Pliny the Younger•EPISTVLARVM LIBRI DECEM
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1 Iter commode explicui, excepto quod quidam ex meis adversam valetudinem ferventissimis aestibus contraxerunt. 2 Encolpius quidem lector, ille seria nostra ille deliciae, exasperatis faucibus pulvere sanguinem reiecit. Quam triste hoc ipsi, quam acerbum mihi, si is cui omnis ex studiis gratia inhabilis studiis fuerit!
1 I have carried out the journey comfortably, except that some of my people contracted adverse health in the most fervid heats. 2 Encolpius, indeed the lector—that man, our seriousness, that man our delight—with his throat exasperated by dust, brought up blood. How sad this for him, how bitter for me, if he, for whom all his favor with me is from studies, should be unfit for studies!
For if the faults are equal, the praises are equal also. 3 Accordingly, to all in general, so that no one 'go away without a gift from me', I granted an eighth part of the price for which each had purchased; then I took separate thought for those who had occupied the most ample sums with their purchases. For they had aided me more, and they themselves had incurred greater damage.
4 Therefore to those who had purchased for more than ten thousand, to that common and as it were public eighth I added a tenth of that sum by which they had exceeded ten thousand. 5 I fear I have expressed it too little clearly: I will show it more openly by calculation. If perchance some had purchased for fifteen thousand, these obtained both the eighth of fifteen thousand and the tenth of five thousand.
6 Besides, when I reconsidered that some had repaid out of the debt a fair amount, some something, some nothing, I judged it by no means true that those whom the good faith of payment had not made equal should be equalized by the benignity of remission. 7 Therefore, again, to those who had paid I remitted a tenth of that which they had paid. For by this, most aptly, both as regards the past, favor was rendered back to individuals according to each one’s merit, and as regards the future, all seemed to be enticed both to buy and also to pay.
8 Whether by its plan or by its facility, this cost me greatly, but it was worth the price. For throughout the whole region both the novelty of the remission and its form are praised. Even among those themselves whom I treated not, as they say, with a single rod, but distinctly and step by step, the better and more upright each man was, by so much the more obliged to me he departed, having found that with me it is not “in the same honor are both the bad and the good.” Farewell.
1 Librum quem novissime tibi misi, ex omnibus meis vel maxime placere significas. Est eadem opinio cuiusdam eruditissimi. 2 Quo magis adducor ut neutrum falli putem, quia non est credibile utrumque falli, et quia tamen blandior mihi.
1 The book which I most recently sent to you, you signify to please, even most of all, out of all my works. The same opinion is that of a certain most erudite man. 2 Whereby I am the more induced to think that neither is mistaken, because it is not credible that both are mistaken, and because nevertheless I am inclined to favor myself.
For I want each of the latest pieces to seem most completely polished, and therefore even now, in preference to that book, I favor the oration, which I lately gave in public, intending to share it with you as soon as I have found a diligent courier. 3 I have raised your expectation, which I fear the oration, once taken into your hands, may disappoint. Meanwhile, however, expect it as though it will please — and perhaps it will please.
1 Optime facis, quod bellum Dacicum scribere paras. Nam quae tam recens tam copiosa tam elata, quae denique tam poetica et quamquam in verissimis rebus tam fabulosa materia? 2 Dices immissa terris nova flumina, novos pontes fluminibus iniectos, insessa castris montium abrupta, pulsum regia pulsum etiam vita regem nihil desperantem; super haec actos bis triumphos, quorum alter ex invicta gente primus, alter novissimus fuit.
1 You do very well, that you are preparing to write the Dacian war. For what subject-matter is so recent, so copious, so exalted; what, finally, so poetical and, although in the truest matters, so fabulous? 2 You will tell of new rivers sent upon the lands, new bridges thrown over rivers, the abrupt mountain heights occupied with camps, a king driven from his palace, driven even from life, despairing of nothing; beyond these, triumphs twice celebrated, of which the one was the first over an unconquered nation, the other the last.
3 One, but the greatest, difficulty is that to equal these things by speaking is arduous, immense, even for your genius, although it rises most highly and increases by the most ample works. Not inconsiderable too is the toil in this, that barbarian and savage names, especially that of the king himself, not ring back discordant in Greek verses. 4 But there is nothing which, by art and care, if it cannot be conquered, may not be mitigated.
Moreover, if to Homer it is granted both soft vocables and Greek ones to contract, extend, and inflect to the lightness of verse, why should a similar audacity not be granted to you—especially not delicate but necessary? 5 Therefore, by the right of the bards, with the gods invoked, and among the gods the very one whose affairs, works, counsels you are going to declare, pay out the ropes, spread the sails, and—if ever at any other time—sail with your whole genius. For why should not I also poetically, with the poet?
6 This I now stipulate: send each first piece as you finish it, nay even before you finish, just as they will be recent and raw and still similar to nascent things. 7 You will respond that, piecemeal, they cannot please as much as when woven into a context; that the inchoate cannot please as much as the effected. I know.
And so they will by me be esteemed as things begun, be looked at as members, and will await your final polish in our letter-case. Allow me to have this, beyond the rest, as a pledge of your love: that I may know even those things which you would wish no one to know. 8 In sum, I shall perhaps be able to approve and praise your writings the more, the more slowly and cautiously they are sent; but I shall love you yourself more and praise you more, the more quickly and incautiously you send them.
how many and how great virtues, taken from diverse ages, she gathered and mingled! 2 Macrinus indeed has a great solace, that he held so great a good for so long, but from this he is the more exacerbated that he has lost it; for from the enjoying of delights the pain of being deprived grows. 3 I will therefore be in suspense for a most friendly man, until he can admit distractions and endure the scar, which nothing brings on so much as necessity itself and long time and a satiety of grief.
1 Cognovisse iam ex epistula mea debes, adnotasse me nuper monumentum Pallantis sub hac inscriptione: 'Huic senatus ob fidem pietatemque erga patronos ornamenta praetoria decrevit et sestertium centies quinquagies, cuius honore contentus fuit.' 2 Postea mihi visum est pretium operae ipsum senatus consultum quaerere. Inveni tam copiosum et effusum, ut ille superbissimus titulus modicus atque etiam demissus videretur. Conferant se misceantque, non dico illi veteres, Africani Achaici Numantini, sed hi proximi Marii Sullae Pompei — nolo progredi longius -: infra Pallantis laudes iacebunt.
1 You ought already to have learned from my letter that I recently inscribed the monument of Pallas under this inscription: 'To this man the senate, on account of his faith and pietas toward his patrons, decreed the praetorian ornaments and fifteen million sesterces, being content with the honor.' 2 Afterwards it seemed to me worth the effort to seek out the senatorial decree itself. I found it so copious and effusive that that most superbus title seemed moderate and even downcast. Let them compare and commingle themselves, I do not say those men of old, the African, the Achaean, the Numantine, but those more recent, of Marius, Sulla, Pompey — I do not wish to go farther —: they will lie beneath the praises of Pallas.
But who is so demented as to wish to proceed through his own and the public disgrace in that commonwealth, in which this man had enjoyed the most flourishing dignity, such that he could be the first in the senate to praise Pallas? 4 I pass over the fact that to Pallas, a slave, praetorian ornaments are offered — indeed, they are offered by slaves —, I pass over that they decree he is not only to be exhorted but even compelled to the use of golden rings; for it was against the majesty of the senate if a praetorian were to use iron ones. 5 These are light and to be passed over; that is to be remembered: that in the name of Pallas the senate — nor was the Curia afterwards expiated —, in the name of Pallas the senate gives thanks to Caesar, because he too had with the highest honor pursued mention of him and had given the senate the faculty of testifying its benevolence toward him.
6 For what is more beautiful for the senate than that it should seem sufficiently grateful toward Pallas? It is added: “That Pallas, to whom all confess themselves bound each to the extent of his manly part, may most deservedly bear the fruit of singular fidelity and singular industry.” You would think the boundaries of the empire had been extended, the armies restored to the commonwealth. 7 To these there is subjoined: “Since no material of liberality could be represented as more pleasing to the senate and Roman people than if it had fallen out to aid the resources of the most abstinent and most faithful custodian of the imperial wealth.” This then was the senate’s vow, this the chief joy of the people, this the most welcome material of liberality: if it should befall to aid Pallas’s resources out of the indigence of the public funds.
8 Now what follows? That the senate indeed had wished to decree that there be given from the treasury fifteen million sesterces, and that the more his mind was removed from desires of that sort, by so much the more earnestly to ask from the public parent that he compel him to yield to the senate. 9 This indeed was what was lacking: that with Pallas it should be transacted by public authority, that Pallas be requested to yield to the senate, that for that most supercilious abstinence Caesar himself be patron, himself be called as advocate, lest he disdain fifteen million sesterces.
He spurned it—the only thing he could do more arrogantly, with such wealth publicly proffered, than if he had accepted. 10 The Senate, however, even this, like one complaining, bore with praises, in these very words: but since the best Prince and public Parent, when requested by Pallas, had wished that that part of the opinion which pertained to giving him from the aerarium 15,000,000 sesterces be remitted, to testify that the Senate, and that it had gladly and deservedly begun to decree this sum among the remaining honors to Pallas for his fidelity and diligence, yet to comply with the will of its Prince, to whose will it thought it not lawful to resist in any matter, in this matter also. 11 Imagine Pallas, as it were, interceding in the senatus consultum and moderating his honors, and refusing as excessive the 15,000,000 sesterces, since he had received the praetorian ornaments as the lesser; 12 imagine Caesar obeying the prayers—or rather the command—of a freedman in the presence of the Senate (for the freedman commands the patron whom he entreats in the Senate); imagine the Senate on every side testifying that it had gladly and deservedly begun to decree this sum among the remaining honors to Pallas, and that it would have persevered, had it not been complying with the will of the Prince, to whom it is not right to resist in any matter.
13 Finem existimas? Mane dum et maiora accipe: 'Utique, cum sit utile principis benignitatem promptissimam ad laudem praemiaque merentium illustrari ubique et maxime iis locis, quibus incitari ad imitationem praepositi rerum eius curae possent, et Pallantis spectatissima fides atque innocentia exemplo provocare studium tam honestae aemulationis posset, ea quae X. kal. Februarias quae proximae fuissent in amplissimo ordine optimus princeps recitasset senatusque consulta de iis rebus facta in aere inciderentur, idque aes figeretur ad statuam loricatam divi Iulii'. 14 Parum visum tantorum dedecorum esse curiam testem: delectus est celeberrimus locus, in quo legenda praesentibus, legenda futuris proderentur.
13 Do you think it is the end? Wait a moment and receive even greater things: 'Assuredly, since it is useful that the princeps’s most ready benignity toward the praise and rewards of the deserving be made illustrious everywhere, and especially in those places in which those set over the affairs under his care might be incited to imitation, and since Pallas’s most conspicuous fidelity and innocence could by example provoke zeal for so honorable an emulation, that the things which on the 10th day before the Kalends of February, which had been the most recent, the best princeps had read out in the most august order, and that the decrees of the senate made about these matters be incised on bronze, and that that bronze be fastened to the cuirassed statue of the deified Julius.' 14 It seemed too little that the Curia be the witness of such great disgraces: the most celebrated place was chosen, in which things to be read by those present, to be read by those to come, might be brought forward.
It pleased them that all the honors of the most fastidious chattel‑slave be stamped in bronze, both those which he had repudiated and those which—so far as concerns the decreeing authorities—he “held.” The praetorian ornaments of Pallas were incised and insculped upon public and everlasting monuments, just as if they were ancient treaties, just as if sacred laws. 15 So great was that of the princeps, so great that of the senate, so great that of Pallas himself—I know not what to say—that they wished to have fixed in the eyes of all: Pallas his own insolence, Caesar his patience, the senate its humility.
Nor did they blush to put forth a rationale for the disgrace, an excellent and beautiful rationale indeed: that by the example of Pallas’s rewards the rest might be provoked to a zeal of emulation. 16 Such was the cheapness of honors, even of those which Pallas did not disdain. Yet there were found men born in an honorable place, who would seek and desire what they saw being given to a freedman, being promised to slaves.
17 Quam iuvat quod in tempora illa non incidi, quorum sic me tamquam illis vixerim pudet! Non dubito similiter affici te. Scio quam sit tibi vivus et ingenuus animus: ideo facilius est ut me; quamquam indignationem quibusdam in locis fortasse ultra epistulae modum extulerim, parum doluisse quam nimis credas. Vale.
17 How it delights me that I did not fall upon those times, of which I am so ashamed as if I had lived in them! I do not doubt that you are similarly affected. I know how vivacious and ingenuous a spirit is yours: therefore it is all the easier for you to be affected as I am; although I may perhaps in some places have carried my indignation beyond the measure of an epistle, you would believe rather that I have grieved too little than too much. Farewell.
1 Neque ut magistro magister neque ut discipulo discipulus — sic enim scribis -, sed ut discipulo magister — nam tu magister, ego contra; atque adeo tu in scholam revocas, ego adhuc Saturnalia extendo — librum misisti. 2 Num potui longius hyperbaton facere, atque hoc ipso probare eum esse me qui non modo magister tuus, sed ne discipulus quidem debeam dici? Sumam tamen personam magistri, exseramque in librum tuum ius quod dedisti, eo liberius quod nihil ex me interim missurus sum tibi in quo te ulciscaris.
1 Not as teacher to teacher nor as disciple to disciple — for so you write — but as teacher to disciple — for you are the teacher, I the opposite; and indeed you are calling me back to school, while I am still prolonging the Saturnalia — you have sent a book. 2 Could I have made a longer hyperbaton, and by this very thing prove that I am such a one as ought not only not to be called your teacher, but not even your disciple? Nevertheless I will assume the persona of teacher, and I will exercise upon your book the right which you have granted, the more freely because in the meantime I am going to send you nothing from me on which you may avenge yourself.
Beneath this, a spring comes out and is expressed by many but unequal veins, and, having struggled forth, the pool it makes opens with a broad bosom, pure and vitreous, so that you can count the coins thrown in and the pebbles shining back. 3 From there it is impelled not by the declivity of the place, but by its own abundance and, as it were, weight—still a spring and already a most ample river—and even tolerant of ships; which, even when met head‑on and straining with an opposite effort as they aim in contrary directions, it sends across and bears through, so strong that in the direction in which it itself hastens, although over level ground, the boats are not aided by oars, while the same stream is with the utmost difficulty overcome by oars and poles when worked against it. 4 Each is pleasant to those floating along, in jest and sport, that, as they have bent their course, they vary toil with leisure and leisure with toil.
Clitumnus himself stands, clothed and adorned with the praetexta; the lots indicate a present numen and even a prophetic one. Scattered around are many little shrines, and just as many gods. To each his own veneration, his own name, and for some indeed even springs. For besides that one, as it were the parent of the others, there are lesser ones distinguished by their “head”; but they are mingled into the river, which is crossed by a bridge.
6 This is the terminus of the sacred and the profane: in the upper part to sail only is permitted, below it is granted even to swim. The Hispellates, to whom that place the Deified Augustus gave as a gift, provide a bath publicly; they also provide hospitality. Nor are there lacking villas which, following the river’s amenity, stand upon the margin.
7 In sum, there will be nothing from which you do not seize pleasure. For you will study as well: you will read many things of many persons inscribed on all the columns, on all the walls, by which that spring and god are celebrated. You will praise more, you will laugh at some; although you indeed, given your humanity, will laugh at none.
1 Olim non librum in manus, non stilum sumpsi, olim nescio quid sit otium quid quies, quid denique illud iners quidem, iucundum tamen nihil agere nihil esse: adeo multa me negotia Samicorum nec secedere nec studere patiuntur. 2 Nulla enim studia tanti sunt, ut amicitiae officium deseratur, quod religiosissime custodiendum studia ipsa praecipiunt. Vale.
1 Once I took neither a book into my hands nor a stylus; for a long time I have not known what leisure is, what quiet, what, finally, that thing indeed inert yet pleasant—doing nothing, being nothing: to such a degree do the Samican negotiations not allow me either to withdraw or to study. 2 For no studies are of such great worth that the duty of friendship should be deserted, which the studies themselves prescribe must be most religiously kept. Farewell.
1 Quo magis cupis ex nobis pronepotes videre, hoc tristior audies neptem tuam abortum fecisse, dum se praegnantem esse puellariter nescit, ac per hoc quaedam custodienda praegnantibus omittit, facit omittenda. Quem errorem magnis documentis expiavit, in summum periculum adducta. 2 Igitur, ut necesse est graviter accipias senectutem tuam quasi paratis posteris destitutam, sic debes agere dis gratias, quod ita tibi in praesentia pronepotes negaverunt, ut servarent neptem, illos reddituri, quorum nobis spem certiorem haec ipsa quamquam parum prospere explorata fecunditas facit.
1 The more you desire to see great-grandchildren from us, the sadder you will hear that your granddaughter has miscarried, since, like a girl, she did not know she was pregnant, and on account of this she omits certain precautions to be kept by the pregnant, and does things that ought to be omitted. She expiated that mistake with great object-lessons, having been brought into utmost peril. 2 Therefore, just as it is necessary that you take it hard that your old age is, as it were, left destitute of the posterity prepared, so you ought to give thanks to the gods, because they have denied you great-grandchildren for the present in such a way as to preserve your granddaughter, being about to render those later, of whom a more sure hope is given to us by this very fecundity, although tested with not very prosperous outcome.
3 By these same considerations I now urge, advise, and hearten you, with which I hearten myself. For you do not desire great-grandchildren more ardently than I desire children, for whom I seem likely to leave, from my side and yours, an easy road to honors, names heard more widely, and not upstart ancestral images. Only let them be born, and let them change this our grief into joy.
1 Cum affectum tuum erga fratris filiam cogito etiam materna indulgentia molliorem, intellego prius tibi quod est posterius nuntiandum, ut praesumpta laetitia sollicitudini locum non relinquat. Quamquam vereor ne post gratulationem quoque in metum redeas, atque ita gaudeas periculo liberatam, ut simul quod periclitata sit perhorrescas. 2 Iam hilaris, iam sibi iam mihi reddita incipit refici, transmissumque discrimen convalescendo metiri.
1 When I consider your affection toward your brother’s daughter, softened even by a maternal indulgence, I understand that what is later must be announced to you first, so that presumed joy may leave no place for solicitude. Although I fear lest after the congratulation you also fall back into fear, and that you may so rejoice that she has been freed from peril that at the same time you shudder at the fact that she was in peril. 2 Now cheerful, now restored to herself and now to me, she begins to be restored, and by convalescing to measure the crisis that has been passed.
She was, moreover, in the highest peril — let it be permitted to have said it with impunity — she was so through no fault of her own, but somewhat on account of her age. Thence a miscarriage and the sad experience of an unrecognized womb. 3 Accordingly, although it has not fallen to you to solace the longing for your lost brother either by his grandson or by his granddaughter, remember nevertheless that this has been delayed rather than denied, since she by whom it can be hoped is safe.
1 Hunc solum diem excuso: recitaturus est Titinius Capito, quem ego audire nescio magis debeam an cupiam. Vir est optimus et inter praecipua saeculi ornamenta numerandus. Colit studia, studiosos amat fovet provehit, multorum qui aliqua componunt portus sinus gremium, omnium exemplum, ipsarum denique litterarum iam senescentium reductor ac reformator.
1 I excuse this one day: Titinius Capito is about to give a recitation, whom I do not know whether I ought more to hear or to desire to hear. He is a most excellent man and to be numbered among the chief ornaments of the age. He cultivates studies, loves, fosters, and promotes the studious; he is the port, the bay, the bosom of many who compose anything; the example of all; and, finally, the restorer and reformer of letters themselves, now growing old.
2 He offers his house to those who recite; he frequents the auditoria with wondrous benignity not only at his own place; for me at any rate, if only I am in the city, he has never been lacking. Furthermore, the more honorable the cause for returning it, the more shameful not to repay a favor. 3 Or if I were worn down by lawsuits, I would think myself bound to the man who attended my recognizances (court appearances); now, since for me all business and every care lies in studies, am I less obligated to one who with such sedulity pays me attendance, in that matter in which I, not to say solely, certainly most of all can be bound?
4 But even if I owed him no return, no, as it were, mutual offices, I should nevertheless be moved either by the man’s most beautiful genius, and—amid the utmost severity—most sweet, or by the honorableness of the subject-matter. He is writing the deaths of illustrious men, among these of certain persons most dear to me. 5 I seem, therefore, to be discharging a pious duty, and, for those whose obsequies it was not permitted to celebrate, to take part in their, as it were, funereal laudations—late indeed, but so much the truer.
1 Probo quod libellos meos cum patre legisti. Pertinet ad profectum tuum a disertissimo viro discere, quid laudandum quid reprehendendum, simul ita institui, ut verum dicere assuescas. 2 Vides quem sequi, cuius debeas implere vestigia.
1 I approve that you read my little books with your father. It pertains to your progress to learn from a most eloquent man what is laudable and what reprehensible, and at the same time to be so instructed that you become accustomed to speak the truth. 2 You see whom to follow, whose footsteps you ought to fill.
1 Cum sis peritissimus et privati iuris et publici, cuius pars senatorium est, cupio ex te potissimum audire, erraverim in senatu proxime necne, non ut in praeteritum — serum enim -, verum ut in futurum si quid simile inciderit erudiar. 2 Dices: 'Cur quaeris quod nosse debebas?' Priorum temporum servitus ut aliarum optimarum artium, sic etiam iuris senatorii oblivionem quandam et ignorantiam induxit. 3 Quotus enim quisque tam patiens, ut velit discere, quod in usu non sit habiturus?
1 Since you are most skilled in both private jurisprudence and public, of which the senatorial is a part, I desire to hear from you above all whether I erred in the senate most recently or not, not as to the past — for it is too late —, but that for the future, if anything similar should occur, I may be instructed. 2 You will say: 'Why do you ask what you ought to have known?' The servitude of earlier times, just as it induced a certain oblivion and ignorance of the other most excellent arts, so also of senatorial law. 3 For how rare is the person so patient as to wish to learn what he is not going to have in use?
Add, moreover, that it is difficult to retain what you have received unless you practice. And so, with liberty restored, it has caught us raw and unskilled; inflamed by its sweetness, we are compelled to do certain things before to know them. 4 But it was instituted of old that from our elders we should learn not only with our ears but also with our eyes, those things which we ourselves would soon have to do and, in our turn, have to hand down to our juniors.
5 Then the very young men were at once imbued with camp service, so that they might grow accustomed to command by obeying, to play the leaders while they follow; then, when about to seek honors, they stood by the doors of the Curia, and they were spectators of the public council before they were partners in it. 6 Each one’s own parent served as a master, or, for him who had no parent, the foremost and most ancient as a parent. What power belongs to those submitting business, what right to those delivering opinions, what force to the magistrates, what liberty to the rest, where yielding is due and where resisting, what time for silence, what mode of speaking, what distinction among clashing opinions, what execution for those adding something to prior proposals—in fine, the whole senatorial custom — which is the most trustworthy kind of perceiving — was taught by examples.
7 But we, indeed, were young men in the camps; yet when valor was suspect, inertia was at a premium, when the leaders had no authority, the soldiers no reverence, nowhere command, nowhere obedience, everything unbound, disordered, and even turned to the contrary—things, in fine, to be forgotten rather than retained. 8 We likewise looked toward the curia, but a curia timorous and tongueless, when to say what you wished was dangerous, to say what you did not wish was wretched. What then could be learned, what did it profit to have learned, when the senate was summoned either to utmost idleness or to utmost impiety, and, held now for mockery, now for grief, never resolved on serious matters, often on grim ones?
9 The same evils we senators, now participants in the evils, for many years have seen and have borne; by which our faculties for the future too have been dulled, shattered, and bruised. 10 A brief time — for every time is the briefer the more felicitous the time — in which it pleases us to know what we are, it pleases us to exercise what we know. Wherefore the more justly I ask, first, that you grant pardon for an error, if there is any error, then that you apply a remedy by your science — to whom it has always been a care to handle laws as well public as private, as well ancient as recent, as well rare as assiduous — to treat.
11 And I reckon that even for those whom the frequent agitation of very many matters did not allow anything to be unknown, the kind of question which I bring to you has been either not sufficiently well-worn or even inexpert. This both makes me more excusable if by chance I have slipped, and you more worthy of praise, if you can also teach that which is in the obscure—whether you have learned it.
12 Referebatur de libertis Afrani Dextri consulis incertum sua an suorum manu, scelere an obsequio perempti. Hos alius — Quis? Ego; sed nihil refert — post quaestionem supplicio liberandos, alius in insulam relegandos, alius morte puniendos arbitrabatur.
12 It was reported about the freedmen of the consul Afranius Dexter—uncertain whether he had been killed by his own hand or by that of his people, whether by crime or by obedience. As to these men, one — Who? I; but it makes no difference — judged that after the interrogation they should be released from punishment, another that they should be relegated to an island, another that they should be punished with death.
Of which sentences the diversity was so great that they could not be anything except taken singly. 13 For what has to kill and to relegate in common? No more, by Hercules, than to relegate and to absolve; although it is somewhat nearer to the sentence of the one who relegates, which absolves, than to that which kills — for both of those leave life, this one takes it away -, while meanwhile both those who were punishing with death and those who were relegating were sitting together and by a temporary simulation of concord were deferring their discord.
14 I was demanding that, since there were three opinions, each should keep its own number, and that two should not join themselves under brief truces. Therefore I required that those who thought they ought to be subjected to capital punishment separate from the one proposing relegation, and that, in the meantime, they not be gathered together against the acquitting party, soon to disagree, since it would matter very little whether the same thing displeased those to whom the same thing had not been pleasing. 15 It also seemed very strange to me that the man who had judged that the freedmen should be relegated, the slaves subjected to punishment, had been forced to split his opinion; but that this man who would penalize the freedmen with death should be counted together with the relegating party.
16 Atque adeo permitte mihi sic apud te tamquam ibi, sic peracta re tamquam adhuc integra rationem iudicii mei reddere, quaeque tunc carptim multis obstrepentibus dixi, nunc per otium iungere. 17 Fingamus tres omnino iudices in hanc causam datos esse; horum uni placuisse perire libertos, alteri relegari, tertio absolvi. Utrumne sententiae duae collatis viribus novissimam periment, an separatim una quaeque tantundem quantum altera valebit, nec magis poterit cum secunda prima conecti quam secunda cum tertia?
16 And indeed permit me thus to render to you, as if there, and thus, the matter completed as though still intact, the account of my judgment, and to join now at leisure the things which then, with many clamoring, I said piecemeal. 17 Let us suppose that three judges in all were assigned to this case; of these it pleased the one that the freedmen perish, another that they be relegated, the third that they be absolved. Will two opinions, with their forces pooled, destroy the last, or separately will each one have just as much weight as the other, and will the first be no more able to be connected with the second than the second with the third?
18 Therefore in the senate too, those things which are spoken of as diverse ought to be counted as contraries. But if one and the same man should vote both that they must be destroyed and that they must be relegated, could they on the vote of one both perish and be relegated? Would, finally, a single vote be thought at all, which would conjoin things so diverse?
19 In what way, then, when the one judges them to be punished, the other deems them to be relegated, can what is said by two be seen as one opinion, which would not seem one if it were said by one? What? Does not the law openly teach that the opinions of one killing and one relegating ought to be separated, since it orders the division to be made thus: 'You who vote for these things, to this side; you who for all other things, to that side go according as you vote'? Examine each single word and weigh it: 'you who vote for these things,' that is, you who think they are to be relegated; 'to this side,' that is, to the one on which he sits who has voted for relegation.
20 From which it is manifest that those who judge that they are to be put to death cannot remain in the same part. 'Who all other things': you notice how the law, not content to say 'other', has added 'all'. Is it then doubtful that those who kill think all other things than those who relegate? 'Go into that part to which you are of opinion': does not the law itself seem to call, to compel, to impel those who disagree into the contrary part?
Does not the consul also demonstrate, where each one ought to remain, to which side he ought to cross over, not only with solemn words, but with hand and gesture? 21 But indeed it will come about that, if the opinions of the one putting to death and of the one relegating are divided, that one which absolves will prevail. What is that to those giving their opinions?
it surely does not befit them to fight with every art and by every rationale, lest what is milder be done. Nevertheless, those who punish and those who relegate ought to be compared first with the absolvers, then soon among themselves. Namely, just as in certain spectacles the lot sets someone apart and preserves him to contend with the victor, so in the senate there are first and there are second contests, and from two opinions the one which has stood out as superior is awaited by a third.
Unless, when the one who proposes relegation is speaking his opinion, those who inflict capital punishment from the outset immediately withdraw to the other side, they will thereafter dissent in vain from him to whom a little before they had consented. 24 But why am I like one teaching, when I wish to learn whether it ought to have been that the opinions be divided, or that one go into them singly.
I did indeed obtain what I was demanding; nonetheless I still ask whether I ought to have demanded it. How did I obtain it? He who judged that the ultimate penalty should be exacted—whether with right, I do not know, but certainly overcome by the equity of my request—having set aside his own opinion, came over to the one proposing relegation, fearing of course that, if the opinions were divided, as otherwise seemed would be the case, that which held that they ought to be acquitted would prevail in number.
For indeed there were far more in this one than in the two taken singly. 25 Then those also who were being drawn by his authority, with him crossing over, left the opinion abandoned by its author himself, and followed as a defector the very man whom they had been following as leader. 26 Thus out of three opinions two were made, and of the two one prevailed, the third expelled, which, since it could not superate them both, chose by which of the two it would be vanquished.
1 Oneravi te tot pariter missis voluminibus, sed oneravi primum quia exegeras, deinde quia scripseras tam graciles istic vindemias esse, ut plane scirem tibi vacaturum, quod vulgo dicitur, librum legere. 2 Eadem ex meis agellis nuntiantur. Igitur mihi quoque licebit scribere quae legas, sit modo unde chartae emi possint; aut necessario quidquid scripserimus boni malive delebimus.
1 I have burdened you with so many volumes sent together, but I burdened you first because you had demanded it, then because you had written that the vintages there are so slender, that I plainly knew you would have leisure, as the common saying goes, to read a book. 2 The same is reported from my little farms. Therefore it will be permitted to me also to write things for you to read, provided only there is somewhere whence sheets can be bought; or else of necessity whatever we have written, good or bad, we shall erase.
1 Confecerunt me infirmitates meorum, mortes etiam, et quidem iuvenum. Solacia duo nequaquam paria tanto dolori, solacia tamen: unum facilitas manumittendi — videor enim non omnino immaturos perdidisse, quos iam liberos perdidi -, alterum quod permitto servis quoque quasi testamenta facere, eaque ut legitima custodio. 2 Mandant rogantque quod visum; pareo ut iussus.
1 The infirmities of my people have worn me out, the deaths too, and indeed of young men. Two consolations by no means equal to so great a sorrow, consolations nevertheless: one, the facility of manumitting — for I seem not altogether to have lost them immature, whom I lost as already free -, the other, that I permit even slaves to make, as it were, testaments, and I uphold these as legitimate. 2 They mandate and they request what seems good; I obey as if ordered.
They divide, they donate, they bequeath, only within the household; for to slaves the house is a certain republic and as it were a city. 3 But although I acquiesce in these consolations, I am weakened and broken by that same humanity which induced me to permit this very thing. Yet I would not on that account wish to become harder.
Nor am I unaware that others call incidents of this sort nothing more than a loss, and on that account seem to themselves great men and wise. Whether they are great and wise, I do not know; they are not human. 4 For it is the mark of a human being to be affected, to feel pain, yet to resist and to admit solaces, not to have no need of solaces.
1 Num istic quoque immite et turbidum caelum? Hic assiduae tempestates et crebra diluvia. Tiberis alveum excessit et demissioribus ripis alte superfunditur; 2 quamquam fossa quam providentissimus imperator fecit exhaustus, premit valles, innatat campis, quaque planum solum, pro solo cernitur.
1 Is the sky there too harsh and turbid? Here there are continual storms and frequent deluges. The Tiber has exceeded its channel and is poured high over the lower banks; 2 although, drained by the ditch which the most provident emperor made, it presses upon the valleys, floats over the fields, and wherever the ground is level, it is seen in place of the ground.
Thence what it is accustomed to receive from the rivers and to carry down commingled, it, as if meeting them head-on, drives back, and thus with others’ waters it covers fields which it itself does not touch. 3 Anio, the most delicate of rivers and for that reason by the villas lying adjacent as if invited and detained, in great part broke and snatched away the groves by which it is shaded; it undermined mountains, and, shut in in several places by the mass of things collapsing, while it sought its lost path, it drove against roofs and cast itself upon the ruins and heaved itself up. 4 Those whom that tempest caught on higher grounds saw, in one place the apparatus of the rich and heavy household furniture, elsewhere the instruments of the countryside, there oxen, ploughs, drivers, here herds unyoked and free, and amid these trunks of trees or the beams and rooftops of villas floating variously and far and wide.
5 And not even those things were free from misfortune, to which the river did not rise. For in place of the river, there was incessant rain and whirlwinds cast down from the clouds; the works by which precious fields are girded were overthrown, the monuments shaken and even struck down. Many, weakened by mishaps of this sort, were overwhelmed, buried, crushed, and the losses were augmented by bereavements.
6 Ne quid simile istic, pro mensura periculi vereor, teque rogo, si nihil tale, quam maturissime sollicitudini meae consulas, sed et si tale, id quoque nunties. Nam parvolum differt, patiaris adversa an exspectes; nisi quod tamen est dolendi modus, non est timendi. Doleas enim quantum scias accidisse, timeas quantum possit accidere.
6 I fear something similar there, in proportion to the measure of the danger, and I ask you, if nothing of the sort, to consult for my solicitude as speedily as possible; but also, if such there is, to announce that as well. For it differs very little whether you suffer adversities or expect them; except that, however, there is a measure of grieving, there is not of fearing. For you grieve as much as you know to have happened, you fear as much as can happen.
1 Falsum est nimirum quod creditur vulgo, testamenta hominum speculum esse morum, cum Domitius Tullus longe melior apparuerit morte quam vita. 2 Nam cum se captandum praebuisset, reliquit filiam heredem, quae illi cum fratre communis, quia genitam fratre adoptaverat. Prosecutus est nepotes plurimis iucundissimisque legatis, prosecutus etiam proneptem.
1 It is, to be sure, false what is commonly believed, that men’s testaments are a mirror of morals, since Domitius Tullus appeared far better in death than in life. 2 For, although he had made himself to be courted, he left his daughter as heir, who was common to him with his brother, because he had adopted the one begotten by his brother. He honored his grandchildren with very many and most pleasant legacies, and honored his great‑granddaughter as well.
In sum, everything was most replete with pietas and for that very reason all the more unexpected. 3 Therefore there were varied discourses throughout the whole city: some call him a pretender, ungrateful, unmindful, and they themselves, while they assail him, betray themselves by most shameful confessions, like people who complain of a father, a grandfather, and a great-grandfather as though of a man bereft of heirs; others, on the contrary, carry this very point into praises, that he has frustrated the depraved hopes of men—for such men, to be deceived in this way is in keeping with the mores of the times. They add also that it was not open to him to die under another testament: for he did not bequeath riches to his daughter but returned them, by which he had been enriched through his daughter.
4 For Curtilius Mancia, detesting his son-in-law Domitius Lucanus — he is Tullus’s brother — had instituted his daughter, his own granddaughter, as heir under this condition: if she were emancipated from her father’s hand. The father had emancipated her, the paternal uncle had adopted her; and thus, with the will outmaneuvered, the brother, as a co-heir, had called the emancipated daughter back into the brother’s power by the fraud of adoption, and indeed together with most ample resources. 5 Moreover, it was as if by fate granted to those brothers that they should become wealthy, the very people by whom they were made so being most unwilling.
Nay even Domitius Afer, who took them into his name, left a testament nuncupated eighteen years before, and so afterwards disapproved by himself, that he took care to have their father’s goods proscribed. 6 Wondrous the harshness of that man, wondrous the felicity of these: the harshness of him who struck from the roll of citizens the very one whom he had had as an associate even among his children; the felicity of these, for whom there succeeded, in the place of a father, the man who had taken away their father. 7 But this inheritance too of Afer, as the rest acquired with the brother, had to be transmitted to the brother’s daughter, by whom Tullus had been appointed heir ex asse and preferred to the daughter, in order to be conciliated.
Wherefore the more laudable is the testament, which piety, faith, and modesty wrote, in which, finally, to all affinities according to each one’s office favor was returned, returned also to the wife. 8 The most excellent and most patient wife, who had deserved so much the better of her husband by how much the more she was blamed for having married, received most pleasant villas, received a great sum of money. For a woman illustrious in birth, upright in morals, declining in age, long a widow, once a mother, seemed to have pursued marriage with too little decorum, to a wealthy old man so undone by disease that he could be a weariness to a wife—whom even as a young and sound man he would have married.
9 Indeed, wrenched and fractured in all his limbs, he managed such wealth with his eyes alone, and not even on his little couch was he moved except by others; nay even — foul and pitiable to say — he proffered his teeth to be washed and rubbed. It was often heard from himself, when he complained about the indignities of his debility, that he licked the fingers of his slaves daily. 10 He lived nevertheless and wished to live, his wife chiefly sustaining him, who had turned the blame of the inchoate marriage into glory by perseverance.
11 Habes omnes fabulas urbis; nam sunt omnes fabulae Tullus. Exspectatur auctio: fuit enim tam copiosus, ut amplissimos hortos eodem quo emerat die instruxerit plurimis et antiquissimis statuis; tantum illi pulcherrimorum operum in horreis quae neglegebat. Invicem tu, si quid istic epistula dignum, ne gravare.
11 You have all the stories of the city; for all the stories are Tullus. An auction is awaited: for he was so copious in means that he furnished very ample gardens, on the same day on which he had bought them, with very many and most ancient statues; so much of the most beautiful works he had in storehouses which he neglected. In turn, you—if there is anything there worthy of a letter—do not hesitate.
1 Et gaudium mihi et solacium in litteris, nihilque tam laetum quod his laetius, tam triste quod non per has minus triste. Itaque et infirmitate uxoris et meorum periculo, quorundam vero etiam morte turbatus, ad unicum doloris levamentum studia confugi, quae praestant ut adversa magis intellegam sed patientius feram. 2 Est autem mihi moris, quod sum daturus in manus hominum, ante amicorum iudicio examinare, in primis tuo.
1 Both joy to me and solace are in letters, and nothing so joyful as to be more joyful through these, nothing so sad as not through these to be less sad. And so, disturbed both by my wife’s infirmity and the peril of my own, indeed even by the death of certain persons, I fled for refuge to studies as the single alleviation of grief, which provide that I understand adversities more, but bear them more patiently. 2 It is moreover my custom to examine, by the judgment of friends—especially yours—what I am about to give into the hands of men.
Accordingly, if ever, now direct your attention to the book which you will receive with this letter, because I fear that I myself, being sad, have applied too little attention to it. For I was able to command my grief so that I might write; to write with a mind vacant and cheerful, I could not. Moreover, just as joy comes from studies, so studies proceed from hilarity.
1 Ad quae noscenda iter ingredi, transmittere mare solemus, ea sub oculis posita neglegimus, seu quia ita natura comparatum, ut proximorum incuriosi longinqua sectemur, seu quod omnium rerum cupido languescit, cum facilis occasio, seu quod differimus tamquam saepe visuri, quod datur videre quotiens velis cernere. 2 Quacumque de causa, permulta in urbe nostra iuxtaque urbem non oculis modo sed ne auribus quidem novimus, quae si tulisset Achaia Aegyptos Asia aliave quaelibet miraculorum ferax commendatrixque terra, audita perlecta lustrata haberemus. 3 Ipse certe nuper, quod nec audieram ante nec videram, audivi pariter et vidi.
1 For things to be learned, we are wont to set out on a journey, to cross the sea; those things placed under our eyes we neglect—either because it is so arranged by nature that, incurious of what is nearest, we pursue far-off things; or because desire for all things languishes when the occasion is easy; or because we defer, as though we were going to see often, what is given to be seen whenever you wish to discern. 2 Whatever the cause, very many things in our city and next to the city we know neither with the eyes nor even with the ears; which, if Achaia, Egypt, Asia, or any other land fertile in miracles and a commendatrix had borne, we would have had as heard, perused, and surveyed. 3 I myself certainly, recently, both heard and saw at the same time that which I had neither heard before nor seen.
The lake is circumscribed in the likeness of a wheel lying flat and equal on every side: no bay, no obliquity, all measured equal, and as if hollowed and hewn by a craftsman’s hand. A color paler than cerulean, greener and more deep; an odor of sulfur and a medicated sapor; a virtue by which fractures are consolidated. A modest extent, which nevertheless feels the winds and swells with billows.
5 No ship is on this — for it is sacred -, but islands float upon it, all grassy with reed and rush, and whatever else a more fecund marsh and that very extremity of the lake brings forth. Each has its own figure as its measure; the margin of all is planed down, because, often dashed either against the shore or against one another, they wear down and are worn. Equal for all is the depth, equal the lightness; indeed they descend, in the likeness of a keel, with a shallow root.
6 These are seen from every side, the same water equally suspending and submerging them. Sometimes they are joined and coupled and are like the continent; sometimes they are separated by discordant winds; at times, the calm having deserted them, they float each one singly. 7 Often the smaller cling to the larger as little skiffs to cargo-ships; often both larger and smaller among themselves, as if they were, take up a course and a contest; again, all driven to the same place, where they have stood they push the earth forward, and now this, now that part they render lake and take away; and then at last, when they have held the middle, they do not draw together.
8 It is well established that herds, following the herbs, are accustomed thus to advance onto those islands as onto the farthest bank, and that they do not realize the ground is mobile until, torn from the shore, as if brought in and set down, they grow afraid of the lake surrounding them on every side; soon, once they have gone out wherever the wind has carried them, they feel no more that they have descended than they had felt that they had ascended. 9 The same lake is discharged into a river, which, when it has shown itself for a little to the eyes, is plunged into a cavern and, going on deeply hidden, if it received anything before it was drawn under, preserves it and brings it forth. 10 I have written these things to you, because I believed them no less unknown to you than to me, and no less welcome.
1 Ut in vita sic in studiis pulcherrimum et humanissimum existimo severitatem comitatemque miscere, ne illa in tristitiam, haec in petulantiam excedat. 2 Qua ratione ductus graviora opera lusibus iocisque distinguo. Ad hos proferendos et tempus et locum opportunissimum elegi, utque iam nunc assuescerent et ab otiosis et in triclinio audiri, Iulio mense, quo maxime lites interquiescunt, positis ante lectos cathedris amicos collocavi.
1 As in life, so in studies, I judge it most beautiful and most humane to mix severity and comity, lest the former exceed into sadness, the latter into petulance. 2 Led by this reasoning, I distinguish the graver works with play and jests. For bringing these forward I chose the most opportune time and place, and so that even now they might become accustomed to being heard both by the leisured and in the dining-room, in the month of July, when litigations are most intermitted, with chairs set before the couches I arranged my friends.
3 It happened by chance that on that same day in the morning I was asked for a sudden advocacy, which gave me a cause for a preface. For I pleaded that no one should accuse me as irreverent toward the work, because, though about to recite it—although to friends and to a few, that is, again to friends—I had not abstained from the forum and from business. I added that I also follow this order in writing: that I prefer necessities to pleasures, serious things to pleasant things, and that I write first for my friends, then for myself.
This the assent of the audience exacted; and yet, just as some pass over certain things and impute it to themselves that they pass them over, so I pass over nothing and even declare that I do not pass anything over. For I read everything in order to emend everything, which cannot befall those who recite selected pieces. 5 But that is more modest and perhaps more reverent; whereas this is simpler and more loving.
For he truly loves who thinks himself loved in such a way that he does not dread tedium; and besides, what do companions really contribute, if they come together for the sake of their own pleasure? He is delicate and like a person unknown who prefers to hear a friend’s good book rather than to make it. 6 I do not doubt that, in keeping with the rest of your affection for me, you are eager to read as soon as possible this book still in the must-stage.
You will read it, but revised; that was the cause of the recitation; and yet you already know some things from it. These, later emended or—what with a longer delay is sometimes wont to happen—rendered worse (deteriorated), you will recognize as if new again and re-scribed. For with many things changed, even those things which remain seem changed.
1 Nostine hos qui omnium libidinum servi, sic aliorum vitiis irascuntur quasi invideant, et gravissime puniunt, quos maxime imitantur? cum eos etiam, qui non indigent clementia ullius, nihil magis quam lenitas deceat. 2 Atque ego optimum et emendatissimum existimo, qui ceteris ita ignoscit, tamquam ipse cotidie peccet, ita peccatis abstinet tamquam nemini ignoscat.
1 Do you know these men who, slaves of all lusts, grow angry at the vices of others as if they were envious, and most gravely punish those whom they most imitate? while for those also who have no need of anyone’s clemency, nothing befits them more than lenity. 2 And I deem best and most emended the one who forgives others in such a way as though he himself sinned daily, and who in such a way abstains from sins as though he forgave no one.
3 Accordingly, let us hold to this at home, this abroad, this in every kind of life: that we be implacable toward ourselves, exorable toward those men too who know how to grant pardon to none except themselves; and let us commit to memory what Thrasea, a most mild man and for this also a greatest, used frequently to say: 'He who hates vices, hates men.' Perhaps you ask by what I am moved to write these things. 4 Recently a certain person — but better in person; although not even then. For I fear lest that which I disapprove—to pursue it, to carp at it, to report it—should be at odds with what we are just now most urgently enjoining.
1 Omnia mihi studia, omnes curas, omnia avocamenta exemit excussit eripuit dolor, quem ex morte Iuni Aviti gravissimum cepi. 2 Latum clavum in domo mea induerat, suffragio meo adiutus in petendis honoribus fuerat; ad hoc ita me diligebat, ita verebatur, ut me formatore morum, me quasi magistro uteretur. 3 Rarum hoc in adulescentibus nostris.
1 All my studies, all my cares, all my avocations pain has taken away, shaken off, and snatched from me, a most grievous sorrow which I have received from the death of Junius Avitus. 2 He had put on the broad stripe in my house, had been aided by my suffrage in seeking honors; in addition, he loved me so, he revered me so, that he used me as the framer of his morals, as it were his teacher. 3 This is rare in our young men.
For how few are there who, as the lesser, yield either to another’s age or to authority? At once they are wise, at once they know everything; they revere no one, they imitate no one, and they are examples to themselves. But not Avitus, whose chief prudence was this, that he reckoned others more prudent; whose chief erudition was this, that he wished to learn.
4 He was always consulting either about something of studies or about the duties of life, he always withdrew thus as having been made better; and he had been made so either by what he had heard, or by the fact that he had altogether inquired. 5 What deference he rendered to Servianus, a most exact man! whom, being legate, he, as tribune, so both understood and received, that, as he was passing from Germany into Pannonia, he followed him not as a fellow-soldier but as a companion and attendant.
6 Vain labors hover before my eyes, and fruitless prayers, and the honor only which he merited; that broad stripe, taken up in my home, returns to mind, those first, those last suffrages of mine return, those discourses, those consultations. 7 I am affected by his youth, I am affected by the mischance of his relations. He had a parent advanced in years, he had a wife whom a year before he had taken as a maiden, he had a daughter whom a little before he had taken up.
So many hopes, so many joys, a single day turned into diverse directions. 8 Only just designated aedile, a recent husband, a recent father, he left an untouched honor, a mother bereaved, a wife widowed, a daughter a pupil (ward) ignorant of her father: There is added to my tears that, being absent and unaware of the impending evil, I learned that he was alike sick and alike had died, so that I might not grow accustomed to fear before the most grievous sorrow. I was in such torments when I was writing these things <that I might write these things> only; for now I can think or speak of nothing else.
1 Amor in te meus cogit, non ut praecipiam — neque enim praeceptore eges -, admoneam tamen, ut quae scis teneas et observes, aut nescire melius. 2 Cogita te missum in provinciam Achaiam, illam veram et meram Graeciam, in qua primum humanitas litterae, etiam fruges inventae esse creduntur; missum ad ordinandum statum liberarum civitatum, id est ad homines maxime homines, ad liberos maxime liberos, qui ius a natura datum virtute meritis amicitia, foedere denique et religione tenuerunt. 3 Reverere conditores deos et nomina deorum, reverere gloriam veterem et hanc ipsam senectutem, quae in homine venerabilis, in urbibus sacra.
1 My love for you compels me, not that I should prescribe—for you have no need of a preceptor -, yet to admonish, that you hold and observe the things you know, or else it were better not to know. 2 Consider that you have been sent into the province of Achaia, that true and pure Greece, in which first humanity, letters, even fruits are believed to have been discovered; sent to set in order the status of free cities, that is, to men most truly human, to the free most truly free, who have maintained the right given by nature by virtue, merits, friendship, and finally by treaty and by religion. 3 Revere the founder gods and the names of the gods, revere ancient glory and this very old age, which in a man is venerable, in cities sacred.
Let there be with you honor for antiquity, for great deeds, and for fables as well. Take away nothing from anyone’s dignity, nothing from liberty, not even from ostentation. 4 Keep before your eyes that this is the land which sent rights to us, which gave laws not to the conquered but to those petitioning, that it is Athens you approach, that it is Lacedaemon you rule; from whom to snatch the remaining shadow and the residual name of liberty is hard, savage, barbarous.
Is he despised who holds command, who holds the fasces, unless he is abject and sordid, and one who is himself the first to despise himself? Power tests its own force ill by the contumelies of others; veneration is ill acquired by terror, and love is far more potent for obtaining what you wish than fear. For fear goes away if you withdraw; love remains, and just as the former turns into hatred, the latter turns into reverence.
7 You indeed, again and again — for I will repeat — ought to remember the title of your office and to interpret for yourself what sort and how great a thing it is to ordain the state of free cities. For what is more civil than ordination, what more precious than liberty? 8 Moreover, how shameful, if ordination be changed into overthrow, liberty into servitude!
Moreover, this is added: you have a contest with yourself; the fame of your quaestorship burdens you, which from Bithynia you brought back as the best; the testimony of the emperor burdens you; the tribunate, the praetorship, and this very legation, given as if a prize, burden you. 9 Therefore all the more you must strive, lest you seem to have been more humane, better, more skillful in a far-flung province than a suburban one, among the servient rather than the free, sent by lot rather than by judgment, raw and unknown rather than examined and approved; since otherwise, as you have often heard and often read, it is much more unseemly to lose praise than not to attain it.