimes, that neither I nor anyone at all was sufficiently safe, if we were doing right.

Atque illa, quae tum formidine mercatus sum, pretio soluto iure dominis tamen restituo, neque pati consilium est ullam ex civibus praedam esse. 19 Satis illa fuerint, quae rabie contracta toleravimus, manus conserentis inter se Romanos exercitus et arma ab externis in nosmet vorsa; scelerum et contumeliarum omnium finis sit; quorum adeo Sullam non paenitet, ut et facta in gloria numeret et, si liceat, avidius fecerit.

And those things which I then purchased in fear, with the price paid, I nevertheless restore by right to their owners, nor is it my plan to allow any booty to be made from citizens. 19 Let those things suffice which, contracted in frenzy, we have endured,—the Roman armies joining battle among themselves and arms turned by foreigners against ourselves; let there be an end of all crimes and contumelies; of which things Sulla is so little penitent that he both counts the deeds in the roll of glory and, if it were permitted, would have done them more avidly.

20 Neque iam quid existumetis de illo, sed quantum audeatis vereor, ne alius alium principem expectantes ante capiamini, non opibus eius, quae futiles et corruptae sunt, sed vostra socordia, qua raptum ire licet et quam audeat, tam videri Felicem. 21 Nam praeter satellites commaculatos quis eadem volt aut quis non omnia mutata praeter victoriam? Scilicet milites, quorum sanguine Tarulae Scirtoque, pessumis servorum, divitiae partae sunt?

20 And now I fear not what you think of that man, but how much you dare, lest, each waiting for someone else as leader, you be seized beforehand—not by his resources, which are futile and corrupt, but by your sluggishness, under cover of which it is allowed to rush to plunder, and by which, just in proportion as he dares, he seems so “Felix.” 21 For, apart from his besmirched henchmen, who wants the same things, or who does not wish everything changed except the victory? Surely the soldiers, by whose blood wealth has been procured for Tarula and Scirtus, the worst of slaves?

22 An quibus praelatus in magistratibus capiundis Fufidius, ancilla turpis, honorum omnium dehonestamentum? Itaque maxumam mihi fiduciam parit victor exercitus, cui per tot volnera et labores nihil praeter tyrannum quaesitum est. 23 Nisi forte tribuniciam potestatem evorsum profecti sunt per arma, conditam a maioribus suis, utique iura et iudicia sibimet extorquerent, egregia scilicet mercede, cum relegati in paludes et silvas contumeliam atque invidiam suam, praemia penes paucos intellegerent.

22 Or to those over whom in
the seizing of magistracies Fufidius—a vile maidservant, the disgrace of all honors—has been preferred? Therefore the victorious army gives me the greatest confidence, for whom through so many wounds and
labors nothing except a tyrant has been procured. 23 Unless perhaps they set out by arms to overthrow the tribunician
power, founded by their ancestors, namely so that they might extort rights and judgments for themselves—an egregious wage, no doubt—when, relegated into
marshes and forests, they should understand that the insult and the odium were theirs, the rewards in the hands of a few.

24 Quare igitur tanto agmine atque animis incedit? Quia secundae res mire sunt vitiis optentui, quibus labefactis, quam formidatus est, tam contemnetur. Nisi forte specie concordiae et pacis, quae sceleri et parricidio suo nomina indidit.

24 Why, then, does he advance with so great a column and with such spirits? Because prosperous circumstances are marvelously a cover for vices; which, once undermined, he will be despised as much as he was feared. Unless perhaps by the semblance of concord and peace, which he has imposed as names upon his crime and parricide.

Neque aliter rem publicam et belli finem ait, nisi maneat expulsa agris plebes, praeda civilis acerbissuma, ius iudiciumque omnium rerum penes se, quod populi Romani fuit. 25 Quae si vobis pax et composita intelleguntur, maxuma turbamenta rei publicae atque exitia probate, annuite legibus impositis, accipite otium cum servitio et tradite exemplum posteris ad rem publicam suimet sanguinis mercede circumveniundam!

Nor, he says, is there any other settlement of the republic and end of the war, unless the plebs remains driven from their fields, the most bitter booty of civil strife, and the right and judgment of all matters be in his control, which belonged to the Roman people. 25 If these are understood by you as peace and a settlement, approve the greatest disturbances and destructions of the republic, assent to the laws imposed, accept leisure with servitude, and hand down to posterity an example for the republic to be circumvented at the price of its own blood!

26 Mihi quamquam per hoc summum imperium satis quaesitum erat nomini maiorum, dignitati atque etiam praesidio, tamen non fuit consilium privatas opes facere, potiorque visa est periculosa libertas quieto servitio. 27 Quae si probatis, adeste, Quirites, et bene iuvantibus divis M. Aemilium consulem ducem et auctorem sequimini ad recipiundam libertatem!

26 Although for me through this highest imperium enough had been sought for the name of my ancestors, for dignity and even for protection, nevertheless it was not the plan to make private opulence, and dangerous liberty seemed preferable to quiet servitude. 27 If you approve these things, be present, Quirites, and with the gods kindly aiding, follow M. Aemilius the consul as leader and author to recover liberty!

[49] Nam Sullae dominationem queri non audebat . . . qua fuit offensus.

[49] For he did not dare to complain of Sulla’s domination . . . by which he was offended.

[50] Mox tanta flagitia in tali viro pudet dicere.

[50] Next it is shameful to speak of such flagitious deeds in such a man.

[51] Vt in ore gentibus agens.

[51] So that on the lips of the nations he lives.

[52] Insanum aliter sua sententia atque aliorum mulierum.

[52] Insane, otherwise in his own opinion than in that of other women.

[53] PLUTARCH . . . Sulla . . . was living in lewdness and adultery, as Sallustius says.

[53] PLUTARCH . . . Sulla . . . was living in lewdness and adultery, as Sallust says.

[54] Idem fecere Octavius et Q. Caepio sine gravi cuiusquam expetatione, neque sane ambiti publice.

[54] The same did Octavius and Q. Caepio, without serious expectation on anyone’s part, nor indeed were they publicly courted.

[55] Quin lenones et vinarii laniique, [et] quorum praeterea volgus in dies usum habet, pretio compositi.

[55] Nay, even pimps and wine-sellers and butchers, [and] those besides whom the crowd has daily use of, were brought to terms for a price.

[56] Tyrannumque et Cinnam maxima voce appellans.

[56] and, in the loudest voice, calling him “tyrant” and “Cinna.”

[57] Magna vis hominum convenerat agris pulsa aut civitate eiecta.

[57] Great was the multitude of men that had assembled, driven from their fields or ejected from the city.

[58] Vti Lepidus et Catulus decretis exercitibus maturrime proficiscerentur.

[58] That
Lepidus and Catulus should set out with the decreed armies as speedily as possible.

[59] Tunc vero Etrusci cum ceteris eiusdem causae ducem se nanctos rati maximo gaudio bellum irritare.

[59] Then indeed the Etruscans, together with the others of the same cause, thinking that they had found a leader for themselves, with the greatest joy provoked the war.

[60] Prudens omnium, quae senatus censuerat.

[60] Privy to all that the senate had decreed.

[61] Igitur senati decreto serviundumne sit?

[61] Therefore, should the decree of the senate be obeyed?

[62] Plebei tribuniciam potestatem.

[62] The plebeian tribunician power.

[63] Lepidum paenitentem consili.

[63] Lepidus repentant of his counsel.

[64] Etruria omnis cum Lepido suspecta in tumultum erat.

[64] All Etruria, together with Lepidus, was suspected of uprising.

[65] Nam talia incepta, ni in consultorem vertissent, reipublicae pestem factura.

[65] For such undertakings, if they had not turned upon the adviser, would have brought a pestilence upon the Republic.

[66] [Philippus], qui aetate et consilio ceteros anteibat.

[66] [Philip], who in age and counsel outstripped the others.

[67] Maxume vellem, patres conscripti, rem publicam quietam esse aut in periculis a promptissumo quoque defendi, denique prava incepta consultoribus noxae esse. Sed contra seditionibus omnia turbata sunt et ab eis quos prohibere magis decebat; postremo, quae pessumi et stultissumi decrevere, ea bonis et sapientibus faciunda sunt. 2 Nam bellum atque arma, quamquam vobis invisa, tamen quia Lepido placent, sumunda sunt, nisi forte cui pacem praestare et bellum pati consilium est.

[67] Most of all I would wish, Conscript Fathers, that the Republic were at rest, or, in dangers, to be defended by each most-ready man; finally, that crooked undertakings be harmful to their advisers. But, on the contrary, everything has been thrown into turmoil by seditions, and by those who ought rather to have prevented them; lastly, the things which the worst and most foolish have decreed must be carried out by the good and wise. 2 For war and arms, although hateful to you, nevertheless, because they please Lepidus, must be taken up, unless perhaps someone’s policy is to furnish peace and to endure war.

3 Pro di boni, qui hanc urbem omissam cura nostra adhuc tegitis, M. Aemilius, omnium flagitiosorum postremus, qui peior an ignavior sit deliberari non potest, exercitum opprimundae libertatis habet et se e contempto metuendum effecit; vos mussantes et retractantes verbis et vatum carminibus pacem optatis magis quam defenditis, neque intellegitis mollitia decretorum vobis dignitatem, illi metum detrahi. 4 Atque id iure; quoniam ex rapinis consulatum, ob seditionem provinciam cum exercitu adeptus est, quid ille ob bene facta cepisset, cuius sceleribus tanta praemia tribuistis?

3 O good gods, who still shelter this city, neglected by our care, M. Aemilius, the last of all the flagitious, about whom it cannot be deliberated whether he is worse or more craven, has an army for the oppressing of liberty and has made himself, from being despised, to be feared; you, muttering and retracting, with words and with the songs of seers, desire peace rather than defend it, nor do you understand that by the softness of your decrees dignity is stripped from you, from him fear. 4 And that with good reason; since by rapine he obtained the consulship, and on account of sedition a province with an army, what would he have received for good deeds, on whose crimes you have bestowed such great rewards?

5 At scilicet eos, qui ad postremum usque legatos, pacem, concordiam, et alia huiuscemodi decreverunt, gratiam ab eo peperisse! Immo despecti et indigni re publica habiti praedae loco aestumantur, quippe metu pacem repetentes, quo habitam amiserant. 6 Equidem a principio, cum Etruriam coniurare, proscriptos arcessi, largitionibus rem publicam lacerari videbam, maturandum putabam et Catuli consilia cum paucis secutus sum; ceterum illi qui gentis Aemiliae bene facta extollebant et ignoscundo populi Romani magnitudinem auxisse, nusquam etiam tum Lepidum progressum aiebant, cum privata arma opprimundae libertatis cepisset, sibi quisque opes aut patrocinia quaerundo consilium publicum corruperunt.

5 But of course those who down to the very end decreed envoys, peace, concord, and other things of this kind, have won his favor! No indeed—despised and held unworthy of the commonwealth, they are valued as plunder, since, in fear, they demand peace anew, by which fear they lost the peace they had held. 6 For my part, from the beginning, when I saw Etruria conspiring, the proscribed being summoned, and the commonwealth torn by largesses, I thought there must be haste and I, with a few, followed the counsels of Catulus; but those who were extolling the good deeds of the Aemilian gens and that by pardoning they had augmented the greatness of the Roman people, were saying that Lepidus had not even then advanced at all, when he had taken up private arms for the oppression of liberty; and each man, by seeking wealth or patronages for himself, ruined the public counsel.

7 At tum erat Lepidus latro cum calonibus et paucis sicariis, quorum nemo diurna mercede vitam mutaverit; nunc est pro consule cum imperio non empto sed dato a vobis, cum legatis adhuc iure parentibus, et ad eum concurrere homines omnium ordinum corruptissumi, flagrantes inopia et cupidinibus, scelerum conscientia exagitati, quibus quies in seditionibus, in pace turbae sunt. Hi tumultum ex tumultu, bellum ex bello serunt, Saturnini olim, post Sulpici, dein Mari Damasippique, nunc Lepidi satellites. 8 Praeterea Etruria atque omnes reliquiae belli arrectae, Hispaniae armis sollicitae, Mithridates in latere vectigalium nostrorum quibus adhuc sustentamur, diem bello circumspicit; quin praeter idoneum ducem nihil abest ad subvortundum imperium.

7 But then Lepidus was a brigand with camp-servants and a few assassins, of whom not one would have bartered his life for a day’s wage; now he is proconsul with imperium not purchased but bestowed by you, with legates still by right obeying, and to him there flock men of all orders most corrupt, blazing with want and desires, harried by the consciousness of crimes—men for whom quiet is in seditions, in peace there are disturbances. These sow tumult out of tumult, war out of war—once satellites of Saturninus, afterward of Sulpicius, then of Marius and Damasippus, now of Lepidus. 8 Besides, Etruria and all the remnants of the war are aroused, the Spains are stirred to arms, Mithridates, on the flank of our revenues by which we are still sustained, is watching for a day for war; indeed, apart from a suitable leader, nothing is lacking to subvert the commonwealth.

9 Quod ego vos oro atque obsecro, patres conscripti, ut animadvortatis neu patiamini licentiam scelerum quasi rabiem ad integros contactu procedere; nam ubi malos praemia secuntur, haud facile quisquam gratuito bonus est. 10 An expectatis dum exercitu rursus admoto ferro atque flamma urbem invadat? Quod multo propius est ab eo quo agitat statu, quam ex pace et concordia ad arma civilia.

9 Which I beg and beseech you, conscript fathers, to take note of, and not to allow the license of crimes, as if a rabies, to advance by contact to the intact; for when rewards follow the wicked, hardly is anyone good without recompense. 10 Or are you waiting until, the army again brought up, he assaults the city with iron and flame? That is much nearer from the posture in which he is conducting himself than a passage from peace and concord to civil arms.

11 Quae ille advorsum divina et humana omnia cepit, non pro sua aut quorum simulat iniuria, sed legum ac libertatis subvortundae. Agitur enim ac laceratur animi cupidine et noxarum metu, expers consili, inquies, haec atque illa temptans, metuit otium, odit bellum, luxu atque licentia carendum videt atque interim abutitur vostra socordia.

11 The things which he has undertaken against everything divine and human, not for his own wrong or for the wrongs of those whose injury he pretends, but for the subverting of the laws and of liberty. For he is driven and torn by desire of soul and by fear of his crimes, lacking counsel, restless, trying this and that; he fears leisure, he hates war, he sees that luxury and license must be foregone, and meanwhile he abuses your sloth.

12 Neque mihi satis consili est, metum an ignaviam an dementiam eam appellem, qui videmini tanta mala quasi fulmen optare se quisque ne attingat, sed prohibere ne conari quidem.

12 Nor have I counsel enough to know whether to call it fear, or cowardice, or even madness, that you—who each seem to wish that such great evils, like a thunderbolt, may not touch himself—do not even attempt to prohibit them.

13 Et quaeso considerate quam convorsa rerum natura sit; antea malum publicum occulte, auxilia palam instruebantur et eo boni malos facile anteibant: nunc pax et concordia disturbantur palam, defenduntur occulte; quibus illa placent in armis sunt, vos in metu. Quid expectatis? Nisi forte pudet aut piget recte facere.

13 And I beg, consider how overturned the nature of things is; formerly the public evil was contrived in secret, the auxiliaries were arrayed openly, and thereby the good easily outpaced the bad: now peace and concord are disturbed openly, they are defended in secret; those to whom these things are pleasing are in arms, you are in fear. What are you waiting for? Unless perhaps you are ashamed or it irks you to act rightly.

14 An Lepidi mandata animos movere? Qui placere ait sua cuique reddi et aliena tenet, belli iura rescindi, cum ipse armis cogat, civitatem confirmari, quibus ademptam negat, concordiae gratis tribuniciam potestatem restitui, ex qua omnes discordiae accensae.

14 Do the mandates of Lepidus move your minds? He who says it is his pleasure that to each his own be given back and yet holds what is another’s; that the rights of war be rescinded, while he himself compels by arms; that citizenship be confirmed to those from whom he denies it has been taken away; that, for the sake of concord, the tribunician power be restored, from which all discords have been enkindled.

15 Pessume omnium atque impudentissume, tibine egestas civium et luctus curae sunt? Cui nihil est domi nisi armis partum aut per iniuriam! Alterum consulatum petis, quasi primum reddideris, bello concordiam quaeris quo parta disturbatur, nostri proditor, istis infidus, hostis omnium bonorum!

15 Worst of all and most impudent, are the citizens’ indigence and mourning a concern to you? You, who have nothing at home except what has been gotten by arms or through injustice! You seek a second consulship, as if you had repaid the first; you seek concord by war, by which what was won is disturbed, a traitor to us, treacherous to those, an enemy of all good men!

Vt te neque hominum neque deorum pudet, quos per fidem aut periurio violasti!

That you are not ashamed before men nor before gods, whom you have violated in faith or by perjury!

16 Qui quando talis es, maneas in sententia et retineas arma te hortor, neu prolatandis seditionibus, inquies ipse, nos in sollicitudine attineas; neque te provinciae neque leges neque di penates civem patiuntur; perge qua coeptas, ut quam maturrume merita invenias.

16 Since you are such as you are, I exhort you to remain in your resolve and to keep your arms, and not, by protracting seditions, you yourself say, to hold us in anxiety; neither the provinces nor the laws nor the Penates suffer you as a citizen; go on where you have begun, so that you may find your deserts as soon as possible.

17 Vos autem, patres conscripti, quo usque cunctando rem publicam intutam patiemini et verbis arma temptabitis? Dilectus advorsus vos habiti, pecuniae publice et privatim extortae, praesidia deducta atque imposita, ex lubidine leges imperantur, cum interim vos legatos et decreta paratis. Quanto mehercule avidius pacem petieritis, tanto bellum acrius erit, cum intelleget se metu magis quam aequo et bono sustentatum.

17
But you, Conscript Fathers, how long, by delaying, will you endure the republic to be unsafe and will you assay arms with words? Levies have been held against you, monies publicly and privately extorted, garrisons drawn off and posted, laws are commanded at whim, while meanwhile you prepare envoys and decrees. By how much, by Hercules, the more eagerly you seek peace, by that much the war will be fiercer, when he realizes that he has been sustained more by fear than by what is just and good.

18 Nam qui turbas et caedem civium odisse ait et ob id armato Lepido vos inermos retinet, quae victis toleranda sunt ea, cum facere possitis, patiamini potius censet; ita illi a vobis pacem, vobis ab illo bellum suadet. 19 Haec si placent, si tanta torpedo animos oppressit, ut obliti scelerum Cinnae, cuius in urbem reditu decus ordinis huius interiit, nihilo minus vos atque coniuges et liberos Lepido permissuri sitis, quid opus decretis, quid auxilio Catuli? Quin is et alii boni rem publicam frustra curant.

18 For the man who says he hates tumults and the slaughter of citizens,
and on that account, Lepidus being armed, keeps you unarmed, judges that you should rather suffer those things which are to be endured by the conquered, although you are able to do them;
thus he urges peace for him at your hands, and for you war at his. 19 If these things please, if such torpor has oppressed your spirits that,
forgetful of the crimes of Cinna, at whose return into the city the dignity of this order perished,
you are nonetheless about to hand over yourselves, your wives, and your children to Lepidus, what need is there of decrees, what of the assistance of Catulus? Nay rather, he and the other good men care for the commonwealth in vain.

20 Agite ut lubet, parate vobis Cethegi atque alia proditorum patrocinia, qui rapinas et incendia instaurare cupiunt et rursus advorsum deos penatis manus armare. Sin libertas et vera magis placent, decernite digna nomine et augete ingenium viris fortibus. 21 Adest novus exercitus, ad hoc coloniae veterum militum, nobilitas omnis, duces optumi ; fortuna meliores sequitur; iam illa quae socordia nostra collecta sunt, dilabentur.

20 Act as you please, prepare for yourselves the patronage of the Cethegi and other traitors, who desire to renew rapine and arson and once more to arm their hands against the household gods, the Penates. But if liberty and what is true please more, decree things worthy of the name and augment the spirit of brave men. 21 A new army is at hand; in addition, the colonies of veteran soldiers, all the nobility, the best leaders ; fortune follows the better; already those things which have been gathered by our sloth will slip away.

22 Quare ita censeo: quoniam M. Lepidus exercitum privato consilio paratum cum pessumis et hostibus rei publicae contra huius ordinis auctoritatem ad urbem ducit, uti Ap. Claudius interrex cum Q. Catulo pro consule et ceteris, quibus imperium est, urbi praesidio sint operamque dent nequid res publica detrimenti capiat.

22 Wherefore I thus propose: since M. Lepidus, with the worst men and enemies of the Republic, is leading to the city an army prepared by private counsel, against the authority of this order, let Ap. Claudius, interrex, together with Q. Catulus, proconsul, and the others to whom imperium belongs, be for the city’s defense, and let them give their efforts that the Republic suffer no detriment.

[68] Fugam maturabat.

[68] He was hastening his flight.

[69] Numeroque praestans, privos ipse militiae.

[69] and superior in numbers, himself bereft of military service.

[70] Apud Mutinam.

[70] At Mutina.

[71] SERVIVSCosas, civitas Tusciae, quae numero dicitur singulari secundum Sallustium.

[71] SERVIVSCosas, a city of Tuscia, which is said in the singular number according to Sallust.

[72] Profectionem festinantes.

[72] Hastening the departure.

[73] M. Lepido cum omnibus copiis Italia pulso, segnior, neque minus gravis et multiplex cura patres exercebat.

[73] M. Lepidus, with all his forces, having been driven from Italy, a more languid, yet no less grave and manifold care exercised the fathers.

[74] Ardebat omnis Hispania citerior.

[74] All of Hispania Citerior was ablaze.

[75] Curionem quaesit, uti adulescentior et a populi suffragiis integer aetati concederet Mamerci.

[75] He sought Curio, that, as the younger man and untouched by the people’s suffrages, he would concede to age
to Mamercus.

[76] Togam paludamento mutavit.

[76] He changed his toga for a military cloak.

[77] Magna gloria tribunus militum in Hispania T. Didio imperante, magno usui bello Marsico paratu militum et armorum fuit, multaque tum ductu eius peracta primo per ignobilitatem deinde per invidiam scriptorum incelebrata sunt, quae vivos facie sua ostentabat aliquot adversis cicatricibus et effosso oculo. Neque illis anxius, quin ille dehonestamento corporis maxime laetabatur, quia reliqua gloriosius retinebat.

[77] With great renown as a military tribune in Spain, with Titus Didius commanding, he was of great use in the Marsic War in the provisioning of troops and arms, and many things then accomplished under his leadership at first through obscurity and afterward through the envy of writers went uncelebrated, which his living face itself displayed, with several frontal scars and one eye gouged out. Nor was he troubled by these; rather, he especially rejoiced in that disfigurement of his body, because he retained all the rest the more gloriously.

[78] Et ei voce magna vehementer gratulabantur.

[78] And they congratulated him vehemently with a loud voice.

[79] Inter arma civilia aequi boni famas petit.

[79] Amid the arms of civil war, he seeks a reputation for equity and goodness.

[80] Cui nisi pariter obviam iretur.

[80] Which unless it were likewise met head-on.

[81] Cuius advorsa voluntate colloquio militibus permisso, corruptio facta paucorum, et exercitus Sullae datus est.

[81] Though his will was adverse, with a conference permitted to the soldiers, the corruption of a few was effected, and the army was handed over to Sulla.

[82] Hispaniam sibi antiquam patriam esse.

[82] Spain was to him the ancient fatherland.

[83] Modico quoque et eleganti imperio percarus fuit.

[83] He was also very dear for his moderate
and elegant imperial rule.

[84] Salinator in agmine occiditur.

[84] Salinator is slain on the march.

[85] HIERONYMVS. . . qui propter amorem historiarum Sallustii Calpurnius cognomento Lanarius sit

[85] JEROME. . . who, on account of love for the histories of Sallust, Calpurnius by the cognomen Lanarius is

[86] Paucos saltum insidentes.

[86] A few occupying the pass.

[87] Earum aliae paululum progressae nimio simul et incerto onere, cum pavor corpora agitaverat, deprimebantur.

[87] Of them some, having advanced a little, by an excessive and at once uncertain burden, when panic had agitated their bodies, were being pressed down.

[88] Cum Sertorius neque erumpere tam levi copia navibus.

[88] When Sertorius could not break out with so slight a force by ships.

[89] More humanae cupidinis ignara visendi.

[89] In the manner of human cupidity, ignorant of seeing.

[90] Quas duas insulas propinquas inter se et decem milia stadium procul a Gadibus sitas constabat suopte ingenio alimenta mortalibus gignere.

[90] It was established that these two islands, near to one another and set ten thousand stadia from Gades, generated aliments for mortals by their own nature.

[91] Insulas fortunatas [quas Sallustius ait] inclitas esse Homeri carminibus.

[91] The Fortunate Islands [which Sallust says] are celebrated in Homer's songs.

[92] Traditur fugam in Oceani longinqua agitavisse.

[92] It is handed down that he deliberated flight into the remote reaches of the Ocean.

[93] Itaque Sertorius, levi praesidio relicto in Mauretania, nanctus obscuram noctem aestu secundo furtim aut celeritate vitare proelium in transgressu conatus est.

[93] And so Sertorius, with a light garrison left in Mauretania, having found a dark night and with the current favorable, tried to avoid battle in the crossing by stealth or by speed.

[94] Transgressos omnis recipit mons Belleia praeceptus a Lusitanis.

[94] Mount Belleia, prescribed by the Lusitanians, receives all who had crossed.

[95] Et mox Fufidius adveniens cum legionibus, postquam tam altas ripas, unum haud facilem pugnantibus vadum, cuncta hosti quam suis opportuniora videt.

[95] And soon
Fufidius, arriving with the legions, after he sees such high banks, a single ford not easy
for combatants, everything more opportune for the enemy than for his own.

[96] Domitium proconsulem ex citeriore Hispania cum omnibus copiis, quas paraverat, arcessivit.

[96] He summoned Domitius, the proconsul, from Hither Spain with all the forces which he had prepared.

[97] Gens raro egressa finis suos.

[97] A people rarely went out beyond their own borders.

[98] Ac per omnem provinciam magnae atque atroces famae erant, cum ex suo quisque terrore quinquaginta aut amplius hostium milia, novas immanis formas [e finibus] oceani appulsas, corporibus hominum vesci contenderent.

[98] And throughout the whole province there were great and atrocious rumors, when each man from his own terror was asserting that fifty thousand or more of the enemy, new monstrous forms [from the borders] of the ocean driven ashore, were feeding on the bodies of men.

[99] Equi sine rectoribus exterriti aut saucii consternantur.

[99] Horses without riders, terrified or wounded, are thrown into confusion.

[100] Sic vero quasi formidine attonitus neque animo neque auribus aut lingua competere.

[100] Thus indeed, as if thunderstruck with dread, he could not keep pace, neither in mind nor in ears or tongue.

[101] Et numeri eorum Metellus per litteras gnarus.

[101] And Metellus was aware of their numbers by letter.

[102] Illo profectus vicos castellaque incendere et fuga cultorum deserta igni vastare, neque late aut securus nimis, metu gentis ad furta belli peridoneae.

[102] Having set out thither,
he began to burn villages and forts, and to lay waste with fire the places left deserted by the flight of their cultivators; nor did he range widely or too securely, from fear of a people most well-suited to the thefts of war.

[103] Iam repente visus lenire Tagus.

[103] Now suddenly the Tagus seemed to soften.

[104] Consedit in valle virgulta nemorosaque.

[104] He sat down in a valley, amid thickets and wooded groves.

[105] Neque se recipere aut instruere proelio quivere.

[105] Nor were they able to withdraw themselves or to array for battle.

[106] Et Diponen validam urbem multos dies restantem pugnando vicit.

[106] And by fighting he conquered Diponen, a strong city that held out for many days.

[107] Lusitaniae gravem civitatem.

[107] an important city of Lusitania.

[108] Ille Conisturgim apud legiones venit.

[108] He came to Conisturgis among the legions.

[109] Iussu Metelli Celeris cornicines occanuere tubis.

[109] By order
of Metellus Celer, the horn-blowers struck up on their trumpets.

[110] Sanctus aliter et ingenio validus.

[110] Holy in another way and strong in talent.

[111] Neque detrusus aliquotiens deterretur.

[111] Nor
dethroned several times, is he deterred.

[112] Sertorius, portis turba morantibus et nullo, ut in terrore solet, generis aut imperi discrimine, per calonum corpora ad medium quasi, dein super adstantium manibus in murum attollitur.

[112] Sertorius, with the crowd delaying at the gates and with no discrimination, as in terror it is wont, of rank or of command, is lifted over the bodies of the camp-servants to, as it were, the middle, then further up by the hands of those standing by, onto the wall.

[113] Occupatusque collis editissimus apud Ilerdam et eum multa opera circumdata.

[113] And a very lofty hill near Ilerda was seized, and it was surrounded with many works.

[114] Illum raptis forum et castra nautica Sertorius mutaverat.

[114] Thither Sertorius had relocated the forum and the naval camp, once they had been seized.

[115] Itaque Servilius aegrotum Tarenti collegam prior transgressus.

[115] And so Servilius, his colleague being ill at Tarentum, crossed over first.

[116] Lyciae Pisidiaeque agros despectantem.

[116] looking down upon the fields of Lycia and Pisidia.

[117] Ad Olympum atque Phaselida.

[117] To Olympus and Phaselis.

[118] Ad Corycum.

[118] To Corycus.

[119] Apud Corycum.

[119] At Corycus.

[120] Apud Lete oppidum.

[120] At the town of Lete.

[121] Repulsus a Lete oppido.

[121] Repulsed from the town of Lete.

[122] Ea paucis, quibus peritia et verum ingenium est, abnuentibus.

[122] These things with a few—who have expertise and true ingenuity—demurring.

[123] Vacuam istam urbem hominibus militari aetate.

[123] Empty that city of men of military age.

[124] Dubitavit acie pars.

[124] A part hesitated in the battle line.

[125] Obviam ire et commori hostibus.

[125] To go to meet and to die together with the enemies.

[126] Locum editiorem, quam victoribus decebat, capit.

[126] He takes a more elevated position than befitted victors.

[127] Et stationes sub vineas removebat.

[127] And he was withdrawing the outposts under the mantlets.

[128] At inde nulla munitionis aut requie mora processit ad oppidum.

[128] But
from there, with no delay for fortification or rest, he advanced to the town.

[129] Cum murum hostium successisset, poenas dederat.

[129] When he had approached the enemy’s wall, he paid the penalty.

[130] Nisi cum ira belli desenuisset.

[130] Except when the wrath of war had subsided.

[131] Militiae periti.

[131] Experienced in military service.

[132] Doctus militiam.

[132] Trained in warfare.

[133] Egregius militiae.

[133] Distinguished in military service.

[134] Diei medio.

[134] At
midday.

[135] Solis viis.

[135] Sun’s ways.

[136] Animi immodicus.

[136] Immoderate of spirit.

[137] Agreste.

[137] Agrestic.

[138] Quos inter maxime.

[138] Among whom most especially.

[139] Quaesere.

[139] To ask.

LIBER SECVNDVS

BOOK TWO

[1] Cum praedixero positum insulae.

[1] When I shall have set forth the position of the island.

[2] Sardinia in Africo mari facie vestigi humani in orientem quam occidentem latior prominet.

[2] Sardinia in the African sea, in the aspect of a human footprint, projects, broader toward the east than toward the west.

[3] SOLINVSSardinia quoque, quam apud Timaeum Sandaliotin legimus, Ichnusam apud Crispum, in quo mari sita sit, quos incolarum auctores habeat, satis celebre est.

[3] SOLINUSSardinia too, which we read as Sandaliotis in Timaeus, as Ichnusa in Crispus— in which sea it is situated, who the authors of its inhabitants are— is quite celebrated.

[4] SERVIVSTroiano tempore invadendarum terrarum caussa fuerat navigatio, uti Sallustius meminit, facili tum mutatione sedum.

[4] SERVIVS InTrojan time navigation had been for the purpose of invading lands, as Sallust mentions, since the change of seats was then easy.

[5] Nam procul et diversis ex regionibus.

[5] For from afar and from diverse regions.

[6] Geryonis.

[6] Of Geryon.

[7] Vt alii tradiderunt, Tartessum Hispaniae civitatem, quam nunc Tyrii mutato nomine Gaddir habent.

[7] As others have handed down, Tartessus, a city of Spain, which the Tyrians now hold, the name changed, as Gaddir.

[8] Apollinis filius et Cyrenes.

[8] the son of Apollo and Cyrene.

[9]. . . an Iolao . . . incertum tra[. . .] ariri [. .] is an testimonium adscitae gentis. Balaros Corsi transfugas [Pa]llanteos, alii Numidas, pars Hispanos putant [de] Poenorum exercitu; genus ingenio mobili aut sociorum metu infidum [fu]sci veste cultu barba. Bello Celtiberico et lac[. . . . . . ] Daedalum ex Sicilia profectum quo Minonis iram atque opes fugerat.

[9].
. . . whether from Iolaus . . . uncertain to be deri[. . .]ved [. .] or whether it is a testimony of an adscited nation. The Corsicans call the deserters Balaros, the [Pa]llanteans; others think them Numidians, a part Spaniards, [from] the Punic army; a stock with a mobile disposition, or untrustworthy from fear of their allies, [da]rk in clothing, in attire, in beard. In the Celtiberian War and the lac[. . . . . . ] Daedalus set out from Sicily, whither he had fled the wrath and power of Minos.

[10] SERVIVS Capys Campaniam, Helenus Macedoniam, alii Sardiniamsecundum Sallustium tenuerunt.

[10] SERVIVS Capys held Campania, Helenus Macedonia, others Sardiniaaccording to Sallust.

[11] Frugum pabulique laetus ager.

[11] A field fertile in crops and fodder.

[12] SERVIVS In Sardinia enim nascitur quaedam herba,ut Sallustius dicit, apiastri similis. Haec comesa ora hominum rictus dolore contrahit et quasi ridentis interimit.

[12] SERVIUS For in Sardinia there grows a certain herb,as Sallust says, similar to apiastrum. Eaten, it contracts by pain the mouths of men into a rictus and as if of one laughing, kills them.

[13] Sed ipsi ferunt taurum ex grege, quem prope littora regebat Corsa nomine Ligus mulier.

[13] But they themselves bring a bull from the herd, whom near the shores a Ligurian woman by name Corsa was driving.

[14] Tarrhos.

[15] Orbe terrarum extorres.

[15] Exiles from the world.

[16] Ad hoc rumoribus adversa in pravitatem, secunda in casum, fortunam in temeritatem declinando corrumpebant.

[16] In addition, with rumors they were corrupting things, by turning the adverse into pravity, the favorable into chance, fortune into temerity.

[17] SVETONIVSUt Lenaeus Sallustium, quod Pompeium oris probi, animo inverecundo scripsisset, acerbissima satira laceraverit.

[17] SUETONIUSThat Lenaeus Sallust, because he had called Pompey of honest countenance, of spirit
shameless, had written, he lacerated with a most acerbic satire.

[18] Modestus ad alia omnia, nisi ad dominationem.

[18] Modest in all other things, except for domination.

[19] Multos tamen ab adulescentia bonos insultaverat.

[19] Nevertheless, from adolescence he had insulted many good men.

[20]Pompeius cum alacribus saltu, cum velocibus cursu, cum validis vecte certabat.

[20]Pompey competed with the lively in the leap, with the swift in the run, with the strong with the lever contested.

[21] Nam Sullam consulem de reditu eius legem ferentem ex composito tribunus plebis C. Herennius prohibuerat.

[21] For, when Sulla the consul was proposing a law concerning his return, by prearrangement the tribune of the plebs C. Herennius had prohibited it.

[22] Narbone per concilium Gallorum.

[22] At Narbo through the council of the Gauls.

[23] Quia corpore et lingua percitum et inquietem nomine histrionis vix sani Burbuleium appellabat.

[23] Because, as one excited in body and tongue and restless, he used to call him, by the name of a scarcely sane histrion, “Burbuleius.”

[24] Collegamque eius Octavium mitem et captum pedibus.

[24] and his colleague Octavius, mild and afflicted in his feet.

[25] Vt actione desisteret.

[25] That he should desist from the action.

[26] Saguntini, fide atque aerumnis incluti prae mortalibus, studio maiore quam opibus (quippe apud quos etiam tum semiruta moenia, domus intectae parietesque templorum ambusti manus punicas ostentabant) . . .

[26] The Saguntines, illustrious above mortals for loyalty and hardships, with zeal greater than
resources (indeed among whom even then the half-ruined ramparts, the unroofed houses, and the
scorched walls of the temples were displaying Punic hands) . . .

[27] Saguntium.

[27] Saguntum.

[28] Quis a Sertorio triplices insidiae per idoneos saltus positae erant; prima, qui forte venientis exciperet.

[28] In which, by Sertorius, triple ambushes had been set through suitable passes; the first, to intercept those coming by chance.

[29] Atque eos a tergo incurrunt.

[29] And they charge upon them from the rear.

[30] SCHOLIA BOBIENSIA Laelius . . . ab Hirtuleianis interfectus est,ut ait Sallustius, receptis plerisque signis militaribus cum Laeli corpore.

[30] BOBIAN SCHOLIA Laelius . . . was killed by the Hirtuleians,as Sallust says, with most of the military standards recovered along with Laelius’s body.

[31] Et Metello procul agente longa spes auxiliorum.

[31] And with Metellus operating far away, the hope of reinforcements was distant.

[32] PROBVS Ucurbis,nomen civitatis lectum in Sallustio.

[32] PROBUS Ucurbis,the name of a city read in Sallust.

[33] Copiis integra.

[33] With the forces intact.

[34] At Sertorius vacuus hieme copias augere.

[34] But Sertorius, at leisure in winter, proceeded to augment his forces.

[35] Stobos.

[36] Vir gravis et nulla arte cuiquam inferior.

[36] A weighty man and in no art inferior to anyone.

[37] Genus armis ferox et serviti insolitum.

[37] A race fierce in arms and unaccustomed to servitude.

[38] Primam modo Iapydiam ingressus.

[38] He had only just entered Iapydia for the first time.

[39] Eam deditionem senatus per nuntios Orestis cognitam approbat.

[39] The senate approves that surrender, learned through the messengers of Orestes.

[40] [apud] quem exercitus fuerat legionem misit despecta uanitate, idque illi in sapientiam cesserat. Dein L. Octavius et C. Cotta consulatum ingressi, quorum Octavius languide et incuriose fuit, Cotta promptius, sed ambitione tum ingenita largitione cupiens gratiam singulorum . . .

[40] [at] whom the army had been, he sent a legion, vanity having been despised, and that had turned to his credit for wisdom. Then L. Octavius and C. Cotta entered upon the consulship, of whom Octavius was languid and incurious, Cotta more prompt, but, with ambition by then inborn, by largess desiring the favor of individuals . . .

[41] Publiusque Lentulus Marcellinus eodem auctore quaestor in novam provinciam Curenas missus est, quod ea, mortui regis Apionis testamento nobis data, prudentiore quam [illas] per gentis et minus gloriae avidi imperio continenda fuit. Praeterea diversorum ordinum [certamina hoc anno exarserunt].

[41] And Publius Lentulus Marcellinus, on the same sponsor’s motion, as quaestor was sent into the new province Cyrene, because it, having been given to us by the will of the deceased king Apion, had to be held under a command more prudent than [those], among the tribes and less greedy for glory, Moreover, the contests of the different orders [flared up this year].

[42] [annonae intolerabil]is saevitia. Qua re fatigata plebes forte consules ambo, Q. Metellum, cui postea Cretico cognomentum fuit, candidatum praetorium sacra via de[ducen]tis, cum magno tumultu invadit, fugientisque secuta ad Octavi domum, quae propior erat, in [. . . pu]gnaculum . . . perve[nit].

[42] the intolerable severity of the grain-supply. For which reason, the plebs, wearied, by chance attacked both consuls, Q. Metellus—who afterward had the cognomen Creticus—while they were leading down a praetorian candidate along the Sacred Way, with great tumult; and, having followed the fleeing man to the house of Octavius, which was nearer, it reached the [. . . bul]wark . . . arriv[ed].

[43] Festinantibus in summa inopia patribus.

[43] With the senators hastening amid utmost scarcity.

[44] [Post] paucos dies Cotta mutata veste permaestus, quod pro cupita voluntate plebes abalienata fuerat, hoc modo in contione populi disseruit:

[44] After a few days Cotta, with his garment changed, deeply sorrowful, because the plebs had been alienated from the disposition he desired, discoursed in this manner in the assembly of the people:

Quirites, multa mihi pericula domi militiaeque, multa aduorsa fuere; quorum alia toleraui, partim reppuli deorum auxiliis et uirtute mea. In quis omnibus numquam animus negotio defuit neque decretis labos. Malae secundaeque res opes, non ingenium, mihi mutabant.

Quirites, many dangers at home and in military service, many adversities there were for me; of which some I endured, part I repelled by the helps of the gods and by my own virtue. In all of which my spirit never failed the undertaking, nor labor my decrees. Adverse and prosperous circumstances changed my resources, not my nature.

2 At contra in his miseriis cuncta me cum fortuna deseruere. Praeterea senectus per se grauis curam duplicat, cui misero acta iam aetate ne mortem quidem honestam sperare licet. 3 Nam si parricida uostri sum et, bis genitus hic, deos penatis meos patriamque et summum imperium uilia habeo, quis mihi uiuo cruciatus satis est aut quae poena mortuo?

2 But on the contrary, in these miseries all things have deserted me along with Fortune.
Moreover, old age, burdensome in itself, doubles my care; for me, wretched, with life already spent, it is permitted to hope not even for an honorable death.
3 For if I am the parricide of you, and, being twice-born here, I hold my household gods (the Penates), my fatherland, and the highest imperium cheap,
what torment is enough for me living, or what punishment for me dead?

Quin omnia memorata apud inferos supplicia scelere meo uici.

Nay, by my crime I have outdone all the punishments recounted among the infernal regions.

4 A prima adulescentia in ore uostro, priuatus et in magistratibus, egi. Qui lingua, qui consilio meo, qui pecunia uoluere, usi sunt; neque ego callidam facundiam neque ingenium ad male faciundum exercui. Auidissumus priuatae gratiae maxumas inimicitias pro re publica suscepi; quis uictus cum illa simul, cum egens alienae opis plura mala expectarem, uos, Quirites, rursus mihi patriam deosque penatis cum ingenti dignitate dedistis.

4 From my earliest youth I was on your lips, both as a private man and in magistracies, I acted. Whoever wished for my tongue, for my counsel, for my money, made use of them; nor did I exercise a crafty eloquence nor a talent for doing ill. Though most avid for private favor, I undertook the greatest enmities for the commonwealth; by which, conquered together with her, when, needy of another’s aid, I was expecting more ills, you, Quirites, again gave to me my fatherland and my household gods, the Penates, with immense dignity.

5 Pro quibus beneficiis uix satis gratus uidear, si singulis animam, quam nequeo, concesserim. Nam uita et mors iura naturae sunt; ut sine dedecore cum ciuibus fama et fortunis integer agas, id dono datur atque accipitur.

5 For which benefits I would seem scarcely sufficiently grateful, if I had conceded to each one my life—which I cannot. For life and death are the rights of nature; that you may, without disgrace, conduct yourself among your fellow citizens whole in fame and fortunes—that is given and received as a gift.

6 Consules nos fecistis, Quirites, domi bellique impeditissuma re publica. Namque imperatores Hispaniae stipendium, milites, arma, frumentum poscunt; et id res cogit, quoniam defectione sociorum et Sertori per montis fuga neque manu certare possunt neque utilia parare. 7 Exercitus in Asia Ciliciaque ob nimias opes Mithridatis aluntur; Macedonia plena hostium est, nec minus Italiae marituma et prouinciarum; cum interim uectigalia parua et bellis incerta uix partem sumptuum sustinent.

6 You have made us consuls, Quirites, with the commonwealth most hampered at home and in war. For indeed the commanders in Spain demand pay, soldiers, arms, grain; and necessity compels this, since by the defection of the allies and by Sertorius’s flight through the mountains they can neither contend by force nor procure what is useful. 7 The armies in Asia and Cilicia are maintained on account of the excessive resources of Mithridates; Macedonia is full of enemies, and no less the maritime parts of Italy and of the provinces; while meanwhile the revenues, small and made uncertain by wars, scarcely sustain a part of the expenditures.

Ita classe, quae commeatus tuebatur, minore quam antea nauigamus. 8 Haec si dolo aut socordia nostra contracta sunt, agite, ut monet ira, supplicium sumite; sin fortuna communis asperior est, quare indigna uobis nobisque et re publica incipitis?

Thus with the fleet, which was guarding the supplies, with a smaller one than before we sail. 8 If these things have been brought on by our deceit or our sloth, come, as anger admonishes, exact punishment; but if the common fortune is harsher, why do you begin things unworthy of you and of us and of the republic?

9 Atque ego, cuius aetati mors propior est, non deprecor, si quid ea uobis incommodi demitur; neque mox ingenio corporis honestius quam pro uostra salute finem uitae fecerim. 10 Adsum en C. Cotta consul; facio quod saepe maiores asperis bellis fecere: uoueo dedoque me pro re publica, quam deinde cui mandetis circumspicite. 11 Nam talem honorem bonus nemo uolet, cum fortunae et maris et belli ab aliis acti ratio reddunda aut turpiter moriundum sit.

9 And I, to whose age death is nearer, do not refuse it, if by it anything of inconvenience is taken away from you; nor soon would I, by the natural endowment of my body, make an end of life more honorably than for your safety. 10 Look—here I am, Gaius Cotta, consul; I do what our elders often did in rough wars: I vow and devote myself for the commonwealth; then look around to whom you will entrust it. 11 For no good man will want such an honor, when an account must be rendered of fortune and of the sea and of a war conducted by others, or one must die shamefully.

12 Tantum modo in animis habetote non me ob scelus aut auaritiam caesum, sed uolentem pro maxumis beneficiis animum dono dedisse.

12 Only have in your minds that I was not slain on account of crime or avarice, but willing in return for the very greatest benefactions I have given my spirit as a gift.

13 Per uos, Quirites, et gloriam maiorum, tolerate aduorsa et consulite rei publicae. 14 Multa cura summo imperio inest, multi ingentes labores, quos nequiquam abnuitis et pacis opulentiam quaeritis, cum omnes prouinciae, regna, maria terraeque aspera aut fessa bellis sint.

13 By you, Quirites, and by the glory of your forefathers, endure adversities and take thought for the commonwealth. 14 Much care inheres in the supreme command, many immense labors, which you refuse in vain and seek the opulence of peace, since all the provinces, kingdoms, seas, and lands are harsh or wearied by wars.

[45] ASCONIVSNam neque apud Sallustium, neque apud Livium, neque apud Fenestellam ullius alterius latae ab eo [legis est] mentio, praeter eam, quam in consulatu [tulit invita] nobilitate, magno populi studio, ut eis [qui tribuni plebis] fuissent, alios quoque magistratus [capere] liceret, quod lex a dictatore Sulla paucis [ante annis] lata prohibebat.

[45] ASCONIUSFor neither in Sallust, nor in Livy, nor in Fenestella is there [of a law] mention of any other [brought] by him, except that which, in his consulship, [carried against the will] of the nobility, with great zeal of the people, that to those [who had been tribunes of the plebs] it should be permitted to [hold] other magistracies, which a law passed by the dictator Sulla a few [years before] prohibited.

[46] Inter laeva moenium et dextrum flumen Turiam, quod Valentiam parvo intervallo praeterfluit.

[46] Between the left-hand side of the walls and, on the right, the river Turia, which flows past Valencia at a short interval.

[47] Perperna tarn paucis prospectis vera est aestimanda.

[47] Perperna must be judged true on the basis of so few points inspected.

[48] Dubium, an insula sit, quod Euri atque Africi superiactis fluctibus circumlavitur.

[48] It is doubtful whether it is an island, because, when the waves of the Eurus and the Africus are hurled over it,
it is washed all around.

[49] Apud latera certos locaverat.

[49] He had posted picked men at the flanks.

[50] Occurrere duces et proelium accendere, adeo uti Metello in sagum , Hirtuleio in brachium tela venirent.

[50] The commanders rushed to meet and kindled the battle, to such an extent that missiles struck Metellus in the cloak , and Hirtuleius in the arm.

[51] Vespera.

[51] Evening.

[52] Neque inermos ex proelio viros quemquam agnoturum.

[52] Nor would anyone recognize men unarmed from the battle.

[53] Communem habitum transgressus.

[53] Having transgressed the common habit.

[54] Equo atque armis insignibus.

[54] With a horse and conspicuous arms.

[55] Antequam regressus Sertorius instruere pugnae suos quiret.

[55] Before Sertorius, on returning, could array his men for battle.

[56] Neque subsidiis, uti soluerat, compositis.

[56] Nor with the reserves, as he had been accustomed, composed.

[57] Avidis ita atque promptis ducibus, ut Metellus ictu tragulae sauciaretur.

[57] So avid and prompt were the leaders, that Metellus was wounded by the blow of a dart.

[58] Haec postquam Varro in maius more rumorum audivit.

[58] After Varro heard these things exaggerated in the manner of rumors.

[59] At Metellus in ulteriorem Hispaniam post annum regressus magna gloria concurrentium undique virile et muliebre secus omnium visebatur. Eum quaestor C. Urbinus aliique, cognita voluntate, cum ad cenam invitavissent, ultra Romanorum ac mortalium etiam morem curabant, exornatis aedibus per aulaea et insignia, scenisque ad ostentationem histrionum fabricatis; simul croco sparsa humus, et alia, in modum templi celeberrimi. Praeterea tum sedenti transenna demissum Victoriae simulacrum cum machinato strepitu tonitruum coronam capiti imponebat, tum venienti ture quasi deo supplicabatur.

[59] But Metellus, having returned to Further Spain after a year, was beheld with great glory
by all, of the male and the female sex alike, flocking together from everywhere. The quaestor
C. Urbinus and others, having learned his disposition, when they had invited him to dinner,
tended him beyond the custom of Romans and even of mortals, the house adorned with hangings
and insignia, and with stages constructed for the ostentation of actors; at the same time the
ground was strewn with saffron, and other things, in the manner of a most celebrated temple.
Moreover, while he sat, a simulacrum of Victory, let down through a lattice-work with a contrived
machine-thunder clatter, would place a crown upon his head; then, as he came in, incense was offered
in supplication to him as though to a god.

Toga picta plerumque amiculo erat ei accumbenti; epulae quaesitissimae, neque per omnem modo provinciam, sed trans maria ex Mauritania volucrum et ferarum incognita antea plura genera. Quibus rebus aliquantam partem gloriae dempserat, maxime apud veteres et sanctos viros, superba illa, gravia, indigna Romano imperio aestimantis.

The toga picta was for the most part a little mantle to him as he reclined; the banquets were most exquisite, and not only through the whole province, but across the seas from Mauretania came many kinds of birds and wild beasts previously unknown. By these things he had subtracted some portion of his glory, especially among the old and sacred men, assessing those displays as superb, grave, and unworthy of the Roman empire.

[60] Eodem anno in Macedonia Gaius Curio, principio veris cum omni exercitu profectus in Dardaniam, a quibus potuit, pecunias Appio dictas coegit.

[60] In the same year in Macedonia, Gaius Curio, at the beginning of spring, having set out into Dardania with the whole army, collected from those he could the monies assessed to Appius.

[61] Serum enim bellum in angustiis futurum.

[61] For a belated war would be in narrow straits.

[62] Immane quantum animi exarsere.

[62] How immensely their spirits blazed up.

[63] Iter vertit ad Corycum urbem, inclitam portu atque nemore, in quo crocum gignitur.

[63] He turned his route to the city of Corycus, renowned for its harbor and grove, in which crocus is produced.

[64] Fessus in Pamphyliam se receperat.

[64] Weary, he had withdrawn into Pamphylia.

[65] Omnis, qui circum sunt, praeminent altitudine milium passuum duorum.

[65] All that are around rise two miles in height.

[66] Nisi qua flumen Clurda Tauro monte defluens.

[66] Except where the river Clurda, flowing down from Mount Taurus.

[67] Genus hominum vagum et rapinis suetum magis quam agrorum cultibus.

[67] A race of men wandering and accustomed to rapine rather than to the cultivation of fields.

[68]Hi sunt, qui secundum pocula et alias res aureas diis sacrata instrumenta convivio mercantur.

[68]These are they who next buy cups and other golden things—implements consecrated to the gods—for the banquet.

[69] [ad impetum omnia para]re. Dein signo dato praecipiti iam secunda vigilia simul utrimque pugnam occipiunt, magno tumultu primo eminus per obscuram noctem tela in incertum iacientes, post, ubi Romani de industria non tela neque clamorem reddebant, perculsos formidine aut desertam munitionem rati avide in fossas et inde velocissimum genus per vallum properat. At superstantes tum denique saxa, pila, sudes iacere et multos prope egressos comminus plagis aut omni re deturbare; qua repentina formidine pars [in] vallo transfixa, alli super tela sua praecipitati, ruinaque multorum fossa semipletae sunt, ceteris fuga tuta fuit incerto noctis et metu insidiarum. Dein post paucos dies egestate aquae coacta deditio est, oppidum incensum et cultores venundati eoque terrore mox Isaura Nova legati pacem orantes venere obsidesque et iussa facturos promittebant.

[69] [to prepare everything for an attack]. Then, the signal given, now at the headlong second watch, at once on both sides they begin the fight, with great tumult, at first from a distance through the dark night hurling missiles into the uncertain; after, when the Romans on purpose were returning neither missiles nor clamor, thinking them stricken with fear or the fortification deserted, they eagerly rush into the ditches and from there the swiftest sort hasten over the rampart. But those standing above then at last throw rocks, pila, and stakes, and drive many who had almost gotten out back with close blows or with every sort of thing; by which sudden panic part were transfixed [on] the rampart, others were hurled headlong upon their own weapons, and by the collapse of many the ditches were half-filled, for the rest flight was safe because of the uncertainty of the night and the fear of ambushes. Then after a few days a surrender was compelled by a lack of water, the town was burned and the inhabitants sold, and with that terror soon envoys from Isaura Nova came begging for peace and were promising hostages and that they would do the orders.

Igitur Servilius prudens ferociae hostium, neque illis taedium belli, sed repentinam formidinem pacem suadere, ne de missione mutarent animos, quam primum moenia eorum cum omnibus copiis accessit, mollia interim legatis ostentans et deditionem cunctis praesentibus facilius conventuram. Praeterea milites a populationibus agrorum et omni noxa retinebat; frumentum et alios commeatus oppidani dabant ex eorum voluntate; ne [se] suspectum haberent, castra in plano locaverat. Deinde ex imperio datis centum obsidibus urbi perfugae, arma tormentaque omnia poscebantur, iuniores primum ex consilio, deinde uti quisque acciderat, per totam urbem maximo clamore tumultum faciunt, neque se arma neque socios, dum animae essent, prodituros firmabant.

Accordingly Servilius, prudent as to the enemy’s ferocity, judging that it was not a weariness of war but a sudden fear that was recommending peace to them, so that they might not change their minds about the capitulation, at the earliest approached their walls with all his forces, meanwhile displaying gentle terms to the legates and that a surrender would more easily be agreed upon with all present. Moreover, he was restraining the soldiers from depredations of the fields and from every harm; grain and other supplies the townspeople were giving of their own will; that they might not hold him suspect, he had pitched the camp on the plain. Then, by command, when a hundred hostages had been given, from the city that had defected arms and all engines were demanded; the younger men, first by concert, then as each one chanced to arrive, make an uproar with the greatest shouting through the whole city, and they affirmed that they would betray neither their arms nor their comrades, so long as breath remained.

At illis quibus aetas imbellior et vetustate vis Romana multum cognita erat, cupere pacem, sed conscientia noxarum metuere, ne datis armis mox tamen extrema victis paterentur. Inter quae trepida cunctisque in unum tumultuose consultantibus Servilius futilem deditionem ratus, ni metus urgeret, de inproviso montem, ex quo in iuga oppidi teli coniectus erat, occupavit sacrum Matri Magnae; et in eo credebatur epulari diebus certis dea, cuius erat de nomine, exaudiri sonores . . .

But those whose age was less warlike and to whom by long-standing experience the Roman force was much known, desired peace, but, conscious of their offenses, feared lest, even with arms surrendered, they would soon nevertheless as the conquered endure the worst. Amid these anxieties, and with all in one mass tumultuously taking counsel, Servilius, judging their surrender futile unless fear pressed them, unexpectedly seized the mountain, from which a cast of missiles reached the ridges of the town, sacred to the Great Mother; and on it it was believed that on fixed days the goddess, from whose name it was, held a banquet, and that sounds were heard . . .

[70]Celtiberi se regibus devovent et post eos vitam refutant.

[70]Celtiberians devote themselves to their kings and, after them, refuse life.

[71] Genus militum suetum a pueritia latrociniis.

[71] A class of soldiers accustomed from boyhood to latrociny.

[72] Noctu diuque stationes et vigilias temptare.

[72] By night and by day to test the stations and the watches.

[73] Neque virgines nuptum a parentibus mittebantur, sed ipsae belli promptissimos deligebant.

[73]
Nor were virgins sent to wed by their parents, but they themselves chose the most prompt for war.

[74] Ad hoc pauca piratica actuaria navigia.

[74] In addition, a few piratical oared vessels.

[75] A matribus parentum facinora militaria viris memorabantur in bellum [aut ad] latrocinia pergentibus, [ubi] illorum fortia facta canebant. Eo postquam Pompeius infenso exercitu adventare compertus est, maioribus natu p[acem] et iussa uti facerent [sua]dentibus, ubi nihil abnuendo proficiunt, se[para]tae a viris arma cepere [et] occupato prope Meo[rigam] quam tutissimo loco [ill]os testabantur inopes patriae parientumque [et] libertatis, eoque ubera, partus et cetera mul[ierum] munia viris manere. Quis rebus accensa iuventus decreta senior[um aspernata] . . .

[75] By the mothers the military crimes-deeds of their parents were recounted to the men as they proceeded into war [or to] brigandage, [where] they sang of those men’s brave deeds. After it was discovered that Pompey was approaching with a hostile army, the elders p[eace] and the orders that they should carry out [per]suading, when they accomplished nothing by refusing, the women, se[para]ted from the men, took up arms [and], with a position seized near Meo[rigam] in the safest possible place, they were declaring [th]em destitute of fatherland and of mothers and of liberty, and that therefore breasts, childbirth, and the other duties of wom[en] should remain to the men. By which things inflamed, the youth, the decrees of the elder[s scorned] . . .

[76] [oppidani promiserunt . . . dierum mora] interposita si exempti obsidione forent, fide [soci]etatem acturos; nam antea inter illum Pompeiumque fluxa pace dubitaverant. Tum Romanus exercitus frumenti gratia remotus in Vascones [est] itemque Sertorius mo[vit] se, cuius multum in[terer]at, ne ei perinde Asiae [Galli]aeque vaderent e facultate. Pompeius aliquot dies [cas]tra stativa habuit, modica valle disiunctis [ab eo] hostibus, neque propinquae civitates Mutudurei et [. . .]eores hunc aut illum [com]meatibus iuvere; fames ambos fatigavit.

[76] [the townspeople promised . . . with a delay of days] interposed, if they should be removed from the siege, they would in good faith [enter into an alli]ance; for earlier, between him and Pompeius, they had wavered in a shifting peace. Then the Roman army, for the sake of grain, withdrew into the Vascones, and likewise Sertorius [mo]ved himself, to whom it greatly mat[ter]ed that they not in like manner go against Asia an[d Gaul] on the strength of their resources. Pompeius for several days kept a fixed [ca]mp, the enemies separated from him by a small valley, nor did the neighboring communities, the Mutudurei and [. . .]eores, aid this side or that with supply-convoys; hunger wearied them both.

Dein tamen Pompeius quadrato [agmine procedit] . . .

Then, however, Pompey advanced in a square [formation] . . .

[77] Titurium legatum cum cohortibus quindecim in Celtiberia hiemem agere iussit praesidentem socios.

[77]
He ordered the legate Titurius with fifteen cohorts to spend the winter in Celtiberia, presiding over the allies.

[78] Ii saltibus occupatis Termestinorum agros invasere, frumentique ex inopia gravi satias facta.

[78] They, the passes having been seized, invaded the fields of the Termestini, and from a grave shortage a satiety of grain was brought about.

[79] Multique commeatus interierant insidiis latronum.

[79] And many supply convoys had perished through the ambushes of bandits.

[80] Quae pecunia ad Hispaniense bellum Metello facta erat.

[80] The funds that had been allotted to Metellus for the Spanish war.

[81] Argentum mutuum arcessivit.

[81] He procured money on loan.

[82] Si adversus vos patriamque et deos penatis tot labores et pericula suscepissem, quotiens a prima adulescentia ductu meo scelestissumi hostes fusi et vobis salus quaesita est, nihil amplius in absentem me statuissetis quam adhuc agitis, patres conscripti, quem contra aetatem proiectum ad bellum saevissumum cum exercitu optume merito, quantum est in vobis, fame, miserruma omnium morte, confecistis. 2 Hacine spe populus Romanus liberos suos ad bellum misit? Haec sunt praemia pro volneribus et totiens ob rem publicam fuso sanguine?

[82] If in hostility against you and the fatherland and the Penates I had undertaken so many labors and dangers, how often from my earliest youth under my leadership the most wicked enemies have been routed and for you safety has been obtained, you would have decreed nothing more against me in my absence than you are thus far doing, Conscript Fathers, me whom, against my age, you have flung into a most savage war with an army most well-deserving, and, so far as it lies in you, by hunger, the most wretched death of all, you have done to death. 2 With this hope did the Roman People send their children to war? Are these the rewards for wounds and for blood so often poured out on behalf of the commonwealth?

Fessus scribundo mittundoque legatos omnis opes et spes privatas meas consumpsi, cum interim a vobis per triennium vix annuus sumptus datus est. 3 Per deos immortalis, utrum vicem me aerari praestare creditis an exercitum sine frumento et stipendio habere posse?

Wearied with writing and sending legates, I have consumed all my private resources and hopes, while
in the meantime from you for three years scarcely an annual allowance has been given. 3 By the immortal gods,
do you think that I should make good the part of the treasury, or that an army can be kept without grain and
stipend?

4 Equidem fateor me ad hoc bellum maiore studio quam consilio profectum, quippe qui nomine modo imperi a vobis accepto, diebus quadraginta exercitum paravi hostisque in cervicibus iam Italiae agentis ab Alpibus in Hispaniam submovi; per eas iter aliud atque Hannibal, nobis opportunius, patefeci. 5 Recepi Galliam, Pyrenaeum, Lacetaniam, Indigetis et primum impetum Sertori victoris novis militibus et multo paucioribus sustinui hiememque castris inter saevissumos hostis, non per oppida neque ex ambitione mea egi.

4 I indeed confess that I set out to this war with greater zeal than counsel, since having received from you only the name of command, in forty days I prepared an army and drove from the Alps into Spain the enemies who were already at Italy’s throat; through them I opened a route other than Hannibal’s, more opportune for us. 5 I recovered Gaul, the Pyrenees, Lacetania, the Indigetes, and I withstood the first onset of Sertorius the victor with new soldiers and with far fewer men, and I passed the winter in camp among the most savage enemies, not through towns nor out of my own ambition.

6 Quid deinde proelia aut expeditiones hibernas, oppida excisa aut recepta enumerem? Quando res plus valet quam verba: castra hostium apud Sucronem capta et proelium apud flumen Durium et dux hostium C. Herennius cum urbe Valentia et exercitu deleti satis clara vobis sunt; pro quis, o grati patres, egestatem et famem redditis. 7 Itaque meo et hostium exercitui par condicio est; namque stipendium neutri datur, victor uterque in Italiam venire potest.

6 Why then should I enumerate the battles or the winter expeditions, the towns razed or retaken since deeds avail more than words: the enemy camp at Sucronem captured, and the battle at the river Durius, and the enemy commander C. Herennius, destroyed along with the city of Valentia and the army—these are sufficiently clear to you; in return for which, O grateful fathers, you render want and famine. 7 And so for my army and the enemy’s the condition is equal; for stipend is given to neither, either as victor can come into Italy.

8 Quod ego vos moneo quaesoque ut animadvortatis neu cogatis necessitatibus privatim mihi consulere. 9 Hispaniam citeriorem, quae non ab hostibas tenetur, nos aut Sertorius ad internecionem vastavimus praeter maritumas civitates, ultro nobis sumptui aerique sunt. Gallia superiore anno Metelli exercitum stipendio frumentoque aluit et nunc malis fructibus ipsa vix agitat; ego non rem familiarem modo, verum etiam fidem consumpsi.

8 Which thing I admonish you of and I beseech that you observe, and do not compel me to consult for my necessities in a private capacity. 9 Hither Spain, which is not held by the enemies, either we or Sertorius have ravaged to extermination, except the maritime cities, which moreover are to us an expense and a debt. Gaul last year sustained Metellus’s army with stipend and grain, and now, with bad harvests, she herself scarcely manages; I have consumed not only my household estate, but even my credit.

10 Reliqui vos estis: qui nisi subvenitis, invito et praedicente me exercitus hinc et cum eo omne bellum Hispaniae in Italiam transgradientur.

10 You are the rest: unless you render assistance, with me unwilling and predicting it, the army will cross over hence, and with it the whole war of Spain, into Italy.

Hae litterae principio sequentis anni recitatae in senatu. Sed consules decretas a patribus provincias inter se paravere; Cotta Galliam citeriorem habuit, Ciliciam Octavius. Dein proxumi consules, L. Lucullus et M. Cotta, litteris nuntiisque Pompei graviter perculsi, cum summae rei gratia tum ne exercitu in Italiam deducto neque laus sua neque dignitas esset, omni modo stipendium et supplementum paravere, adnitente maxime nobilitate, cuius plerique iam tum lingua ferociam suam et dicta factis sequebantur.

These letters were read out at the beginning of the following year in the senate. But the consuls arranged among themselves the provinces decreed by the Fathers; Cotta held Hither Gaul, Octavius Cilicia. Then the next consuls, L. Lucullus and M. Cotta, severely stricken by Pompey’s letters and messengers, both for the sake of the supreme affair and lest, if the army were led into Italy, neither their praise nor their dignity would remain, prepared pay and reinforcement in every way, with the nobility striving most of all—most of whom already then with the tongue voiced their ferocity, and matched their words with deeds.

[83] Quos adversum multi ex Bithynia volentes accurrere, falsum filium arguituri.

[83] Against them many from Bithynia, wishing to run up, ready to arraign the false son.

[84] Vir cum cura dicendus.

[84] A man to be spoken of with care.

[85] AMPELIVS A Dario Artabazes originem ducit, quem conditorem regni Mithridatis fuisseconfirmat Sallustius Crispus.

[85] AMPELIUS derives his lineage from Darius, through Artabazes, whom he affirms to have been the founder of the kingdom of Mithridates,affirms Sallustius Crispus.

[86] Ipse animi atrox.

[86] He himself, fierce in spirit.

[87] Sed Mithridates extrema pueritia regnum ingressus, matre sua veneno interfecta.

[87] But Mithridates, in his very youth, entered upon the kingdom, his own mother having been killed by poison.

[88] SCHOL.GRONOV. MithridatesPonticus auctore Sallustio et fratrem et sororem occidit.

[88] SCHOL.GRONOV. Mithridatesthe Pontic, on the authority of Sallust both his brother and his sister he killed.

[89] Mithridates corpore ingenti, perinde armatus.

[89] Mithridates, of enormous body, armed in like manner.

[90] Ibi Fimbriana e seditione, qui regi per obsequentiam orationis et maxime odium Sullae graves carique erant.

[90] There the Fimbrian troops from the mutiny, who to the king were weighty and dear through obsequiousness of speech and most of all for their hatred of Sulla.

[91] Illi tertio mense pervenere in Pontum multo celerius spe Mithridatis.

[91] They, in the third month, arrived in Pontus much more swiftly than Mithridates’ expectation.

[92] Belli sane sciens.

[92] indeed skilled in war.

[93] Quem ex Mauritania rex Leptasta proditionis insimulatum cum custodibus miserat.

[93] Whom King Leptasta from Mauretania had sent with guards, accused of treason.

[94] Cum multa dissereret ludis Apollini circensibus.

[94] While he was discoursing many things at the circus games for Apollo.

[95] Et continetur gravis.

[95] And he is kept under strict guard.

[96] Post, ubi fiducia nimius.

[96] Afterward, when excessive in confidence.

[97] Parte legio[num] flumen transducta castra dilatavit.

[97] With part of the legions conducted across the river, he expanded the camp.

[98] Suos equites hortatus vado transmisit.

[98] Having exhorted his cavalry, he sent them across through the ford.

[99] Ictu eorum , qui in flumen [se] ruebant, necabantur.

[99] By the blow of those who were rushing [themselves] into the river, they were being killed.

[100] Ruinaque magna pars suismet aut proximorum telis, ceteri vicem pecorum obtruncabantur.

[100] And in the rout a great part were slain by their own or their neighbors’ weapons, the rest, like cattle, were butchered.

[101] Murum ab angulo dexteri lateris ad paludem haud procul remotam duxit.

[101] He extended a wall from the corner of the right side to a marsh not far off.

[102] Omnia sacrata corpora in rates imposuisse.

[102] They had placed all the consecrated bodies onto rafts.

[103] Ille festinat subsidiis principes augere et densere frontem.

[103] He hastens to augment the leaders with reinforcements and to condense the front.

[104] Terror hostibus et fiducia suis incessit.

[104] Terror came upon the enemies, and confidence upon his own.

[105] Circumventis dextera nuda ferrum, saxa aut quid tale capita adfligebant.

[105] When they were surrounded, with the bare right hand they were dashing heads with iron, stones, or anything of the sort.

[106] E muris panis sportis demittebant.

[106] From the walls they were letting down bread in baskets.

[107] Moenibus deturbat.

[107] He drives them down from the walls.

[108] Ne illa tauro paria sint.

[108] Lest those things be on a par with a bull.

[109] Ita fiducia quam argumentis purgatiores dimittuntur.

[109] Thus they are acquitted more by confidence than by arguments.

[110] Obviam fuere.

[110] They came to meet.

[111] Audaciter.

[111] Boldly.

[112] Et Poeni ferunt adversus . . .

[112] And the Carthaginians move against . . .

LIBER TERTIVS

BOOK THREE

[1] Inter recens domitos Isauros Pisidasque.

[1] Among the recently subdued Isaurians and Pisidians.

[2] Qui orae maritimae, qua Romanum esset imperium, curator [nocent]ior piratis.

[2] He, the curator of the maritime coast, wherever the Roman imperium was, was [more harmful] than the pirates.

[3]M. Antonius perdendae pecuniae genitus et vacuus a curis, nisi instantibus.

[3]M. Antonius, born for the losing of money, and empty of cares—unless they were pressing.

[4] Graviores bello, qui prohibitum venerant socii, se gerere.

[4] The allies, who had come though forbidden, conducted themselves more grievously than war.

[5] Antonius paucis ante diebus erupit ex urbe.

[5] Antonius erupted from the city a few days before.

[6] [Ligurum] copias Antonius haud facile prohibens a [navibus], quia periaci telum [pote]rat angusto introitu, neque Mamercus hostium [navis] in dextera communis classis aestate qui[eta] tutior in aperto [seque]batur. Iamque diebus al[iquot] per dubitationem [tritis], cum Ligurum praesidia [cessissent] in Alpis, Terentunorum accitu quaestio facta [ad] Sertorium pervehi [cum] Antonio ceterisque [place]ret, navibus in Hispaniam maturare. Postquam [vero] in Aresinarios ve[nere om]ni copia navium [longa]rum, quas reparatas habebant quaeque non [tempestatibus afflictae erant] . . .

[6]
Antony, not easily preventing the [forces of the Ligurians] from the [ships], because a hurled missile [was able] to get through the narrow entrance, nor, with the enemy’s [ship] on his right, did Mamercus follow the common fleet; in the [calm] summer the open sea was safer. And now, with [several] days worn away in hesitation, since the garrisons [had withdrawn] into the Alps [of the Ligurians], at the summons of the Terentunians a deliberation was held that it [should] [be to] proceed to Sertorius [with] Antony and the others, to hasten with the ships into Spain. After [indeed] they came into the Aresinarii with the [whole] complement of [long] ships, which they had repaired and which had not [been shattered by storms] . . .

[7] [disiunctus altissimo] flumine Diluno [ab hos]tibus, quem transgradi vel paucis prohibentibus nequibat, simulatis [transi]tibus aliis haud longe [a loco] illo classe, quam [evocarat], temereque textis ra[tibus] exercitum transduxit, [tum] praemisso cum equitibus Manio legato et parte navium longarum ad . . . insulam pervenit, [ratus] improviso metu [posse] recipi civitatem commeatibus Italicis opportunam. Atque illi loco freti ni[hil de] sententia mutavere; quippe tumulum lateribus in mare et tergo editis, [ad hoc] fronte ut angusto [ita] harenoso ingressu, du[plici muro muniverant].

[7] [separated by a very deep] river Diluno [from the ene]mies, which he could not cross, even if only a few were preventing, with other [crossings] feigned not far [from that place] by the fleet, which he [had summoned], and, with ra[fts] woven in haste, he ferried the army across; [then], after sending ahead with the cavalry the legate Manius and part of the long ships to the . . . island, he arrived, [thinking] that by an unlooked-for fear the city, convenient for Italian supplies, [could] be received. And they, relying on the place, changed nothing of their plan; for they had fortified a hill, with its sides projecting into the sea and its back elevated, [in addition] at the front with an entrance [as] narrow [so] sandy, [with a double wall they had fortified].

[8] Male iam adsuetum ad omnis vis controversiarum.

[8] Ill-accustomed now to all the force of controversies.

[9] Exercitum maiorum more verteret.

[9] He would wheel the army in the ancestral manner.

[10] Equis et armis decoribus cultus.

[10] Adorned with splendid horses and arms.

[11] SERVIUS Curribus falcatisusos esse maiores et Livius et Sallustius docent.

[11] SERVIUSBoth Livy and Sallust teach that the ancestors used scythed chariots.

[12] At illi, quibus vires aderant, cuncti ruere ad portas, inconditi tendere.

[12] But those, to whom strength was present, all rushed to the gates, unorganized, making for them.

[13] Dedecores inultique terga ab hostibus caedebantur.

[13] Dishonored and unavenged, their backs were being beaten by the enemies.

[14] Ad Cyzicum perrexit firmatus animi.

[14] He went on to Cyzicus, strengthened in spirit.

[15] Castrisque collatis, pugna tamen ingenio loci prohibebatur.

[15] With the camps set facing each other, the battle was nevertheless hindered by the character of the terrain.

[16] SERVIVSSallustius duces laudat, qui victoriam incruento exercitu reportaverunt.

[16] SERVIVSSallust praises the leaders who a victory with a bloodless army reported.

[17] Vnde pons in oppidum pertinens explicatur.

[17] Whence a bridge extending into the town is laid out.

[18] Exaudirique sonus Bacchanaliorum.

[18] And the sound of the Bacchanalia is heard.

[19] Quarum unam epistulam forte cum servo nancti praedatores Valeriani scorpione in castra misere.

[19] Having by chance gotten hold of one of the epistles together with the slave, Valerian’s raiders sent it by a scorpion into the camp.

[20] Et onere turrium incertis navibus.

[20] And the burden of towers on unsteady ships.

[21] Manus ferreas et alia adnexu idonea iniicere.

[21] To cast on grappling irons and other devices suitable for fastening.

[22] Saxaque ingentia et orbes axe iuncti per pronum incitabantur, axibusque eminebant in modum erici militaris veruta binum pedum.

[22]
And huge stones and wheels joined by an axle were set rolling down the slope, and from the axles
there projected, in the manner of a military hedgehog, javelins two feet long.

[23] Duos quam maxumos utris levi tabulae subiecit, qua super omni corpore quietus invicem tracto pede quasi gubernator existeret; ea inter molem atque insulam mari vitabundus classem hostium ad oppidum pervenit.

[23] He placed beneath a light board two skins as large as possible, upon which, with his whole body steady, by alternately drawing his foot he might act as a helmsman; with this, between the mole and the island, skirting along on the sea he reached the enemy fleet at the town.

[24] Et morbi graves ob inediam insolita vescentibus.

[24] And grave illnesses arose, on account of starvation, among those feeding on unaccustomed foods.

[25] SERVIVSVirgilius in peste describenda ordinem secutus est, quem et Lucretius tenuit et Sallustius primo aerem, inde aquam, post pabula esse corrupta.

[25] SERVIVSIn describing the plague, Virgil followed the order which both Lucretius and Sallust likewise maintained: first, that the air was corrupted, then the water, and after that the fodder was corrupted.

[26] Quia prominens aquilonibus minus gravescit quam cetera.

[26] Because, projecting toward the north winds, it grows less oppressive than the rest.

[27] Ne simplici quidem morte moriebantur.

[27] Not even by a simple death did they die.

[28] Vt sustinere corpora plerique nequeuntes arma sua quisque stans incumberet.

[28] So that most, being unable to sustain their bodies, each man, standing, leaned upon his own arms.

[29] PLUTARCHSallustius says� that camels were then seen by the Romans for the first time.

[29] PLUTARCHSallust says that camels were then seen by the Romans for the first time.

[30] SERVIVSCales civitas est Campaniae; nam in Flaminia quae est Cale dicitur. Est et in Gallaecia hoc nomine, quam Sallustius captam a Perperna commemorat.

[30] SERVIVSCales is a city of Campania; for on the Flaminia the place is called Cale. There is also in Gallaecia one with this name, which Sallust commemorates as captured by Perperna.

[31] Cui nomen oblivionis condiderant.

[31] They had bestowed upon it the name of oblivion.

[32] Sed Metello Cordubae hiemante cum duabus legionibus alione casu an, sapientibus ut placet, venti per cava terrae citatu rupti aliquot montes tumulique sedere.

[32] But with Metellus wintering at Corduba with two legions, whether by some other chance or, as it pleases the wise, winds, burst by a rush through the hollows of the earth, caused several mountains and hillocks to settle.

[33] Namque his praeter solita vitiosis magistratibus, cum per omnem provinciam infecunditate bienni proximi grave pretium fructibus esset.

[33] For indeed, with these magistrates corrupt beyond the usual, since through the whole province, because of the unfruitfulness of the most recent biennium, there was a heavy price for produce.

[34] Si, Quirites, parum existumaretis quid inter ius a maioribus relictum uobis et hoc a Sulla paratum seruitium interesset, multis mihi disserundum fuit, docendique quas ob iniurias et quotiens a patribus armata plebes secessisset utique uindices parauisset omnis iuris sui tribunos plebis. 2 Nunc hortari modo relicuom est et ire primum uia qua capessundam arbitror libertatem. 3 Neque me praeterit quantas opes nobilitatis solus, inpotens, inani specie magistratus, pellere dominatione incipiam, quantoque tutius factio noxiorum agat quam soli innocentes.

[34] If, Citizens, you were to reckon too little what difference there is between the ius bequeathed to you by your ancestors and this servitude prepared by Sulla, I would have had to argue at length, and to teach on account of what injuries and how often the plebs, under arms, seceded from the patres, and in any case provided as avengers of all their rights the tribunes of the plebs. 2 Now it only remains to exhort, and to go first by the road along which I judge liberty must be seized. 3 Nor does it escape me with what great resources of the nobility I, alone, powerless, with the empty semblance of a magistracy, am beginning to drive them from their domination, and how much more safely a faction of the guilty acts than the innocent when alone.

4 Sed praeter spem bonam ex uobis, quae metum uicit, statui certaminis aduorsa pro libertate potiora esse forti uiro quam omnino non certauisse.

4 But, beyond the good hope from you, which has conquered fear, I have determined that the adversities of the contest on behalf of liberty are preferable for a brave man than not to have contended at all.

5 Quamquam omnes alii, creati pro iure uostro, uim cunctam et imperia sua gratia aut spe aut praemiis in nos conuortere, meliusque habent mercede delinquere quam gratis recte facere. 6 Itaque omnes concessere iam in paucorum dominationem, qui per militare nomen, aerarium, exercitus, regna, prouincias occupauere et arcem habent ex spoliis uostris; cum interim, more pecorum, uos, multitudo, singulis habendos fruendosque praebetis, exuti omnibus quae maiores reliquere, nisi quia uobismet ipsi per suffragia, ut praesides olim, nunc dominos destinatis. 7 Itaque concessere illuc omnes; at mox, si uostra receperitis, ad uos plerique : raris enim animus est ad ea quae placent defendunda; ceteri ualidiorum sunt.

5 Although all the others, created for your right, turn all force and their commands by favor or hope or rewards against us, and they hold it better to offend for a wage than to do right for free. 6 And so all have now yielded into the domination of a few, who under the military name have seized the treasury, armies, kingdoms, provinces, and hold a citadel from your spoils; while meanwhile, after the manner of cattle, you, the multitude, offer yourselves to be had and enjoyed by individuals, stripped of all the things which your elders left, except that by your own suffrages you designate for yourselves, as once protectors, now masters. 7 Thus they have all conceded thither; but soon, if you recover what is yours, most will come to you : for rarely is there a spirit for defending the things that please; the rest belong to the stronger.

8 An dubium habetis num officere quid uobis uno animo pergentibus possit, quos languidos socordisque pertimuere? Nisi forte C. Cotta, ex factione media consul, aliter quam metu iura quaedam tribunis plebis restituit. Et quamquam L. Sicinius, primus de potestate tribunicia loqui ausus, mussantibus uobis circumuentus erat, tamen prius illi inuidiam metuere quam uos iniuriae pertaesum est.

8 Do you have it in doubt whether anything can hinder you as you proceed with one mind, whom the languid and slothful have feared? Unless perhaps C. Cotta, consul from the middle faction, restored certain rights to the tribunes of the plebs otherwise than through fear. And although L. Sicinius, the first to dare to speak about tribunician power, was surrounded while you were muttering, yet they feared odium sooner than you grew weary of injustice.

Quod ego nequeo satis mirari, Quirites; nam spem frustra fuisse intellexistis. 9 Sulla mortuo, qui scelestum imposuerat seruitium, finem mali credebatis : ortus est longe saeuior Catulus. 10 Tumultus intercessit Bruto et Mamerco consulibus.

Which I cannot marvel at enough, Quirites; for you realized that hope had been in vain. 9 With Sulla dead, who had imposed a nefarious servitude, you believed the end of the evil had come: there arose Catulus far more savage. 10 A tumult intervened with Brutus and Mamercus as consuls.

Dein C. Curio ad exitium usque insontis tribuni dominatus est. 11 Lucullus superiore anno quantis animis ierit in L Quintium uidistis. Quantae denique nunc mihi turbae concitantur!

Then C. Curio dominated even to the very ruin of an innocent tribune. 11 You saw with what great spirit Lucullus went against L Quintius in the previous year. And what tumults, at length, are now being stirred up against me!

Quae profecto in cassum agebantur, si prius quam uos seruiundi finem, illi dominationis facturi erant; praesertim cum his ciuilibus armis dicta alia, sed certatum utrimque de dominatione in uobis sit. 12 Itaque cetera ex licentia aut odio aut auaritia in tempus arsere; permansit una res modo, quae utrimque quaesita est et erepta in posterum, uis tribunicia, telum a maioribus libertati paratum. 13 Quod ego uos moneo quaesoque ut animaduortatis, neu nomina rerum ad ignauiam mutantes, otium pro seruitio appelletis.

Which assuredly were being carried on in vain,
if, before you were to make an end of being enslaved, they were going to make an end of their domination;
especially since, in this civil arming, other things have been said, but on both sides the contest has been for
domination over you. 12 Therefore the rest blazed for a time from licence or hatred or avarice;
one thing alone remained, which on both sides has been sought and snatched away for the future,
the tribunician power, a weapon prepared by our ancestors for liberty. 13 This I warn and beseech you to notice, and do not,
changing the names of things to suit cowardice, call servitude “peace.”

Quo iam ipso frui, si uera et honesta flagitium superauerit, non est condicio : fuisset, si omnino quiessetis. Nunc animum aduortere et, nisi uiceritis, quoniam omnis iniuria grauitate tutior est, artius habebunt.

To enjoy that very thing now, if what is true and honorable has been overcome by a flagitious deed, is not the condition; it would have been, if you had altogether kept quiet. Now turn your mind to it, and, unless you conquer, since every injustice is safer by gravity, they will hold you the more tightly.

14 "Quid censes igitur?" aliquis uostrum subiecerit. Primum omnium, omittendum morem hunc quem agitis, impigrae linguae, animi ignaui, non ultra contionis locum memores libertatis; 15 deinde—ne uos ad uirilia illa uocem, quo tribunos plebei, modo patricium magistratum, libera ab auctoribus patriciis suffragia maiores uostri parauere—cum uis omnis, Quirites, in uobis sit et quae iussa nunc pro aliis toleratis, pro uobis agere aut non agere certe possitis, Iouem aut alium quem deum consultorem expectatis? 16 Magna illa consulum imperia et patrum decreta uos exsequendo rata efficitis, Quirites; ultroque licentiam in uos auctum atque adiutum properatis.

14 "What do you think, then?" someone of you will have interjected. First of all, you must drop this custom you practice: an agile tongue, a cowardly spirit, remembering liberty no farther than the place of the assembly; 15 then—not to summon you to those manly courses, for which your ancestors prepared free suffrages, with patricians as sponsors, to elect tribunes of the plebs, and lately a patrician magistracy—since all the power, Quirites, is in you, and the orders which you now tolerate for others you can certainly either do or not do for yourselves, are you waiting for Jupiter or some other god as an adviser? 16 Those great powers of the consuls and the decrees of the fathers you, Quirites, by executing, make valid; and of your own accord you hasten to have the license against yourselves increased and reinforced.

17 Neque ego uos ultum iniurias hortor, magis uti requiem cupiatis; neque discordias, ut illi criminantur, sed earum finem uolens iure gentium res repeto; et, si pertinaciter retinebunt, non arma neque secessionem, tantummodo ne amplius sanguinem uostrum praebeatis censebo. 18 Gerant habeantquc suo modo imperia, quaerant triumphos, Mithridatem, Sertorium et reliquias exulum persequantur cum imaginibus suis; absit periculum et labos quibus nulla pars fructus est. 19 Nisi forte repentina ista frumentaria lege munia uostra pensantur; qua tamen quinis modiis libertatem omnium aestumauere, qui profecto non amplius possunt alimentis carceris.

17 Nor do I exhort you to avenge injuries, rather that you should desire repose; nor discords, as they accuse, but wishing for their end I reclaim my rights by the law of nations; and, if they persist in retaining them, I shall recommend not arms nor secession, only that you no longer offer your blood. 18 Let them conduct and possess, in their own fashion, the commands; let them seek triumphs; let them pursue Mithridates, Sertorius, and the remnants of the exiles together with their images; let danger and toil be far away from those for whom there is no share of the fruit. 19 Unless perhaps by that sudden grain-law your burdens are compensated; by which, however, they have valued the liberty of all at five modii, which surely cannot amount to more than the rations of the prison.

Namque ut illis exiguitate mors prohibetur, senescunt uires, sic neque absoluit cura familiari tam parua res, et ignaui cuiusque tenuissumas spes frustratur. 20 Quae tamen quamuis ampla, quoniam seruiti pretium ostentaretur, cuius torpedinis erat decipi et uostrarum rerum ultro iniuriae gratiam debere? Cauendus dolus est.

For indeed, just as for them death is prevented by scantness and their strength grows old, so neither does so small a provision discharge the familial care, and it frustrates the most tenuous hopes of any sluggard. 20 Which, however ample it might be, since the price of servitude was being flaunted, whose torpor would it be to be deceived, and to owe, into the bargain, gratitude for an injury to your affairs? Deceit must be guarded against.

21 Namque alio modo neque ualent in uniuorsos neque conabuntur. Itaque simul conparant delenimenta et differunt uos in aduentum Cn. Pompei, quem ipsum, ubi pertimuere, sublatum in ceruices suas, mox dempto metu lacerant. 22 Neque eos pudet, uindices uti se ferunt libertatis, tot uiros sine uno aut remittere iniuriam non audere, aut ius non posse defendere.

21 For in any other way they neither have strength over everyone at large nor will they attempt it. Therefore at the same time they prepare allurements and defer you to the advent of Cn. Pompey, that very man whom, when they grew afraid, they lifted upon their own necks, soon, with fear removed, they tear to pieces. 22 Nor are they ashamed, though they parade themselves as avengers of liberty, that so many men, without one man, either do not dare to remit an injury, or cannot defend right.

23 Mihi quidem satis spectatum est Pompeium, tantae gloriae adulescentem, malle principem uolentibus uobis esse quam illis dominationis socium, auctoremque in primis fore tribuniciae potestatis. 24 Verum, Quirites, antea singuli ciues in pluribus, non in uno cuncti praesidia habebatis, neque mortalium quisquam dare aut eripere talia unus poterat.

23 To me indeed Pompey, a youth of such great gloria, has been well tested: he prefers to be a princeps with you consenting rather than a partner in domination with them, and he would be, first and foremost, an author of the tribunician power. 24 But, Quirites, formerly individual citizens had safeguards in several persons, not all in one; nor could any one of mortals alone either grant or snatch away such things.

25 Itaque uerborum satis dictum est; neque enim ignorantia res claudit. 26 Verum occupauit nescio quae uos torpedo, qua non gloria mouemini neque flagitio, cunctaque praesenti ignauia mutauistis, abunde libertatem rati, [scilicet] quia tergis abstinetur et huc ire licet atque illuc, munera ditium dominorum. 27 Atque haec eadem non sunt agrestibus, sed caeduntur inter potentium inimicitias donoque dantur in prouincias magistratibus.

25 Therefore enough has been said in words; for it is not ignorance that closes the matter. 26 But some I‑know‑not‑what torpedo has seized you, by which you are moved neither by glory nor by disgrace, and you have exchanged everything for present cowardice, reckoning it ample liberty, [namely] because your backs are spared and it is permitted to go here and there—gifts of wealthy masters. 27 And these same things are not for countryfolk, but they are cut down amid the feuds of the powerful, and provinces are given as a gift to magistrates.

28 Ita pugnatur et uincitur paucis; plebes, quodcumque accidit, pro uictis est et in dies magis erit, si quidem maiore cura dominationem illi retinuerint quam uos repetiueritis libertatem.

28 Thus it is fought, and victory is won, by a few; the plebs, whatever happens, is as the conquered and will be more so day by day, if indeed they retain domination with greater care than you recover liberty.

[35] Fine inguinum ingrediuntur mare.

[35] They enter the sea up to their groins.

[36] Postquam egressus angustias.

[36] After he had gone out of the straits.

[37] Nam qui enare conati fuerant, icti saepe fragmentis navium, aut adflicti alvos undarum vi, mulcato foede corpore, postremo interibant tamen.

[37] For those who had endeavored to swim out, often struck by fragments of ships, or afflicted, dashed into the bellies of the waves by their force, with their bodies foully beaten, nevertheless in the end perished.

[38] Neque iam sustineri poterat immensum aucto mari et vento gliscente.

[38] Nor now could the immensity be sustained, the sea augmented and the wind increasing.

[39] PROBVS[sos] . . . unum Graecum legi in Sallustio secundae declinationis, si faciens genetivo, haec Amisos, huius Amisi.

[39] PROBVS[sos] . . . I have read one Greek [word] in Sallust, of the second declension, if making the genitive: this Amisos, of this Amisi.

[40] Castella, custodias thesaurorum, in deditionem acciperent.

[40] they would accept the surrender of the forts and the guards of the treasuries.

[41] At Oppius, postquam orans nihil proficiebat, timide veste tectum pugionem expedire conatus a Cotta Volscioque impeditur.

[41] But Oppius, after pleading to no effect, timidly, attempting to draw a dagger hidden beneath his cloak, is prevented by Cotta and Volscius.

[42] Dicit se eius opera non usurum, eumque ab armis dimittit.

[42] He says that he will not use his services, and he dismisses him from arms.

[43] SERVIVSLata autem ideo, quia se angustiae Pontici oris illic dilatant, ut Sallustius dixit.

[43] SERVIVSWide, however, for this reason, because the narrows of the Pontic mouth there expand, as Sallust said.

[44] Speciem efficit Scythici arcus.

[44] It effects the appearance of a Scythian bow.

[45] Vtque ipsum mare Ponticum dulcius quam cetera.

[45] And that the Pontic Sea itself is sweeter than the rest.

[46] Qua tempestate vis piscium Ponto erupit.

[46] At which season a force of fishes burst forth into the Pontus.

[47] Mari nomen inhospitali quaesierant.

[47] They had sought the name “Inhospitable” for the sea.

[48] Namque primum Iasonem novo itinere maris Aeetae hospitis domum violasse.

[48] For first Jason, by a new journey of the sea, violated the house of Aeetes, his host.

[49] Primum Graecorum Achillem.

[49] First of the Greeks, Achilles.

[50] Igitur introrsus prima Asiae Bithynia est, multis antea nominibus appellata. Nam prius Bebrycia dicta, deinde Mygdonia, mox a Bithyno rege Bithynia nuncupata.

[50] Therefore, further inward, the first of Asia is Bithynia, appellated by many names before. For previously called Bebrycia, then Mygdonia, soon thereafter from King Bithynus Bithynia denominated.

[51] PORPHYIONAnacreon, lyricus poeta, Teius fuit, ab urbe Teio, quam in Paphlagonia esse Sallustius indicat, cum de situ Pontico loquitur.

[51] PORPHYIONAnacreon, a lyric poet, was a Teian, from the city of Teos, which to be in Paphlagonia Sallust indicates, when he speaks about the Pontic region.

[52] Per hos [Halys] fluit, qui quondam Lydiae regna disiunxit a Persicis.

[52] Through these [the Halys] flows, which once disjoined the kingdoms of Lydia from the Persian.

[53] Dein campi Themiscyrei, quos habuere Amazones, a Tanai flumine, incertum quam ob causam, digressae.

[53] Then the Themiscyrian plains, which the Amazons held, after they had departed from the river Tanais—for what cause, it is uncertain.

[54] Namque omnium ferocissimi ad hoc tempus Achaei atque Tauri sunt, quod, quantum ego coniicio, locorum egestate rapto vivere coacti

[54] For indeed the fiercest of all up to this time are the Achaeans and the Tauri, because, as far as I conjecture, by the poverty of their regions they are compelled to live by rapine

[55] Quem trans stagnum omnis usque ad flumen.

[55] Across which a lagoon extends continuously all the way to the river.

[56] Scythae Nomades tenent, quibus plaustra sedes sunt.

[56] The Scythian Nomads hold it, for whom wagons are their abodes.

[57] NONIVS Proximum . . .Sallustius in situ Ponti de promunturiis Paphlagonum et eo quod Criumetopon appellavit, posuit.

[57] NONIVS Next . . .Sallust, in the Situation of the Pontus about the promontories
of the Paphlagonians and that which he called Criumetopon, set it down.

[58] Nomenque Danuvium habet, quoad Germanorum terras adstringit.

[58] And it bears the name Danube, so far as it borders the lands of the Germans.

[59] GELLIVSOmnium fluminum, quae in maria, qua imperium Romanum est, fluunt . . . maximum esse Nilum consentitur; proxima magnitudine esse Istrum scripsit Sallustius.

[59] GELLIVSOf all the rivers which into the seas, where the Roman imperium is, flow . . . it is agreed that the Nile is the greatest; that the Ister is next in magnitude, Sallustius wrote.

[60] PSEVDO-ACRONSpartacus princeps gladiatorum de illis quattuor et septuaginta, qui ludo egressi, ut Sallustius in tertio historiarum refert, grave proelium cum populo Romano gesserunt.

[60] PSEUDO-ACRONSpartacus, princeps of the gladiators, of those seventy‑four who went out from the training‑school, as Sallust reports in the third of the Histories, waged a grave battle with the Roman people.

[61] Ingens ipse virium atque animi.

[61] He himself was immense in strength and in spirit.

[62] Sin vis obsistat, ferro quam fame aequius perituros.

[62] But if force should stand in the way, they would more justly perish by steel than by hunger.

[63] Cossinius in proxima villa fonte lavabatur.

[63] Cossinius was bathing in a spring at a nearby villa.

[64] [hastas ig]ni torrere, quibus praeter speciem bello necessariam haud multo secas quam ferro noceri poterat. At Varinius, dum haec aguntur a fugitivis, aegra parte militum autumni gravitate, neque ex postrema fuga, cum severo edicto iuberentur, ullis ad signa redeuntibus, et qui reliqui erant, per summa flagitia detractantibus militiam, quaestorem suum C. Thoranium, ex quo praesente vera facillime noscerentur, [Romam] miserat; et tamen interim cum volentibus numero quattuor [milium, iuxta illos castra poni]t va[llo, fossa, per]magnis operibus communita. Deinde fugitivi, consumptis iam alimentis, ne praedantibus e propinquo hostis instaret, soliti [more] militiae vigilias stationesque et alia munia [exequi], secunda vigilia [silentio] cuncti egrediuntur relicto bucinatore [in] castris et ad vigilum [speciem] procul visentibus [palis] erexerant fulta [ante portam] recentia cadavera, [et] crebros ignis [fecerant, ut] formidine [fugarentur] Varini milites [. . . i]ter . . . . . inviis convertere.

[64]
to [roa]st the spears with fire, by which, besides an appearance requisite for war, not much less harm could be done than by iron. But Varinius, while these things are being done by the fugitives, with a part of the soldiers unwell from the heaviness of autumn, and with no one returning to the standards from the latest rout, although they were commanded by a severe edict, and those who remained shirking military service with the utmost disgraces, had sent his quaestor Gaius Thoranius, through whose presence the truth might be most easily ascertained, to [Rome]; and yet meanwhile, with volunteers to the number of four [thousand, he places the camp next to them], fortified with a ra[mpart, a ditch, with] very great works. Then the fugitives, their provisions now consumed, lest, while foraging, the enemy press them close from nearby, being accustomed in the [custom] of soldiery to carry out watches and pickets and other duties, in the second watch [in silence] all go out, leaving a trumpeter behind [in] the camp, and for the [appearance] of sentries to those viewing from afar, they had erected [stakes] propped [before the gate] with fresh corpses, [and] they had made frequent fires [so that] by fear Varinius’s soldiers [might be put to flight], to turn [. . . i]ter . . . . . into pathless places.

At Varinius multa iam luce desiderans solita a fugitivis convicia et in castra coniectus lapidum, [ad hoc] strepitus tumultusque et sonores undique [urgentium], mittit equites [in tumulum] circum prominentem, ut explorarent [insequentesque] propere vestigia. [Sed fugativos] credens longe [abesse munito] tamen agmine [insidias] pavens se [recepit, ut exercitum] duplicaret [novis militibus]. At Cumas . . . [Post] aliquot dies contra morem fiducia augeri nostris coepit et promi lingua. Qua Varinius contra spectatam rem incaute motus novos incognitosque et aliorum casibus perculsos milites ducit tamen ad castra fugitivorum presso gradu, silentis iam, neque tam magnifice sumentis proelium quam postulaverant.

But Varinius, as the light was now far advanced, missing the usual insults from the fugitives and the hurling of stones into the camp, [in addition] the din and tumult and sounds on every side of those [pressing], sends horsemen [onto a mound] jutting out around, to explore the tracks and, [pursuing], swiftly follow them. [But the fugitives], believing them to be far [away], with the column nevertheless [fortified], fearing [ambuscades], he withdrew himself [so that he might double the army] with [new soldiers]. At Cumae . . . [After] several days, contrary to custom, confidence among our men began to grow and the tongue to be loosed. Whereupon Varinius, moved incautiously against a matter already observed, leads soldiers new and untried and struck by the mishaps of others nevertheless to the camp of the fugitives at a compressed pace, who were now silent, and not taking up battle so magnificently as they had demanded.

Atque illi certamine consili inter se iuxta seditionem erant, Crixo et gentis eiusdem Gallis atque Germanis obviam ire et ultro offerre pugnam cupientibus, contra Spartaco [impetum dissuadente].

And they were in a contest of counsel among themselves, bordering on sedition, with Crixus and the Gauls and Germans of the same nation eager to go to meet them and to offer battle unprovoked, while, on the contrary, Spartacus was [dissuading an attack].

[65] Incidere in colonos Abellanos praesidentis agros suos.

[65] They fell upon the Abellan colonists who were guarding their own fields.

[66]. . . ne, qua [ratione vagarentur] ad id temporis . . . tumque seclu[derentur itinere iam] et extin[guerentur . . . simul] curam . . . isset haud . . . itaque quam [celerrime abirent]. Haud aliam [fugae rationem] capiendam [sibi esse pauci] prudentes [probare, liberi] animi nobilesque, [ceteri . . .] laudantque, [quod ille iubet fac]ere; pars stolide [copiis] adfluentibus [ferocique ingenio] fidens, alii [inhoneste] patriae immemo[res, at] plurumi servili [indole nihil] ultra praedam [et crudelitatem appetere] . . . consilium . . . optimum videbatur. Deinceps monet in laxiores agros magisque pecuarios ut egrediantur, ubi, priusquam refecto exercitu adesset Varinius, augeretur numerus lectis viris; et propere nanctus idoneum ex captivis ducem Picentinis, deinde Eburinis iugis occultus ad Naris Lucanas, atque inde prima luce pervenit ad Anni Forum, ignaris cultoribus. Ac statim fugitivi contra praeceptum ducis rapere ad stuprum virgines matronasque, et alii . . . nunc restantes et eludebant simul nefandum in modum perverso volnere, et interdum lacerum corpus semianimum omittentes; alii in tecta iaciebant ignis, multique ex loco servi, quos ingenium socios dabat, abdita a dominis aut ipsos trahebant ex occulto; neque sanctum ant nefandum quicquam fuit irae barbarorum et servili ingenio.

[66].
. . . lest, by what [ratione vagarentur] up to that time . . . and then that they would be seclu[ded from the route already] and extin[guised . . . at the same time] he . . . concern . . . had gone by not at all . . . and so that they [depart as very swiftly as possible]. Not any other [plan of flight] to be adopted [for themselves, a few] prudent men [approve, of free] spirit and noble, [the rest . . .] also praise [what he orders to] do; a part, foolishly trusting in [forces] overflowing [and in a fierce disposition], others [dishonorably] forgetful of their fatherland, but the very many with a servile [nature to desire nothing] beyond plunder [and cruelty] . . . the plan . . . seemed best. Next he advises that they go out into more open fields and more pastoral ones, where, before Varinius should arrive with his army restored, their number might be increased with chosen men; and, quickly finding a suitable leader from among the captives for the Picentines, then, hidden along the Eburine ridges to the Lucanian Nar, from there at first light he reached the Forum of Annius, the cultivators being unaware. And at once the fugitives, against the commander’s order, seized maidens and matrons for rape, and others . . . now those who resisted they both mocked and at the same time, in unspeakable fashion, with a perverse wound, and sometimes leaving the torn body half-alive; others were hurling fire onto the roofs, and many slaves from the place, whom inclination made comrades, they dragged from hiding from their masters, or the masters themselves out of concealment; nor was anything sacred or forbidden to the rage of the barbarians and to a servile nature.

Quae Spartacus nequiens prohibere, multis precibus quum oraret, celeritate praevertere [de re] nuntios . . . neque . . . [odium] in se [convertere. Quos] crudeliter [caedibus] occupatos ac . . . gravis plerique . . . [at] illum diem [atque proximam] noctem ib[idem commoratus] duplicato [iam fugitivorum] numero [castra movet] prima cum luce [et consedit] in campo satis [lato, ubi colo]nos aedificis [egressos videt]; et tum mat[ura in agris] erant autumni [frumenta]. Sed incolae [iam ple]no die gnari ex [fuga finit]imorum fugitivos [ad se] adventare, [properant cum] omnibus [suis in montes vicinos].

Which things Spartacus, being unable to prevent, when with many entreaties he was pleading, by speed
to outstrip the messengers [about the matter] . . . and not . . . [to turn] [hatred] upon himself. [Whom]
cruelly [occupied with slaughters] and . . . most were grievous . . . [but] that day
[and the next] night [having remained there], with the [now fugitives’] number doubled,
[he moves the camp] at first light [and took position] on a field sufficiently [broad, where he sees the colo]nists
having gone out from their buildings; and then the autum[nal were ma]ture [in the fields], the [grains].
But the inhabitants, [already full] day, aware from [the flight of neigh]bors that the fugitives [toward them]
were approaching, [hasten with] all [their belongings into the neighboring mountains].

[67] Vnus constitit in agro Lucano gnarus loci nomine Publipor.

[67] One man took his stand in the Lucanian countryside, knowledgeable of the place, by name Publipor.

[68] SERVIVSMedio Ponto, potest quidem intellegi secundum Sallustium longe a continenti.

[68] SERVIUSBy the middle of the Pontus, it can indeed be understood, according to Sallust, as far from the continent.

[69] Creta altior est, qua parte spectat orientem.

[69] Crete is higher, on the side where it faces the east.

[70] Tota autem insula modica et cultoribus variis est.

[70] The whole island, however, is small and has various inhabitants.

[71] SERVIVS Otus in Cretasecundum Sallustium, unde Otii campi.

[71] SERVIVS Otus in Creteaccording to Sallust, whence the fields of Otii.

[72] [Curetes], quia principes intellegendi divini fuerunt, vetustatem, uti cetera, in maius componentem, altores Iovis celebravisse.

[72] [Curetes], because they were princes of divine intelligence, antiquity—composing into the greater, as in other matters—has celebrated as the nourishers of Jove.

[73] SERVIVS Carae insulani populi fuerunt, piratica famosi, victi a Minoe,ut et Thucydides et Sallustius dicunt.

[73] SERVIVS The Carians were island peoples, notorious for piracy, conquered by Minos,as both Thucydides and Sallust say.

[74] Et forte in navigando cohors una, grandi phaselo vecta, a ceteris deerravit, marique placido a duobus praedonum myoparonibus circumventa.

[74] And by chance while sailing, a single cohort, carried in a large phaselus, strayed from the rest, and with the sea placid was surrounded by two pirate myoparons.

[75] In quis notissimus quisque aut malo dependens verberatur, aut immutilato corpore improbe patibulo eminens affligebatur.

[75] Among whom, each of the most well-known was either, hanging from the mast, flogged; or, with his body mutilated, shamefully raised aloft on a gibbet, was afflicted.

[76] Ibi triennio frustra trito.

[76] There, three years were worn away in vain.

[77] Hanc igitur redarguit Tarquitius.

[77] Therefore Tarquitius refuted this.

[78] Cavere imperatorem perfido a Celtibero.

[78] He tells the emperor to beware of the treacherous Celtiberian.

[79] Igitur discubuere, Sertorius inferior in medio, super eum L. Fabius Hispaniensis senator ex proscriptis; in summo Antonius, et infra scriba Sertori Versius; et alter scriba Maecenas in imo, medius inter Tarquitium et dominum Perpernam.

[79] Thus they reclined: Sertorius on the lower [couch], in the middle place; above him L. Fabius the Spaniard, a senator from among the proscribed; on the top, Antonius; and below, Versius, clerk to Sertorius; and the other clerk, Maecenas, on the lowest, in the middle between Tarquitius and his master Perperna.

[80] Diversa, uti solet, rebus perditis capessivit; namque alii fiducia gnaritatis locorum occultam fugam sparsi, [pars] globis eruptionem temptavere.

[80] They undertook diverse courses, as is usual when things are desperate; for some, trusting in their knowledge of the localities, scattered for a secret flight, [a part] attempted a breakout in masses.

[81] Perpernam forte cognoscit mulio redemptoris.

[81] By chance the muleteer of the contractor recognizes Perperna.

[82] Vbi multa nefanda esca super ausi atque passi.

[82] Where, for food, they dared and suffered many nefarious things besides.

[83] Parte consumpta reliqua cadaverum ad diuturnitatem usus sallerent.

[83] With a part consumed, they salted the remaining cadavers for long-term use.

[84] Sed Pompeius a prima adulescentia sermone fautorum similem fore se credens Alexandro regi facta consultaque eius quidem aemulatus erat.

[84] But Pompey, from his earliest adolescence, believing from the discourse of his fautors that he would be similar to King Alexander, had indeed emulated his deeds and counsels.

[85] [Pompeius] de victis Hispanis tropaea in Pyrenaei iugis constituit.

[85]
[Pompey] set up trophies over the conquered Spaniards on the ridges of the Pyrenees.

[86] Locum nullum, nisi quo armati constitissent, ipsis tutum fore.

[86] No place, except where armed men had taken up position, would be secure for them.

[87] Exuant armis equisque.

[87] Let them go out from their arms and horses.

[88] Germani intectum renonibus corpus tegunt.

[88] The Germans cover their bare bodies with fur cloaks.

[89] Vestes de pellibus renones vocantur.

[89] Garments made of pelts are called renones.

[90] Et eodem tempore Lentulus duplici acie locum editum, multo sanguine suorum defensum, postquam ex sarcinis paludamenta extare et delectae cohortes intellegi coepere . . .

[90] And at the same time Lentulus, with a double battle-line, seized a raised position, defended with much blood of his own men,
after the paludaments were seen to protrude from the baggage and the chosen cohorts
began to be discerned . . .

[91] Atque eum Curio laudatum accensumque praemiorum spe, quibuscum optavisset, ire iubet.

[91] And Curio orders him, after being praised and fired up by hope of rewards, to go with those with whom he had wished.

[92] Curio religione Volcanaliorum diem ibidem moratus.

[92] Curio, on account of the religious scruple of the Volcanalia, remained there for the day.

[93] Quod ubi frustra temptatum est, socordius ire miles occipere, non aptis armis, ut in principio, laxiore agmine.

[93] When this had been attempted in vain, the soldiers begin to go more sluggishly, their arms not fitted,
not as at the beginning, in a looser column.

[94] Nam tertia luna erat, et sublima nebula coelum obscurabat.

[94]
For it was the third day of the moon, and a lofty mist was obscuring the sky.

[95] Coniuratione claudit.

[95] He concludes with a conspiracy.

[96] Ac tum maxime, uti solet in extremis rebus, sibi quisque carissumum domi recordari, cunctique omnium ordinum [munia]extrema sequi.

[96] And then most of all, as it is wont in extreme matters, each person remembers at home what is dearest to himself, and all, of every order, pursue the final [duties].

[97] Perculsis et animi incertis succurritur.

[97] Succor is given to the stricken and to those uncertain in mind.

[98] Muros successerant.

[98] They had advanced to the walls.

[99] Contra ille calvi ratus quaerit, extnisne an somnio portenderetur thesaurus.

[99] On the other hand, he, thinking as Calvus did, asks whether the treasure was portended by the entrails or by a dream.

[100] Dubius consilii.

[100] Dubious of his plan.

LIBER QVARTVS

BOOK FOUR

[1] At Cn. Lentulus patriciae gentis, collega eius, cui cognomentum Clodiano fuit, perincertum stolidior an vanior, legem de pecunia, quam Sulla emptoribus bonorum remiserat, exigenda promulgavit.

[1] But Cn. Lentulus, of patrician lineage, his colleague, whose cognomen was Clodianus, most uncertain whether more stolid or more vainglorious, promulgated a law concerning the money to be exacted which Sulla had remitted to the purchasers of the goods.

[2] Eum atque Metrophanem senatus magna industria perquirebat, cum per tot scaphas, quas ad ostia cum paucis fidis percuntatum miserant.

[2] The senate was searching out him and Metrophanes with great industry, while by means of so many skiffs, which they had sent to the mouths with a few faithful men to make inquiries.

[3] Turmam equitum castra regis succedere, et prope rationem explorare iubet.

[3] He orders a troop of horsemen to advance to the king’s camp, and to reconnoiter the situation at close range.

[4] Igitur legiones pridie in monte positas arcessivit.

[4] Therefore he summoned the legions that had been stationed on the mountain the day before.

[5] Quo cupidius in ore ducis sese quisque bonum et strenuum ostentantes.

[5] Whereupon, more eagerly, before the leader, each man displayed himself as good and strenuous.

[6] At Lucullum regis cura machinata fames brevi fatigabat.

[6] But a famine, machinated by the king’s care, was in a short time fatiguing Lucullus.

[7] Qua nocte ipse fiebat anceps.

[7] On that night he himself was in two minds.

[8] Ita castra sine volnere introitum.

[8] Thus the camp was entered without a wound.

[9] Et reversi postero die multa, quae properantes deseruerant in castris, nancti, quum se ibi vino ciboque laeti invitarent.

[9] And, having returned on the following day, they found many things which, in their haste, they had abandoned in the camp, while there they, joyful, were regaling themselves with wine and food.

[10] Tenuit Lucullus thesauros, custodias regias.

[10] Lucullus held the treasuries and the royal guard-posts.

[11] Aenum et Maroneam viamque militarem.

[11] Aenus and Maronea and the military road.

[12] SERVIVS Moesii,quos Sallustius a Lucullo dicit esse superatos.

[12] SERVIUS Moesians,whom Sallust says were conquered by Lucullus.

[13] Bizone.

[14] Hi locorum perignari et soliti nectere ex viminibus vasa agrestia, ibi tum, quod inopia scutorum fuerat, ea arte se quisque in formam parmae equestris armabat [scuto].

[14] These men, well-versed in the localities and accustomed to plait rustic vessels out of withies, there then, since there had been a scarcity of shields, by that craft each man armed himself [with a shield] in the shape of a cavalry parma.

[15] Coria recens detracta quasi glutino adolescebant.

[15] The hides, freshly stripped off, were setting as if by glue.

[16] Rursus iumenta nacti ad oppidum ire contendunt.

[16] Again, having obtained pack-animals, they hasten to go to the town.

[17] Omnis, quibus senecto corpore animus militaris erat.

[17] All those in whom, with the body grown old, there was a military spirit.

[18] Sorte ductos fusti necat.

[18] He kills those drawn by lot with a club.

[19] Omnis Italia coacta in angustias finditur in duo promunturia, Bruttium et Sallentinum.

[19] All Italy, compressed into straits, is split into two promontories, Bruttium and Salentinum.

[20] Italiae plana ac mollia.

[20] The plains and gentle lands of Italy.

[21] Ad Siciliam vergens faucibus ipsis non amplius patet milibus quinque et triginta.

[21] Verging toward Sicily, at the very narrows it is no more than thirty-five miles wide.

[22] Italiae Siciliam coniunctam constat fuisse; sed medium spatium aut per humilitatem obrutum est, aut per angustiam scissum. Ut autem tam curvom sit, facit natura mollioris Italiae, in quam asperitas et altitudo Siciliae aestum relidit.

[22] It is agreed that Sicily was once conjoined to Italy; but the middle space either through lowness has been covered over, or through narrowness has been sundered. And as to why it is so curved, the nature of the softer Italy causes it, into which the asperity and altitude of Sicily the tide beats back.

[23] Scyllam accolae saxum mari imminens appellant, simile celebratae formae procul visentibus. Et monstruosam speciem fabulae illi dederunt, quasi forma hominis caninis succinctam capitibus, quia collisi ibi fluctus latratus videntur exprimere.

[23] The inhabitants call Scylla a rock overhanging the sea, similar in form to the celebrated figure to those viewing from afar. And they have given to it the monstrous appearance of fable, as if, in the shape of a human, girded with canine heads, because the waves dashed together there seem to express a barking.

[24] Charybdis mare verticosum, quod forte illata naufragia sorbens gurgitibus occultis milia sexaginta Tauromenitana ad litora trahit, ubi se laniata naufragia fundo emergunt.

[24] Charybdis is a whirling sea, which, absorbing with hidden whirlpools the shipwrecks brought in by chance, draws them sixty miles to the Tauromenitan shores, where the lacerated wrecks emerge from the bottom.

[25] SERVIVS Pelorum promontorium Siciliae est,secundum Sallustium dictum a gubernatore Hannibalis illic sepulto.

[25] SERVIUS The Pelorus promontory is in Sicily,according to Sallust, named from the helmsman of Hannibal buried there.

[26] Dolia quum sub trabes locata vitibus aut tergis vinciebant.

[26] They used to bind the jars, when placed under the beams, with vines or with hides.

[27] Implicatae rates ministeria prohibebant.

[27] Entangled ships were preventing the services.

[28] C. Verres litora Italia propinqua firmavit.

[28] C. Verres fortified the shores near Italy.

[29] Frigida nocte.

[29] On a cold night.

[30] Infrequentem stationem nostram incuriosamque tum ab armis.

[30] Our station was infrequent and incurious then with regard to arms.

[31] In silva Sila fuerunt.

[31] They were in the Sila forest.

[32] Dissidere inter se coepere, neque in medium consultare.

[32] They began to dissent among themselves, and not to consult in common.

[33] Sapor iuxta fontis dulcissimos.

[33] Savor beside the sweetest springs.

[34] Cum interim, lumine etiamtum incerto, duae Galliae mulieres conventum vitantes ad menstrua solvenda montem ascendunt.

[34] Meanwhile, with the light still uncertain, two Gallic women, avoiding the assembly, go up the mountain to discharge their menstrual courses.

[35] Avidior modo properandi factus.

[35] Now made more eager for hastening.

[36] Haud impigre neque inultus occiditur.

[36] He is slain by no means sluggishly, nor unavenged.

[37] Multisque suspicionibus volentia plebi facturus habebatur.

[37] And, amid many suspicions, he was being considered about to do what was pleasing to the plebs.

[38] M. Lollius Palicanus, humili loco Picens, loquax magis quam facundus.

[38] M. Lollius Palicanus, a Picentine of humble rank, more loquacious than eloquent.

[39] Magnam exorsus orationem.

[39] Having embarked upon a great oration.

[40] Si nihil ante adventum suum inter plebem et patres convenisset, coram se daturum operam.

[40] If nothing had been agreed before his arrival between the plebs and the senators, in person he would give his attention.

[41] Qui quidem mos ut tabes in urbem coniectus.

[41] Which custom indeed, like a pestilence, having been cast into the city.

[42] Multitudini ostendens, quam colere plurimum, ut mox cupitis ministram haberet, decreverat.

[42] Showing to the multitude, whom to cultivate most of all, so that he might soon have her as a minister to your desires, he had decided.

[43] Exercitum dimisit, ut primum Alpis digressus est.

[43] He dismissed the army, as soon as he had left the Alps.

[44] Quod in praesens modo satis cautum fuerat.

[44] Which for the present had only been sufficiently provided for.

[45] Collegam minorem et sui cultorem exspectans.

[45] Awaiting a junior colleague and a devotee of himself.

[46] Amisumque assideri sine proeliis audiebat.

[46] And he was hearing that Amisus was being besieged without battles.

[47] Scalas pares moenium altitudine.

[47] Ladders equal to the height of the walls.

[48] Quia praedatores facibus sibi praelucentes ambustas in tectis sine cura reliquerant.

[48] Because the plunderers, lighting the way for themselves with torches, had left them, charred, on the roofs without care behind.

[49] Demissis partem quasi tertiam antemnis.

[49] With the yards lowered by, as it were, a third part.

[50] Quasi par in oppido festinatio et ingens terror erat, ne ex latere nova munimenta madore infirmarentur; nam omnia oppidi stagnabant, redundantibus cloacis advorso aestu maris.

[50] As if a like haste in the town and immense terror, lest on the flank the new defenses be weakened by moisture; for everything in the town was stagnating, the sewers overflowing with the sea’s tide running in against them.

[51] Atque hiavit humus multa, vasta et profunda.

[51] And the ground yawned wide in many places, vast and deep.

[52] Post reditum eorum, quibus senatus belli Lepidani gratiam fecerat.

[52] After the return of those to whom the senate had granted pardon for the Lepidan war.

[53] Fenoribus copertus est.

[53] He was covered with interest-bearing debts.

[54] Suspectusque fuit, incertum vero an per neglegentiam, societatem praedarum cum latronibus composuisse.

[54] And he was suspected, though indeed it is uncertain whether through negligence, of having arranged a partnership in booty with bandits.

[55] L. Hostilius Dasianus inquies animi.

[55] Lucius Hostilius Dasianus, restless in mind.

[56] Crassus obtrectans potius collegae, quam boni aut mali publici gnavus aestimator.

[56] Crassus, a detractor of his colleague rather than a diligent appraiser of the public good or ill.

[57] Tetrarchas regesque [ex]territos animi firmavit.

[57] He strengthened in spirit the tetrarchs and kings who were terrified.

[58] Insolens vera accipiendi.

[58] Unaccustomed to accepting the truth.

[59] Dein lenita iam ira postero die liberalibus verbis permulcti sunt.

[59] Then, with the anger now softened, on the following day they were soothed by generous words.

[60] Quam maximis itineribus per regnum Ariobarzanis contendit ad flumen Euphraten, qua in parte Cappadocia ab Armenia disiungitur; et quamquam naves caudicariae occulte per hiemem fabricatae aderant.

[60] By the greatest possible marches he pressed on through the kingdom of Ariobarzanes to the river Euphrates,
in that part where Cappadocia is disjoined from Armenia; and although raft-boats, secretly
fabricated during the winter, were at hand.

[61] Vt tanta repente mutatio non sine deo videretur.

[61] So that so great a sudden change seemed not without a god.

[62] Naphthas, genus olei cedro simile.

[62] Naphtha, a kind of oil similar to cedar.

[63] Pluteos rescindit, ac munitiones demolitur, locoque summo potitur.

[63] He cuts down the mantelets, demolishes the fortifications, and takes possession of the highest position.

[64] Et sequebantur equites catafracti.

[64] And the cataphract horsemen followed.

[65] Equis paria operimenta erant, namque linteo ferreas laminas in modum plumae adnexuerant.

[65] The horses had matching coverings, for to linen they had fastened iron laminae in the manner of plumage.

[66] Qui praegradiebantur equites cataphracti ferrea omni specie.

[66] The cataphract horsemen who went before were iron in every aspect.

[67] Rex Mithridates regi Arsaci salutem. Omnes, qui secundis rebus suis ad belli societatem orantur, considerare debent, liceatne tum pacem agere, dein, quod quaesitur, satisne pium, tutum, gloriosum an indecorum sit. 2 tibi si perpetua pace frui licet, nisi hostes opportuni et scelestissumi, egregia fama, si Romanos oppresseris, futura est, neque petere audeam societatem et frustra mala mea cum bonis tuis misceri sperem.

[67] King Mithridates to King Arsaces, greeting. All who, in prosperous circumstances, are invited to a partnership in war ought to consider whether it is then permitted to treat for peace, then, as to what is sought, whether it is sufficiently pious, safe, glorious, or indecorous. 2 for you, if it is permitted to enjoy perpetual peace—unless there exist enemies both opportune and most criminal—illustrious renown, if you overpower the Romans, will ensue; nor would I dare to seek an alliance and hope, in vain, that my evils be mingled with your goods.

3 atque ea, quae te morari posse videntur, ira in Tigranem recentis belli et meae res parum prosperae, si vera existumare voles, maxume hortabuntur. ille enim obnoxius qualem tu voles societatem accipiet; 4 mihi fortuna multis rebus ereptis usum dedit bene suadendi et, quod florentibus optabile est, ego non validissumus praebeo exemplum, quo rectius tua conponas.

3 And those things which seem able to delay you—the anger toward Tigranes from the recent war and my affairs being too little prosperous—if you wish to judge truly, will most greatly encourage you. For he, being beholden, will accept such an alliance as you will wish; 4 to me, Fortune, many things having been snatched away, has given the practice of advising well, and—what is desirable for those who are flourishing—I, not the most powerful, provide an example by which you may compose your own more rightly.

5 Namque Romanis cum nationibus, populis, regibus cunctis una et ea vetus causa bellandi est: cupido profunda imperi et divitiarum. qua primo cum rege Macedonum Philippo bellum sumpsere, dum a Carthaginiensibus premebantur, amicitiam simulantes. 6 ei subvenientem Antiochum concessione Asiae per dolum avortere; ac mox fracto Philippo Antiochus omni cis Taurum agro et decem milibus talentorum spoliatus est.

5 For to the Romans, with nations, peoples, kings all alike, there is one—and that an old—cause of waging war: a deep craving for dominion and riches. By this they first undertook war with Philip, king of the Macedonians, while they were being pressed by the Carthaginians, pretending friendship. 6 Antiochus, coming to aid him, they turned aside by a deceitful concession of Asia; and soon, Philip having been broken, Antiochus was despoiled of all territory on this side of the Taurus and of ten thousand talents.

7 Persen deinde, Philippi filium, post multa et varia certamina apud Samothracas deos acceptum in fidem callidi et repertores perfidiae, quia pacto vitam dederant, insomniis occidere. 8 Eumen, quoius amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere Antiocho pacis mercedem, post, habitum custodiae agri captivi, sumptibus et contumeliis ex rege miserrumum servorum effecere, simulatoque inpio testamento filium eius Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per triumphum duxere; Asia ab ipsis obsessa est. 9 postremo Bithyniam Nicomede mortuo diripuere, quom filius Nysa, quam reginam appellaverat, genitus haud dubie esset.

7 Perseus then, the son of Philip, after many
and various contests, although he had been received into the faith of the Samothracian gods, they, sly and inventors of perfidy—because by a pact they had granted him life—killed by insomnia. 8 Eumenes,
whose friendship they ostentate gloriously, at the outset they betrayed to Antiochus as the price of peace; afterward, treated as a guard of captured territory, by expenses and contumelies they made him from a king the most wretched of slaves; and with a simulated impious testament they led his son
Aristonicus—because he had sought the paternal kingdom—through a triumph after the manner of enemies; Asia was besieged by them. 9 finally they plundered Bithynia upon the death of Nicomedes, although
a son born of Nysa, whom he had styled queen, existed without doubt.

10 Nam quid ego me appellem? quem diiunctum undique regnis et tetrarchiis ab imperio eorum, quia fama erat divitem neque serviturum esse, per Nicomedem bello lacessiverunt, sceleris eorum haud ignarum et ea, quae adcidere, testatum antea Cretensis, solos omnium liberos ea tempestate, et regem Ptolemaeum. 11 atque ego ultus iniurias Nicomedem Bithynia expuli Asiamque, spolium regis Antiochi, recepi et Graeciae dempsi grave servitium.

10 For why should I bring myself up? me, who, cut off on all sides from their dominion by kingdoms and tetrarchies, because the report was that I was wealthy and would not be a servant, they provoked to war through Nicomedes, I being by no means ignorant of their crime, and—with the Cretans, the only free people of all at that time, and King Ptolemy, as prior witnesses of the things that befell. 11 And I, having avenged the injuries, drove Nicomedes from Bithynia, recovered Asia, the spoil of King Antiochus, and removed from Greece its grave servitude.

12 incepta mea postremus servorum Archelaus exercitu prodito inpedivit. illique, quos ignavia aut prava calliditas, ut meis laboribus tuti essent, armis abstinuit, acerbissumas poenas solvunt, Ptolemaeus pretio in dies bellum prolatans, Cretenses inpugnati semel iam neque finem nisi excidio habitur[i].

12 my undertakings were impeded by the last of my servants, Archelaus, the army having been betrayed. and those whom cowardice or perverse cunning kept from arms, so that by my labors they might be safe, pay the most bitter penalties—Ptolemy, by a price prolonging the war day by day, and the Cretans, once already assailed, now to have no end save by destruction.

13 Equidem quom mihi ob ipsorum interna mala dilata proelia magis quam pacem datam intellegerem, abnuente Tigrane, qui mea dicta sero probat, te remoto procul, omnibus aliis obnoxiis, rursus tamen bellum coepi, Marcumque Cottam, Romanum ducem, apud Calchedona terra fudi, mari exui classe pulcherruma. 14 apud Cyzicum magno cum exercitu in obsidio moranti frumentum defuit, nullo circum adnitente; simul hiems mari prohibebat. ita sine vi hostium regredi conatus in patrium regnum naufragiis apud Parium et Heracleam militum optumos cum classibus amisi.

13 Indeed, when I understood that battles had been deferred to me on account of their internal evils rather than that peace had been given, with Tigranes refusing—who too late approves my sayings—you removed far away, all the others in subjection, nevertheless I began war again, and Marcus Cotta, a Roman leader, at Chalcedon I routed on land, and at sea I stripped him of a most splendid fleet. 14 near Cyzicus, as he lingered in a siege with a great army, grain failed, with no one around striving; at the same time winter kept from the sea. Thus, attempting to return without the force of the enemy into my native kingdom, by shipwrecks at Parium and Heraclea I lost the best of my soldiers together with the fleets.

15 restituto deinde apud Caberam exercitu et variis inter me atque Lucullum proeliis inopia rursus ambos incessit. illi suberat regnum Ariobarzanis bello intactum, ego vastis circum omnibus locis in Armeniam concessi. secutique Romani non me, sed morem suom omnia regna subvortundi, quia multitudinem artis locis pugna prohibuere, inprudentiam Tigranis pro victoria ostentant.

15 then, the army having been restored at Cabera, and with various battles between me and Lucullus, scarcity again assailed us both. He had at hand the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, untouched by war; I, all the regions around being laid waste, withdrew into Armenia. And the Romans, having followed, pursued not me but their own custom of subverting all kingdoms, since their multitude and the narrow places prevented battle, and they display the imprudence of Tigranes as if it were a victory.

16 Nunc quaeso considera, nobis oppressis utrum firmiorem te ad resistundum an finem belli futurum putes? scio equidem tibi magnas opes virorum, armorum et auri esse; et ea re a nobis ad societatem, ab illis ad praedam peteris. ceterum consilium est, Tigranis regno integro, meis militibus [belli prudentibus], procul ab domo parvo labore per nostra corpora bellum conficere, quom neque vincere neque vinci sine tuo periculo possumus.

16 Now, I ask, consider, with us oppressed, whether you think you will be stronger for resisting, or that there will be an end of the war? I indeed know that you have great resources of men, arms, and gold; and for that reason you are sought by us for alliance, by them for plunder. Moreover the plan is, with Tigranes’s kingdom intact, with my soldiers [experienced in war], far from home with little toil to finish the war through our bodies, since we can neither conquer nor be conquered without your peril.

17 an ignoras Romanos, postquam ad occidentem pergentibus finem Oceanus fecit, arma huc convortisse? neque quicquam a principio nisi raptum habere, domum, coniuges, agros imperium? convenas olim sine patria, parentibus, peste conditos orbis terrarum; quibus non humana ulla neque divina obstant, quin socios, amicos, procul iuxta sitos, inopes potentisque trahant, excindant, omniaque non serva et maxume regna hostilia ducant?

17 Or do you not know that the Romans, after the Ocean made an end for those proceeding toward the Occident, turned their arms hither? nor that from the beginning they have had nothing except what was seized by rapine—home, wives, fields, empire? immigrants once, without fatherland and forefathers, founded as a pest of the world; for whom neither any human nor divine things stand in the way, but that they drag off and extirpate allies and friends, situated far and near, the indigent and the potent, and reckon everything not in servitude—and especially kingdoms—as hostile?

18 namque pauci libertatem, pars magna iustos dominos volunt, nos suspecti sumus aemuli et in tempore vindices adfuturi. 19 tu vero, quoi Seleucea, maxuma urbium, regnumque Persidis inclutis divitiis est, quid ab illis nisi dolum in praesens et postea bellum expectas? 20 Romani arma in omnis habent, acerruma in eos, quibus victis spolia maxuma sunt; audendo et fallundo et bella ex bellis serundo magni facti.

18 for indeed a few want liberty, a great part want just masters; we are suspected as rivals and as avengers ready to be present in time. 19 but you, to whom Seleucia, greatest of cities, and the kingdom of Persia with its illustrious riches belong, what do you expect from them except fraud for the present and afterward war? 20 the Romans have arms against all, and the fiercest against those on whose defeat the greatest spoils are; by daring and by deceiving and by weaving wars out of wars they have been made great.

21 per hunc morem extinguent omnia aut occident; quod haud difficile est, si tu Mesopotamia, nos Armenia circumgredimur exercitum sine frumento, sine auxiliis, fortuna aut nostris vitiis adhuc incolumem. 22 teque illa fama sequetur auxilio profectum magnis regibus latrones gentium oppressisse. 23 quod uti facias, moneo hortorque, neu malis pernicie nostra tuam prolatare quam societate victor fieri!

By this custom they will extinguish all things or else will slay; which is not difficult, if you by Mesopotamia, we by Armenia, encircle the army—without grain, without auxiliaries—hitherto unscathed, whether by fortune or by our own vices. And that fame will attend you: that, having set out as an aid to great kings, you oppressed the robbers of the nations. This I advise and exhort you to do, and do not prefer to prolong your own [interests] by our ruin rather than to become a victor through alliance!

[68] Lucullus pecuniam Quintio dedit, ne illi succederetur.

[68] Lucullus gave money to Quintius, so that a successor might not be appointed to him.

[69] Imperii prolatandi percupidus habebatur, cetera egregius.

[69] He was held to be excessively covetous of prolonging his command, in other respects outstanding.

[70] PLUTARCHSallustius says that [Lucullus'] soldiers were ill-disposed towards him at the very outset of the war, before Cyzicus, and again before Amisus, since they had to spend two consecutive winters in camp.

[70] PLUTARCHSallust says that [Lucullus'] soldiers were disaffected towards him at the very outset of the war, before Cyzicus, and again before Amisus, since they had to spend two consecutive winters in camp.

[71] Apud Gorduenos amomum et alii leves odores gignuntur.

[71] Among the Gordyeni, amomum and other delicate fragrances are produced.

[72] Tum vero Bithynii propinquantes iam amnem Arsaniam.

[72] Then indeed the Bithynians were now approaching the river Arsanias.

[73] Simul eos et cunctos iam inclinatos laxitate loci plures cohortes atque omnes, ut in secunda re, pariter acres invadunt

[73] At once several cohorts, and—as in a favorable situation—all alike keen, attack them and all the others, already inclined by the laxity of the ground.

[74] ISIDORVSSallustius, auctor certissimus, asserit tam Tigris quam Euphratis in Armenia fontes demonstrari . . . qui per diversa euntes longius dividuntur spatio medio relicto multorum milium; sed terra, quae ab ipsis ambitur, Mesopotamia dicitur.

[74] ISIDORESallust, a most certain author, asserts that both the Tigris and the Euphrates have their sources shown in Armenia . . . which, going by diverse ways, are separated farther apart, with an intervening space of many miles left between; but the land which is encircled by them is called Mesopotamia.

[75] SCHOL. IN JVVENAL. Mesopotameni homines effrenatae libidinis sunt in utroque sexu,ut Sallustius meminit.

[75] SCHOL. ON JUVENAL. The Mesopotamian people are of unbridled libido in both sexes,as Sallust mentions.

[76] Clausi lateribus altis pedem.

[76] I enclosed the foot with high sides.

[77] Impotens et nimius animi est.

[77] He is uncontrolled and excessive in spirit.

[78] Sestertium tricies pepigit a C. Pisone.

[78] He made an agreement for three million sesterces with C. Piso.

[79] Anxius animi atque incertus.

[79] Anxious in mind and uncertain.

[80] Qui proximi locos hostium erant.

[80] Those who were nearest the positions of the enemy.

[81] Stolide castra suggressus.

[81] Having approached the camp foolishly.

[82] Consilii aeger.

[82] At a loss for counsel.

[83] Ne inrumpendi po[ntis] . . . sublicibus cavata . . . essent.

[83] Lest, for storming the bridge, . . . had been undermined at the piles.

LIBER QVINTVS

BOOK FIVE

[1] Repente incautos agros invasit.

[1] Suddenly he invaded the unguarded fields.

[2] Simul immanis hominum vis multis e locis invasere patentis tum et pacis modo effusasurbis.

[2] At the same time, an immense force of men from many places invaded what was then lying open and, as in a time of peace,
carelessly spread out—the city.

[3] Adeo illis ingenita est sanctitas regii nominis.

[3] So innate to them is the sanctity of the royal name.

[4] Et in proeliis actu promptus.

[4] And in battles prompt in action.

[5] Peractis septuaginta annis armatus equum insilire.

[5] With seventy years completed, armed, he would leap upon a horse.

[6] Luxo pede.

[6] With a dislocated foot.

[7] Prohibebit nocere venenum, quod tibi datur.

[7] It will prohibit the poison, which is given to you, from doing harm.

[8] Ceteri negotia sequebantur familiaria legatorum aut tribunorum, et pars sua commeatibus, mercatis . . .

[8] The others were pursuing the familial business of the legates or tribunes, and a part their own with supply-convoys, with marketings (purchases) . . .

[9] Qui uxori eius frater erat.

[9] Who was his wife's brother.

[10] Ex insolentia avidus male faciendi.

[10] Out of insolence, avid for doing ill.

[11] Legiones Valerianae comperto lege Gabinia Bithyniam et Pontum consuli datam, sese missos esse.

[11] The Valerian legions, upon learning that by the Gabinian law Bithynia and Pontus had been assigned to the consul, said that they had been sent.

[12] At Lucullus, audito Q. Marcium Regem pro consule per Lycaoniam cum tribus legionibus in Ciliciam tendere.

[12] But Lucullus, on hearing that Q. Marcius Rex, proconsul, was making for Cilicia through Lycaonia with three legions.

[13] Sed ubi ille militum voluntatem causatus.

[13] But when he, alleging the soldiers' will.

[14] Regem aversabatur.

[14] He was averse to the king.

[15] CHARISIVSOstia exitus fluminum in mare neutro genere semper pluraliter dicuntur. Sed si urbem significare voles, singularem potius numerum observabis, quamvis Sallustius frequenter etiam plurali numero urbem significat.

[15] CHARISIVSMouths, the outlets of rivers into the sea, being of neuter gender, are always said in the plural. But if you wish to signify the city, you will rather observe the singular number you will observe, although Sallust frequently also signifies the city by the plural number.

[16] Quibus de causis Sullam dictatorem uni sibi descendere equo, assurgere sella, caput aperire solitum.

[16] For which causes Sulla the dictator was accustomed, for one man alone, to dismount from his horse, to rise from his seat, to uncover his head.

[17] [Speciem et] celebritatem nominis intellego timentem.

[17] I perceive someone fearing [the appearance and] the celebrity of the name.

[18] Video ingentia dona quaesitum properantem.

[18] I see him hastening to seek immense gifts.

[19] Sane bonus ea tempestate contra pericula et ambitionem.

[19] Indeed, he was good in that season against dangers and ambition.

[20] Nam si in Pompeio quid humani evenisset.

[20] For if anything human had occurred to Pompey.

FRAGMENTA INCERTIORIS SEDIS

FRAGMENTS OF MORE UNCERTAIN POSITION

[1] Multi murmurantium voculis in luco eloquentiae oblectantur.

[1] Many are delighted by the little voices of murmurers in the grove of eloquence.

[2] In quis longissimo aevo plura de bonis falsa in deterius composuit.

[2] Among whom, over a very long age, someone has composed more falsehoods about the good, for the worse.

[3] Maximis ducibus, fortibus strenuisque ministris.

[3] To the greatest leaders, to brave and strenuous ministers.

[4] Apertae portae, repleta arva cultoribus.

[4] Open gates, the fields replenished with cultivators.

[5] Exercitum argento fecit.

[5] He made an army with silver.

[6] Speciem captae urbis efficere.

[6] To produce the appearance of a captured city.

[7] Samnitium.

[7] Of the Samnites.

[8] Sed ubi tempore anni mare classibus patefactum est.

[8] But when, at that season of the year, the sea was laid open to fleets.

[9] Quae cis paucos dies iuncta in armis foret.

[9] which within a few days would be joined in arms.

[10] In hunc modum disseruit.

[10] In this manner he discoursed.

[11] Angustissimo divortio.

[11] With the narrowest separation.

[12]. . . r[ef]ertus irae et doloris in talibus sociis amissis. Armati navibus evolant scaphis aut nando, pars puppibus in litus algosum inpulsis; neque eos diutius hostes mansere genus trepidissimum Graecorum et Afrorum semermium. Dein sociis pro fortuna humatis et omnibus quae usui erant ex propinquo correptis, ubi nulla [spes] erat patrandi incepti, perrexere in Hispaniam.

[12]. . . filled with wrath and grief at such comrades lost. Armed men from the ships fly out in skiffs or by swimming, some with their sterns driven onto the seaweed-strewn shore; nor did the enemies remain for them any longer—the most timorous kind of Greeks and of half-breed Africans. Then, their comrades buried as fortune allowed, and everything that was of use seized from nearby, since there was no [hope] of accomplishing the undertaking, they proceeded into Spain.

[13] Ita sperat illam pugnam pro omine belli futuram.

[13] Thus he hopes that battle will be as an omen of the war.

[14] Ad mutandum modo in melius servitium.

[14] Only to change into a better servitude.

[15] Quae causa fuerit novandis rebus.

[15] What the cause was for revolution.

[16] Atque edita undique tribus tamen cum muris et magnis turribus.

[16] And yet elevated on all sides with three walls and great towers.

[17] Cultu corporis ornata egregio.

[17] Adorned with excellent bodily attire.

[18] Metrophanes promeruit gratiam Mithridatis obsequendo.

[18] Metrophanes merited the favor of Mithridates by dutiful compliance.

[19] Paululum requietis militibus.

[19] A little rest for the soldiers.

[20] Sed Metellus in ulteriore provincia.

[20] But Metellus was in the farther province.

[21] Triplici fluctu.

[21] In a triple surge.

[22] SERVIVSDardania . . . secundum Sallustium a rege Dardanorum Mida, qui Phrygiam tenuit.

[22] SERVIUSDardania . . . according to Sallust from the king of the Dardans Midas, who held Phrygia.

[23] Crebritate fluctuum, ut aquilone solet.

[23] By the frequency of the waves, as is usual with the north wind.

[24] Radicem montis accessit.

[24] He approached the mountain's root (foot).

[25] Dum paullatim suis invicem subveniunt, omnes in bellum coacti sunt.

[25] While gradually they came to the aid of their own in turn, all were coerced into war.

[26] Diu noctuque laborare, festinare.

[26] To labor by day and by night, to hasten.

[27] Canina, ut ait Appius, facundia exercebatur.

[27] Canine facundity, as Appius says, was being exercised.

[28] In nuda, in tecta corpora.

[28] On bare, on covered bodies.

[29] More equestris proelii sumptis tergis atque redditis.

[29] In the manner of a cavalry battle, with backs taken (i.e., turned in flight) and then given back again.

[30] Nubes . . . foedavere lumen.

[30] Clouds . . . befouled the light.

[31] Pressi undique multitudine.

[31] Pressed on all sides by the multitude.

[32] Qui nullo certo exilio vagabantur.

[32] Who wandered with no certain place of exile.

[33] Cupientissimus legis.

[33] Most eager for the law.

[34] Rebus supra vota fluentibus.

[34] With affairs flowing beyond hopes.

[35] Eo redeunte domum, salutatum apud aedem Bellonae.

[35] As he was returning home, to pay his respects at the temple of Bellona.

[36] Manum in os intendens.

[36] Extending his hand to his mouth.

[37] Ex parte cohortium praepropere instructa, stationes locatae pro castris.

[37] With a portion of the cohorts hastily arrayed, stations were placed before the camp.

[38] In secunda cohortis festinas composuerat.

[38] In the second rank of the cohort he had arrayed the hasty ones.

[39] Profectus quidam Ligus ad requisita naturae.

[39] A certain Ligurian set out to the requisites of nature.

[40] Regressi ad faciliores ictus loco cedebant.

[40] Falling back, they were yielding ground to easier blows.

[41] Pactione amisso Publio legato.

[41] With the pact lost, with Publius as legate.

[42] Hostes aut oppressi aut dilapsi forent.

[42] The enemies would have been either overpowered or dispersed.

[43] Virtuti satis credebant.

[43] They thought valor sufficient.

[44] Neu quis miles neve pro milite.

[44] Nor let any soldier, nor anyone in the place of a soldier.

[45] Vt res magis quam verba agerentur, liberos parentisque in muris locaverant.

[45] That deeds rather than words might be done, they had placed their children and parents upon the walls.

[46] Non repugnantibus modo, sed ne deditis quidem [armis bellum excitare metuentibus].

[46] Not only to those resisting, but not even to those who had surrendered [fearing to rouse a war by arms
with their arms].

[47] Dorso fluctus trieris adaequata.

[47] A wave matched to the back of the trireme.

[48] Et parvis modo velorum alis demissis.

[48] And with only the small wings of the sails lowered.

[49] Impediebant iussa nautarum.

[49] They were hindering the sailors’ orders.

[50] Dum inferior omni via grassaretur.

[50] While the inferior side was advancing by every way.

[51] Atque ipse cultus rei.

[51] And the very care of the matter.

[52] Genua patrum advolvebantur.

[52] The knees of the Fathers were being clasped.

[53] Rumore primo.

[53] At the first rumor.

[54] Admodum vanus.

[54] Extremely vain.

[55] SERVIVS Orion oriturut Sallustius dixit iuxta solis aestivi pulsum.

[55] SERVIUS Orion risesas Sallustius said near the pulse of the summer
sun.

[56] Soleas festinate.

[56] Hasten the sandals.

[57] Bene posita urbs.

[57] Well-positioned city.

[58] Imbecilla est fortitudo, dum pendet.

[58] Fortitude is feeble, while it hangs in suspense.

[59] Nihil socordia claudicabat.

[59] Nothing was amiss through sloth.

[60] Quae pacta in conventione non praestitissent.

[60] They had not fulfilled the pacts that had been agreed in the convention.

[61] Atque ea cogentis non coactos, scelestos magis quam miseros (?) obstringi.

[61] And that by these compelling terms the uncoerced are bound, wicked rather than wretched (?).

[62] Ad Iovis mandem (?) iram.

[62] To the wrath of Jove I would commit (?).

[63] Publicum studiis corruperant me veri . . . unum p..

[63] They had corrupted the public weal by partisanships; me of the truth . . . one p..

[64] At cum mandatum credat.

[64] But when he gives credence to the mandate.

[65] Confestim.

[65] Immediately.

[66] Luces.

[66] Lights.

[67] Hic proconsule.

[67] Here, as proconsul.

[68] Cuncta potiendi.

[68] Of obtaining everything.

[69] Sciens horum.

[69] Knowing these things.

[70] Duci probare.

[70] To commend to the leader.

[61] Non poeniturum.

[61] Not going to be regretted.

[62] Visuros.

[62] About to see.

[63] SERVIVSVices . . . pugnas, quia per vicissitudinem pugnabatur, ut Sallustius docet.

[63] SERVIUSTurns . . . battles, because fighting was carried on by alternation, as Sallust teaches.

[64] SERVIVSVt primo mense veris novum dicatur ver, secundo adultum, tertio praeceps; sicut etiam Sallustius dicit ubique.

[64] SERVIVSThat in the first month of spring the spring is called new, in the second adult, in the third precipitate; just as Sallust also says everywhere.