Cicero: ORATORIA

[1] Credo ego vos, iudices, mirari, quid sit, quod, cum tot summi oratores hominesque nobilissimi sedeant, ego potissimum surrexerim, is, qui neque aetate neque ingenio neque auctoritate sim cum his, qui sedeant, comparandus. Omnes hi, quos videtis adesse in hac causa, iniuriam novo scelere conflatam putant oportere defendi, defendere ipsi propter iniquitatem temporum non audent. Ita fit, ut adsint propterea, quod officium sequuntur, taceant autem idcirco, quia periculum vitant.

[1] I believe, judges, you marvel what it is, that, when so many foremost orators and most noble men are seated, I in particular have risen—I who in neither age nor talent nor authority am to be compared with those who sit. All these whom you see present in this case think that a wrong, concocted by a novel crime, ought to be defended; but they themselves, on account of the iniquity of the times, do not dare to defend it. Thus it comes about that they are present for this reason, because they follow duty, but are silent for this reason, because they avoid danger.

[2] Quid ergo? Audacissimus ego ex omnibus? Minime.

[2] What then? Am I the boldest of all? By no means.

An tanto officiosior quam ceteri? Ne istius quidem laudis ita sum cupidus, ut aliis eam praereptam velim. Quae me igitur res praeter ceteros impulit, ut causam Sex.

Am I then so much more dutiful than the rest? I am not even so desirous of that sort of praise as to wish it snatched from others. What, then, was the thing that impelled me, beyond the others, to the cause of Sextus.

Rosci reciperem? Quia, si qui istorum dixisset, quos videtis adesse, in quibus summa auctoritas est atque amplitudo, si verbum de re publica fecisset, id, quod in hac causa fieri necesse est, multo plura dixisse, quam dixisset, putaretur.

Why should I undertake the case of Roscius? Because, if any one of those whom you see present, in whom there is the highest authority and eminence, had spoken a word about the republic—that which in this case must necessarily be done—he would be thought to have said much more than he actually said.

[3] Ego autem si omnia, quae dicenda sunt, libere dixero, nequaquam tamen similiter oratio mea exire atque in volgus emanare poterit. Deinde quod ceterorum neque dictum obscurum potest esse propter nobilitatem et amplitudinem neque temere dicto concedi propter aetatem et prudentiam. Ego si quid liberius dixero, vel occultum esse propterea, quod nondum ad rem publicam accessi, vel ignosci adulescentiae meae poterit; tametsi non modo ignoscendi ratio verum etiam cognoscendi consuetudo iam de civitate sublata est.

[3] I, however, even if I have spoken freely everything that must be said, yet by no means will my oration be able to go forth and in like manner emanate into the populace. Next, because for the rest, neither can what is said be obscure on account of their nobility and eminence, nor can concession be made to a rash utterance on account of their age and prudence. I, if I have said anything somewhat more freely, can either have it kept hidden for this reason, that I have not yet acceded to the commonwealth, or my adolescence can be pardoned; although not only the rationale of pardoning but even the custom of cognizance has now been removed from the state.

[4] Accedit iIla quoque causa, quod a ceteris forsitan ita petitum sit, ut dicerent, ut utrumvis salvo officio se facere posse arbitrarentur; a me autem ei contenderunt, qui apud me et amicitia et beneficiis et dignitate plurimum possunt, quorum ego nec benivolentiam erga me ignorare nec auctoritatem aspernari nec voluntatem neglegere debebam.

[4] There is added this cause as well: that perhaps from the rest it was so requested that they should speak, in such a way that they supposed they could do either course with their duty intact; but those pressed me who, with me, have the greatest influence by friendship, benefactions, and dignity—whose benevolence toward me I ought neither to be ignorant of, nor to spurn their authority, nor to neglect their will.

[5] His de causis ego huic causae patronus exstiti, non electus unus, qui maximo ingenio, sed relictus ex omnibus, qui minimo periculo possem dicere, neque uti satis firmo praesidio defensus Sex. Roscius, verum uti ne omnino desertus esset. Forsitan quaeratis, qui iste terror sit et quae tanta formido, quae tot ac talis viros impediat, quo minus pro capite et fortunis alterius, quem ad modum consuerunt, causam velint dicere.

[5] For these reasons I stood forth as advocate in this cause, not chosen as the one who had the greatest genius, but left from among all as the one who could speak with the least danger; nor so that Sex. Roscius be defended with a sufficiently firm protection, but rather so that he not be utterly deserted. Perhaps you may ask what this terror is, and what so great a dread as to hinder so many and such men from wishing, as they are accustomed, to plead a case on behalf of another’s life and fortunes.

Quod adhuc vos ignorare non mirum est propterea, quod consulto ab accusatoribus eius rei, quae conflavit hoc iudicium, mentio facta non est.

It is not surprising that you are still ignorant of this, for the reason that, deliberately, no mention was made by the accusers of the matter which kindled this trial.

[6] Quae res ea est? Bona patris huiusce Sex. Rosci, quae sunt sexagiens, quae de viro fortissimo et clarissimo L. Sulla, quem honoris causa nomino, duobus milibus nummum sese dicit emisse adulescens vel potentissimus hoc tempore nostrae civitatis, L. Cornelius Chrysogonus.

[6] What is this matter? The goods of the father of this Sext. Roscius, which amount to six million, which from the most brave and most illustrious L. Sulla—whom I name for honor’s sake—L. Cornelius Chrysogonus, a young man, or rather the most powerful at this time of our state, says he bought for 2,000 coins.

Is a vobis, iudices, hoc postulat, ut, quoniam in alienam pecuniam tam plenam atque praeclaram nullo iure invaserit, quoniamque ei pecuniae vita Sex. Rosci obstare atque officere videatur, deleatis ex animo suo suspicionem omnem metumque tollatis; sese hoc incolumi non arbitratur huius innocentis patrimonium tam amplum et copiosum posse obtinere, damnato et eiecto sperat se posse, quod adeptus est per scelus, id per luxuriam effundere atque consumere. Hunc sibi ex animo scrupulum, qui se dies noctesque stimulat ac pungit, ut evellatis, postulat, ut ad hanc suam praedam tam nefariam adiutores vos profiteamini.

He asks this of you, judges: that, since he has invaded another’s money so abundant and preeminent with no right, and since the life of Sextus Roscius seems to stand in the way of and to obstruct that money for him, you blot out from his mind every suspicion and remove fear; he does not think, with this man unharmed, that he can hold the estate of this innocent man, so ample and copious, but with him condemned and cast out he hopes that he can pour forth and consume in luxury what he obtained through crime. He demands that you pluck out for him from his mind this scruple, which goads and pricks him day and night, and that you declare yourselves helpers to this his so nefarious plunder.

[7] Si vobis aequa et honesta postulatio videtur, iudices, ego contra brevem postulationem adfero et, quo modo mihi persuadeo, aliquanto aequiorem. Primum a Chrysogono peto, ut pecunia fortunisque nostris contentus sit, sanguinem et vitam ne petat; deinde a vobis, iudices, ut audacium sceleri resistatis, innocentium calamitatem levetis et in causa Sex. Rosci periculum, quod in omnis intenditur, propulsetis.

[7] If this petition seems to you equitable and honest, judges, I on the contrary bring a brief petition, and, as I persuade myself, one somewhat more equitable. First, I ask of Chrysogonus that he be content with our money and fortunes, that he not seek blood and life; then of you, judges, that you resist the crime of the audacious, alleviate the calamity of the innocent, and, in the case of Sex. Rosci, repel the danger which is aimed at all.

[8] Quod si aut causa criminis aut facti suspicio aut quaelibet denique vel minima res reperietur, quam ob rem videantur illi non nihil tamen in deferendo nomine secuti, postremo si praeter eam praedam, quam dixi, quicquam aliud causae inveneritis, non recusamus, quin illorum libidini Sex. Rosci vita dedatur. Sin aliud agitur nihil nisi, ut eis ne quid desit, quibus satis nihil est, si hoc solum hoc tempore pugnatur, ut ad illam opimam praeclaramque praedam damnatio Sex.

[8] But if either a cause of the charge, or a suspicion of the deed, or, in fine, any thing at all, even the least, shall be found, on account of which they may seem, in preferring the indictment, to have pursued something after all; finally, if besides that booty which I have said, you have discovered any other cause, we do not refuse that the life of Sex. Roscius be surrendered to their lust. But if nothing else is being done except that nothing be lacking to those for whom nothing is enough, if this alone at this time is being fought for, that the condemnation of Sex.

Rosci velut cumulus accedat, nonne cum multa indigna tum vel hoc indignissimum est vos idoneos habitos, per quorum sententias iusque iurandum id adsequantur, quod antea ipsi scelere et ferro adsequi consuerunt? Qui ex civitate in senatum propter dignitatem, ex senatu in hoc consilium delecti estis propter severitatem, ab his hoc postulare homines sicarios atque gladiatores, non modo ut supplicia vitent, quae a vobis pro maleficiis suis metuere atque horrere debent, verum etiam ut spoliis ex hoc iudicio ornati auctique discedant?

Let the condemnation of Roscius, as a kind of heaped-on addition, be added; is it not, among many unworthy things, this the most unworthy: that you have been accounted fit, through whose sentences and oath they may attain that which previously they were accustomed to attain by crime and steel? You, who have been selected out of the citizenry into the Senate on account of dignity, out of the Senate into this council on account of severity, are asked this by men—assassins and gladiators—not only that they avoid the punishments which, for their malefactions, they ought to fear and shudder at from you, but even that they depart from this judgment adorned and augmented with spoils?

[9] His de rebus tantis tamque atrocibus neque satis me commode dicere neque satis graviter conqueri neque satis libere vociferari posse intellego. Nam commoditati ingenium, gravitati aetas, libertati tempora sunt impedimento. Huc accedit summus timor, quem mihi natura pudorque meus attribuit, et vestra dignitas et vis adversariorum et Sex.

[9] Concerning matters so great and so atrocious I understand that I am not able sufficiently to speak commodiously, nor sufficiently to complain gravely, nor sufficiently to vociferate freely. For my talent is a hindrance to convenience, my age to gravity, the times to liberty. To this there is added the utmost fear, which nature and my modesty have assigned to me, and your dignity and the force of the adversaries and Sex.

Rosci pericula. Quapropter vos oro atque obsecro, iudices, ut attente bonaque cum venia verba mea audiatis.

Roscius’s perils. Wherefore I beg and beseech you, judges, to hear my words attentively and with kindly indulgence.

[10] Fide sapientiaque vestra fretus plus oneris sustuli quam ferre me posse intellego. Hoc onus si vos aliqua ex parte adlevabitis, feram ut potero studio et industria, iudices; sin a vobis, id quod non spero, deserar, tamen animo non deficiam et id quod suscepi, quoad potero perferam. Quod si perferre non potero, opprimi me onere offici malo quam id, quod mihi cum fide semel impositum est aut propter perfidiam abicere aut propter infirmitatem animi deponere.

[10] Relying on your good faith and wisdom, I have taken upon myself more onus than I understand I am able to bear. If you in any part alleviate this burden, I shall bear it as I can with zeal and industry, judges; but if by you, which I do not hope, I am deserted, nevertheless I shall not fail in spirit, and that which I have undertaken I shall carry through as far as I am able. But if I cannot carry it through, I prefer to be overwhelmed by the onus of duty rather than either to cast away that which was once laid upon me with good faith on account of perfidy, or to set it down on account of infirmity of spirit.

[11] Te quoque magno opere, M. Fanni, quaeso, ut, qualem te iam antea populo Romano praebuisti, cum huic eidem quaestioni iudex praeesses, talem te et nobis et rei publicae hoc tempore impertias. Quanta multitudo hominum convenerit ad hoc iudicium, vides; quae sit omnium mortalium exspectatio, quae cupiditas, ut acria ac severa iudicia fiant, intellegis. Longo intervallo iudicium inter sicarios hoc primum committitur, cum interea caedes indignissimae maximaeque factae sunt; omnes hanc quaestionem te praetore manifestis maleficiis cotidianoque sanguine dignissimam sperant futuram.

[11] You too, M. Fannius, I beg in great measure, that, such as you have already before presented yourself to the Roman people, when as judge you presided over this same quaestio, such you also at this time impart to us and to the Republic. How great a multitude of men has assembled for this trial, you see; what is the expectation of all mortals, what the desire that sharp and severe judgments be made, you understand. After a long interval this is the first trial concerning assassins to be undertaken, while in the meantime most unworthy and very great slaughters have been done; all hope that, with you as praetor, this quaestio will be most worthy, in view of manifest malefactions and daily blood.

[12] Qua vociferatione in ceteris iudiciis accusatores uti consuerunt, ea nos hoc tempore utimur qui causam dicimus. Petimus abs te, M. Fanni, a vobisque, iudices, ut quam acerrime maleficia vindicetis, ut quam fortissime hominibus audacissimis resistatis, ut hoc cogitetis, nisi in hac causa, qui vester animus sit, ostendetis, eo prorumpere hominum cupiditatem et scelus et audaciam, ut non modo clam, verum etiam hic in foro ante tribunal tuum, M. Fanni, ante pedes vestros, iudices, inter ipsa subsellia caedes futurae sint.

[12] With the same vociferation which accusers are accustomed to employ in the other trials, we who are pleading the cause at this time employ it. We ask of you, M. Fanni, and of you, judges, that you punish malefactions as most sharply, that you resist the most audacious men as most stoutly, that you consider this: unless in this case you show what your spirit is, to that degree the greed, crime, and audacity of men will burst forth, so that murders will occur not only in secret, but even here in the forum, before your tribunal, M. Fanni, before your feet, judges, among the benches themselves.

[13] Etenim quid aliud hoc iudicio temptatur nisi, ut id fieri liceat? Accusant ei qui in fortunas huius invaserunt, causam dicit is, cui praeter calamitatem nihil reliquerunt; accusant ei, quibus occidi patrem Sex. Rosci bono fuit, causam dicit is, cui non modo luctum mors patris attulit, verum etiam egestatem; accusant ei, qui hunc ipsum iugulare summe cupierunt, causam dicit is, qui etiam adhoc ipsum iudicium cum praesidio venit, ne hic ibidem ante oculos vestros trucidetur; denique accusant ei, quos populus poscit, causam dicit is, qui unus relictus ex illorum nefaria caede restat.

[13] For indeed what else is being tried in this judgment except that it be permitted to happen? Those are the accusers who invaded this man’s fortunes; he pleads his case, for whom they left nothing besides calamity. Those are the accusers to whom it was advantageous that the father of Sextus Roscius be killed; he pleads his case to whom his father’s death brought not only mourning but even indigence. Those are the accusers who most eagerly desired to cut this man’s throat; he pleads his case who has come even to this very trial with an escort, lest here on the spot, before your eyes, he be butchered. Finally, those are the accusers whom the people demands; he pleads his case who alone remains, left over from their nefarious slaughter.

[14] Atque ut facilius intellegere possitis, iudices, ea, quae facta sunt indigniora esse, quam haec sunt, quae dicimus, ab initio res, quem ad modum gesta sit, vobis exponemus, quo facilius et huius hominis innocentissimi miserias et illorum audacias cognoscere possitis et rei publicae calamitatem.

[14] And so that you may more easily understand, Judges, that the things which have been done are more outrageous than these which we say, from the beginning we will set forth to you how the matter was transacted, in order that you may the more easily recognize both the miseries of this most innocent man and the audacities of those men, and the calamity of the commonwealth.

[15] Sex. Roscius, pater huiusce, municeps Amerinus fuit, cum genere et nobilitate et pecunia non modo sui municipi, verum etiam eius vicinitatis facile primus, tum gratia atque hospitiis florens hominum nobilissimorum. Nam cum Metellis, Serviliis, Scipionibus erat ei non modo hospitium, verum etiam domesticus usus et consuetudo, quas, ut aequum est, familias honestatis amplitudinisque gratia nomino.

[15] Sex. Roscius, the father of this man, was a townsman of Ameria, easily the foremost not only of his own municipium but even of that neighborhood in birth, nobility, and pecuniary wealth, and furthermore flourishing in the favor and guest‑friendships of the most noble men. For with the Metelli, the Servilii, the Scipios he had not only hospitium, but even domestic use and custom, which families, as is fair, I name for the sake of honor and amplitude.

Itaque ex suis omnibus commodis hoc solum filio reliquit; nam patrimonium domestici praedones vi ereptum possident, fama et vita innocentis ab hospitibus amicisque paternis defenditur.

Therefore from all his advantages he left this one thing to his son; for the patrimony, snatched away by force, is possessed by domestic plunderers, while the fame and the life of the innocent man are defended by his father’s guest-friends and friends.

[16] Hic cum omni tempore nobilitatis fautor fuisset, tum hoc tumultu proximo, cum omnium nobilium dignitas et salus in discrimen veniret, praeter ceteros in ea vicinitate eam partem causamque opera, studio, auctoritate defendit. Etenim rectum putabat pro eorum honestate se pugnare, propter quos ipse honestissimus inter suos numerabatur. Postea quam victoria constituta est ab armisque recessimus, cum proscriberentur homines atque ex omni regione caperentur ei, qui adversarii fuisse putabantur, erat ille Romae frequens atque in foro et in ore omnium cotidie versabatur, magis ut exsultare victoria nobilitatis videretur quam timere, ne quid ex ea calamitatis sibi accideret.

[16] This man, since at all times he had been a favorer of the nobility, then in that most recent tumult, when the dignity and safety of all the nobles came into crisis, beyond the rest in that neighborhood he defended that party and cause with effort, zeal, and authority. For he thought it right to fight for their honesty (honor), on account of whom he himself was counted most honest among his own. After the victory was established and we withdrew from arms, when men were being proscribed and, from every region, those who were thought to have been adversaries were being seized, he was constantly at Rome and daily moved about both in the Forum and on everyone’s lips, so as to seem rather to exult in the victory of the nobility than to fear lest anything of calamity from it might befall him.

[17] Erant ei veteres inimicitiae cum duobus Rosciis Amerinis, quorum alterum sedere in accusatorum subselliis video, alterum tria huiusce praedia possidere audio; quas inimicitias si tam cavere potuisset, quam metuere solebat, viveret. Neque enim, iudices, iniuria metuebat. Nam duo isti sunt T. Roscii, quorum alteri Capitoni cognomen est, iste, qui adest, Magnus vocatur, homines eius modi: Alter plurimarum palmarum vetus ac nobilis gladiator habetur, hic autem nuper se ad eum lanistam contulit, quique ante hanc pugnam tiro esset quod sciam, facile ipsum magistrum scelere audaciaque superavit.

[17] He had long-standing enmities with two Roscii of Ameria, of whom I see one sitting on the benches of the accusers, and I hear the other possesses three estates of this man; which enmities, if he could have guarded against them as he was wont to fear them, he would be alive. For, judges, he did not fear without injury—indeed, not without cause. For there are these two T. Roscii, of whom one bears the cognomen Capito, while this one here present is called Magnus, men of such a sort: The former is held to be an old and noble gladiator of many palms; this latter, however, has lately attached himself to that lanista, and though before this bout he was, so far as I know, a tiro, he easily surpassed the very master himself in wickedness and audacity.

[18] Nam cum hic Sex. Roscius esset Ameriae, T. autem iste Roscius Romae, cum hic filius adsiduus in praediis esset cumque se voluntate patris rei familiari vitaeque rusticae dedisset, iste autem frequens Romae esset, occiditur ad balneas Pallacinas rediens a cena Sex. Roscius.

[18] For when this Sextus Roscius was at Ameria, and that Titus Roscius was at Rome, when this son was assiduous on the estates and, with his father’s will, had given himself over to the family property and to rustic life, while that man was frequent in Rome, Sextus Roscius is slain at the Pallacine baths as he was returning from dinner.

Spero ex hoc ipso non esse obscurum, ad quem suspicio malefici pertineat; verum id, quod adhuc est suspiciosum, nisi perspicuum res ipsa fecerit, hunc adfinem culpae iudicatote.

I hope from this very thing that it is not obscure to whom the suspicion of malefaction pertains; but as for that which is still suspicious, unless the thing itself shall have made it perspicuous, adjudge this man as bordering upon guilt.

[19] Occiso Sex. Roscio primus Ameriam nuntiat Mallius Glaucia quidam, homo tenuis, libertinus, cliens et familiaris istius T. Rosci, et nuntiat domum non fili, sed T. Capitonis inimici; et cum Post horam primam noctis occisus esset, primo diluculo nuntius hic Ameriam venit; decem horis nocturnis sex et quinquaginta milia passuum cisiis pervolavit, non modo ut exoptatum inimico nuntium primus adferret, sed etiam cruorem inimici quam recentissimum telumque paulo ante e corpore extractum ostenderet.

[19] With Sextus Roscius slain, a certain Mallius Glaucia— a man of slender means, a freedman, a client and familiar of that T. Roscius— is the first to announce it to Ameria, and he announces it not to the house of the son, but to that of the enemy T. Capito; and although he had been killed after the first hour of night, at first daybreak this messenger comes to Ameria; in ten nocturnal hours he flew over fifty-six miles by cisia, not only that he might be the first to bring to the enemy the longed-for news, but even to show the enemy’s blood as fresh as possible and the weapon a little before extracted from the body.

[20] Quadriduo quo haec gesta sunt res ad Chrysogonum in castra L. Sullae Volaterras defertur; magnitudo pecuniae demonstratur; bonitas praediorum nam fundos decem et tris reliquit, qui Tiberim fere omnes tangunt huius inopia et solitudo commemoratur; demonstrant, cum pater huiusce Sex. Roscius, homo tam splendidus et gratiosus, nullo negotio sit occisus, perfacile hunc hominem incautum et rusticum et Romae ignotum de medio tolli posse; ad eam rem operam suam pollicentur.

[20] Within four days after these things were done, the matter is reported to Chrysogonus in the camp of Lucius Sulla at Volaterrae; the magnitude of the money is demonstrated; the goodness of the estates - for he left thirteen farms, almost all of which touch the Tiber - and the destitution and solitude of this man are commemorated; they show that, since the father of this man, Sextus Roscius, a man so splendid and in favor, was slain with no trouble, it would be very easy for this man, incautious, rustic, and unknown at Rome, to be removed from the midst; for that affair they pledge their services.

[21] Ne diutius teneam, iudices, societas coitur. Cum nulla iam proscriptionis mentio fieret, cum etiam, qui antea metuerant, redirent ac iam defunctos sese periculis arbitrarentur, nomen refertur in tabulas Sex. Rosci, hominis studiosissimi nobilitatis; manceps fit Chrysogonus; tria praedia vel nobilissima Capitoni propria traduntur, quae hodie possidet; in reliquas omnis fortunas iste T. Roscius nomine Chrysogoni, quem ad modum ipse dicit, impetum facit.

[21] Not to detain you longer, judges, a partnership is entered into. When now no mention of proscription was being made, when even those who had feared before were returning and were thinking themselves already discharged from dangers, the name of Sextus Roscius, a man most studious of the nobility, is entered into the tablets; Chrysogonus becomes the purchaser; three estates, even the most noble, are handed over to Capito as his own, which he possesses today; upon all the remaining fortunes that T. Roscius, in the name of Chrysogonus, as he himself says, makes an attack.

Haec omnia, iudices, imprudente L. Sulla facta esse certo scio.

All these things, judges, I know for certain to have been done without the knowledge of L. Sulla.

[22] Neque enim mirum, cum eodem tempore et ea, quae praeterita sunt, reparet et ea, quae videntur instare, praeparet, cum et pacis constituendae rationem et belli gerendi potestatem solus habeat, cum omnes in unum spectent, unus omnia gubernet, cum tot tantisque negotiis distentus sit, ut respirare libere non possit, si aliquid non animadvertat, cum praesertim tam multi occupationem eius observent tempusque aucupentur ut, simul atque ille despexerit, aliquid huiusce modi moliantur. Huc accedit, quod, quamvis ille felix sit, sicut est, tamen in tanta felicitate nemo potest esse in magna familia, qui neminem neque servum neque libertum improbum habeat.

[22] Nor indeed is it a wonder, since at the same time he both repairs the things that are past and prepares the things that seem to be pressing, since he alone has both the rationale for constituting peace and the power of waging war, since all look toward one and one governs all, since he is burdened with so many and so great affairs that he cannot breathe freely, if he should fail to notice something, especially since so many watch his occupation and angle for the opportune time, so that, as soon as he looks away, they contrive something of this sort. To this is added that, although he is fortunate, as indeed he is, nevertheless, in such felicity, no one can be in a great household who has not at least someone—neither slave nor freedman—unscrupulous.

[23] Interea iste T. Roscius, vir optimus, procurator Chrysogoni, Ameriam venit, in praedia huius invadit, hunc miserum, luctu perditum, qui nondum etiam omnia paterno funeri iusta solvisset, nudum eicit domo atque focis patriis disque penatibus praecipitem, iudices, exturbat, ipse amplissimae pecuniae fit dominus. Qui in sua re fuisset egentissimus, erat, ut fit, insolens in aliena; multa palam domum suam auferebat; plura clam de medio removebat, non pauca suis adiutoribus large effuseque donabat, reliqua constituta auctione vendebat.

[23] Meanwhile that fellow T. Roscius, a most excellent man, the procurator of Chrysogonus, comes to Ameria, invades this man’s estates, and this wretch, ruined by grief, who had not yet even discharged all the rites due to his father’s funeral, he casts out naked from his home and his fathers’ hearths and his household gods, judges, he drives headlong forth, while he himself becomes master of a very ample wealth. He who in his own affairs had been most destitute was, as happens, insolent in another’s; many things he was openly carrying off to his own house; more he was secretly removing from the midst; not a few he was bestowing upon his helpers lavishly and profusely; the rest he was selling at an auction that had been set.

[24] Quod Amerinis usque eo visum est indignum, ut urbe tota fletus gemitusque fieret. Etenim multa simul ante oculos versabantur, mors hominis florentissimi, Sex. Rosci, crudelissima, fili autem eius egestas indignissima, cui de tanto patrimonio praedo iste nefarius ne iter quidem ad sepulcrum patrium reliquisset, bonorum emptio flagitiosa, possessio, furta, rapinae, donationes.

[24] Which seemed so unworthy to the Amerini that throughout the whole city there was weeping and groaning. For many things at once were turning before their eyes: the most cruel death of Sextus Roscius, a man most flourishing; and, moreover, the most unworthy indigence of his son, to whom, out of so great a patrimony, that nefarious plunderer had not even left a path to the ancestral tomb; the flagitious purchase of the goods, possession, thefts, rapines, donations.

Nemo erat, qui non audere omnia mallet quam videre in Sex. Rosci, viri optimi atque honestissimi, bonis iactantem se ac dominantem T. Roscium.

There was no one who would not rather dare everything than see Titus Roscius vaunting himself and dominating over the estate of Sextus Roscius, a most excellent and most honorable man.

[25] Itaque decurionum decretum statim fit, ut decem primi proficiscantur ad L. Sullam doceantque eum, qui vir Sex. Roscius fuerit, conquerantur de istorum scelere et iniuriis, orent, ut et illius mortui famam et fili innocentis fortunas conservatas velit. Atque ipsum decretum, quaeso, cognoscite.

[25] And so a decree of the decurions is immediately made, that the ten leading men set out to L. Sulla and inform him what sort of man Sex. Roscius had been, complain of those men’s crime and injustices, and beseech that he be willing to have both the fame of that dead man and the fortunes of the innocent son preserved. And the decree itself, I pray, learn.

[Decretum decurionum.] Legati in castra veniunt. Intellegitur, iudices, id quod iam ante dixi, imprudente L. Sulla scelera haec et flagitia fieri. Nam statim Chrysogonus et ipse ad eos accedit et homines nobilis adlegat, qui peterent, ne ad Sullam adirent, et omnia Chrysogonum, quae vellent, esse facturum pollicerentur.

[Decree of the decurions.] The envoys come into the camp. It is understood, judges, that which I already said before: that these crimes and disgraces are being done with L. Sulla unaware. For immediately Chrysogonus himself also goes up to them and commissions men of nobility to entreat that they not approach Sulla, and to promise that Chrysogonus would do everything which they wished.

[26] Usque adeo autem ille pertimuerat, ut mori mallet, quam de his rebus Sullam doceri. Homines antiqui, qui ex sua natura ceteros fingerent, cum ille confirmaret sese nomen Sex. Rosci de tabulis exempturum, praedia vacua filio traditurum, cumque id ita futurum T. Roscius Capito, qui in decem legatis erat, appromitteret, crediderunt; Ameriam re inorata reverterunt.

[26] So far, moreover, had that man been thoroughly terrified, that he preferred to die rather than that Sulla be informed about these matters. Men of the old stamp, who shaped others from their own nature, since he affirmed that he would exempt the name of Sex. Roscius from the rolls, and would hand over the estates vacant to the son, and since T. Roscius Capito, who was among the ten envoys, assured that this would be so, believed; to Ameria, with the matter un-pleaded, they returned.

Ac primo rem differre cotidie ac procrastinare isti coeperunt, deinde aliquanto lentius nihil agere atque deludere, postremo, id quod facile intellectum est, insidias vitae huiusce Sex. Rosci parare neque sese arbitrari posse diutius alienam pecuniam domino incolumi obtinere.

And at first those men began to defer the matter daily and to procrastinate, then, somewhat more slowly, to do nothing and to delude; finally—what is easily understood—they set about laying insidious plots against the life of this Sextus Roscius, nor did they think that they could any longer keep another’s money while its owner was unscathed.

[27] Quod hic simul atque sensit, de amicorum cognatorumque sententia Romam confugit et sese ad Caeciliam, Nepotis sororem, Baliarici filiam, quam honoris causa nomino, contulit, qua pater usus erat plurimum; in qua muliere, iudices, etiam nunc, id quod omnes semper existimaverunt, quasi exempli causa vestigia antiqui offici remanent. Ea Sex. Roscium inopem, eiectum domo atque expulsum ex suis bonis, fugientem latronum tela et minas recepit domum hospitique oppresso iam desperatoque ab omnibus opitulata est.

[27] As soon as he perceived this, by the counsel of his friends and kinsmen he fled to Rome and betook himself to Caecilia, sister of Nepos, daughter of Balearicus—whom I name for the sake of honor—on whose services her father had most relied; and in this woman, judges, even now—what all have always thought—there remain, as it were for the sake of an example, the footprints of ancient duty. She received into her house Sextus Roscius, needy, cast out from his home and expelled from his goods, fleeing the weapons and threats of bandits, and she succored her guest, already oppressed and despaired of by all.

Eius virtute, fide, diligentia factum est, ut hic potius vivus in reos quam occisus in proscriptos referretur.

By her virtue, faith, and diligence, it was brought about that this man was recorded rather alive among the accused than, if slain, among the proscribed.

[28] Nam postquam isti intellexerunt summa diligentia vitam Sex. Rosci custodiri neque sibi ullam caedis faciendae potestatem dari, consilium ceperunt plenum sceleris et audaciae, ut nomen huius de parricidio deferrent, ut ad eam rem aliquem accusatorem veterem compararent, qui de ea re posset dicere aliquid, in qua re nulla subesset suspicio, denique ut, quoniam crimine non poterant, tempore ipso pugnarent. Ita loqui homines: 'Quod iudicia tam diu facta non essent, condemnari eum oportere, qui primus in iudicium adductus esset; huic autem patronos propter Chrysogoni gratiam defuturos; de bonorum venditione et de ista societate verbum esse facturum neminem; ipso nomine parricidi et atrocitate criminis fore, ut hic nullo negotio tolleretur, cum ab nullo defensus esset.'

[28] For after those men understood that the life of Sextus Roscius was being guarded with the utmost diligence and that no power for committing a murder was being given to them, they adopted a plan full of crime and audacity: to lodge an accusation against him for parricide; to procure for that purpose some veteran accuser who could say something about that matter—where in fact no suspicion lay; finally, that, since they could not fight by means of a charge, they would fight with the time itself. Thus the men were saying: 'Because trials had not for so long been held, he ought to be condemned who was the first brought into court; moreover, that advocates would be lacking to this man on account of Chrysogonus’s favor; that about the sale of the goods and about that association no one would utter a word; by the very name of parricide and the atrocity of the charge, it would come about that this man would be removed with no trouble, since he was defended by no one.'

[29] Hoc consilio atque adeo hac amentia impulsi, quem ipsi, cum cuperent, non potuerunt occidere, eum iugulandum vobis tradiderunt.

[29] Driven by this counsel, and indeed by this dementia, the one whom they themselves, though they desired it, were not able to kill, they handed over to you to be slaughtered.

Quid primum querar aut unde potissimum, iudices, ordiar aut quod aut a quibus auxilium petam? Deorumne immortalium, populine Romani, vestramne, qui summam potestatem habetis, hoc tempore fidem implorem?

What first shall I lament, or whence most of all, judges, shall I begin, or what aid, or from whom, shall I seek? Of the immortal gods, of the Roman people, or should I at this time implore your faith, you who hold the highest power?

[30] Pater occisus nefarie, domus obsessa ab inimicis, bona adempta, possessa, direpta, fili vita infesta, saepe ferro atque insidiis appetita. Quid ab his tot maleficiis sceleris abesse videtur? Tamen haec aliis nefariis cumulant atque adaugent, crimen incredibile confingunt, testis in hunc et accusatores huiusce pecunia comparant; hanc condicionem misero ferunt, ut optet, utrum malit cervices T. Roscio dare an insutus in culleum per summum dedecus vitam amittere.

[30] A father murdered nefariously, a house besieged by enemies, goods taken away, possessed, plundered, the son’s life beset, often assailed by the sword and by ambushes. What crime seems to be absent from so many malefactions as these? Nevertheless they heap up and augment these with other nefarious deeds, they fabricate an incredible charge, they procure witnesses and accusers against this man with this very man’s money; they thrust this condition upon the wretch: that he should choose whether he prefers to offer his neck to T. Roscius, or, sewn into a sack, to lose his life through the utmost disgrace.

Patronos huic defuturos putaverunt; desunt; qui libere dicat, qui cum fide defendat, id quod in hac causa satis est, non deest profecto, iudices.

They thought patrons would be lacking to this man; they are lacking; but one who will speak freely, who will defend with fidelity—which in this case is enough—is assuredly not lacking, judges.

[31] Et forsitan in suscipienda causa temere impulsus adulescentia fecerim; quoniam quidem semel suscepi, Iicet, hercules, undique omnes minae, terrores periculaque impendeant omnia, succurram ac subibo. Certum est deliberatumque, quae ad causam pertinere arbitror, omnia non modo dicere, verum etiam libenter, audacter libereque dicere; nulla res tanta exsistet, iudices, ut possit vim mihi maiorem adhibere metus quam fides.

[31] And perhaps, in undertaking the case, I acted rashly, impelled by youth; since indeed I have once taken it up, though, by Hercules, all threats, terrors, and perils hang over me from every side, I will come to the rescue and I will undergo them. It is fixed and deliberated: whatever things I judge to pertain to the cause, all these I will not only say, but even gladly, boldly, and freely say; no matter so great will arise, judges, that fear can bring to bear greater force upon me than faith.

[32] Etenim quis tam dissoluto animo est, qui, haec cum videat, tacere ac neglegere possit? Patrem meum, cum proscriptus non esset, iugulastis, occisum in proscriptorum numerum rettulistis, me domo mea per vim expulistis, patrimonium meum possidetis. Quid voltis amplius?

[32] Indeed, who is so dissolute in spirit that, when he sees these things, he can keep silent and neglect them? My father, when he had not been proscribed, you slaughtered; once slain, you entered him into the number of the proscribed; me you drove by force from my own house, you possess my patrimony. What more do you want?

Etiamne ad subsellia cum ferro atque telis venistis, ut hic aut iuguletis aut condemnetis?

Have you even come to the benches with iron and weapons, so that here you either cut his throat or condemn him?

[33] Hominem longe audacissimum nuper habuimus in civitate C. Fimbriam et, quod inter omnis constat, nisi inter eos, qui ipsi quoque insaniunt, insanissimum. Is cum curasset, in funere C. Mari ut Q. Scaevola volneraretur, vir sanctissimus atque ornatissimus nostrae civitatis, de cuius laude neque hic locus est, ut multa dicantur, neque plura tamen dici possunt, quam populus Romanus memoria retinet, diem Scaevolae dixit, postea quam comperit eum posse vivere. Cum ab eo quaereretur, quid tandem accusaturus esset eum, quem pro dignitate ne laudare quidem quisquam satis commode posset, aiunt hominem, ut erat furiosus, respondisse: "Quod non totum telum corpore recepisset." Quo populus Romanus nihil vidit indignius nisi eiusdem viri mortem, quae tantum potuit, ut omnis occisus perdiderit et adflixerit; quos quia servare per compositionem volebat, ipse ab eis interemptus est.

[33] We recently had in the commonwealth a man, Gaius Fimbria, by far the most audacious, and—what is agreed among all, save among those who themselves also are insane—the most insane. After he had contrived that at the funeral of Gaius Marius Quintus Scaevola should be wounded—a man most holy and most adorned of our state, of whose praise neither is this the place for many things to be said, nor yet can more be said than the Roman people retains in memory—he named a day for Scaevola, after he learned that he could live. When he was asked what, pray, he was going to accuse in a man whom, given his dignity, no one could even suitably enough praise, they say the man, as he was frenzied, replied: “Because he had not received the whole weapon into his body.” Than which the Roman people saw nothing more unworthy, except the death of that same man, which had such power that it has ruined and afflicted all the slain; and those men—whom, because he wished to preserve by composition—he himself was killed by them.

[34] Estne hoc illi dicto atque facto Fimbriano simillimum? Accusatis Sex. Roscium.

[34] Is this most similar to that Fimbrian dictum and deed? You prosecute Sextus Roscius.

Quid ita? Quia de manibus vestris, quia se occidi passus non est. Illud, quia in Scaevola factum est, magis indignum videtur, hoc, quia fit a Chrysogono, non est ferendum.

Why so? Because he slipped out of your hands, because he did not allow himself to be killed. That, because it was done against Scaevola, seems more unworthy; this, because it is being done by Chrysogonus, is not to be borne.

Nam per deos immortalis! Quid est in hac causa, quod defensionis indigeat? Qui locus ingenium patroni requirit aut oratoris eloquentiam magno opere desiderat?

For by the immortal gods! What is there in this case that stands in need of a defense? What place requires the ingenuity of a patron or greatly desires an orator’s eloquence?

Totam causam, iudices, explicemus atque ante oculos eitam consideremus; ita facillime, quae res totum iudicium contineat et quibus de rebus nos dicere oporteat et quid vos sequi conveniat, intellegetis.

Let us unfold the whole cause, judges, and let us even consider it before our eyes; thus most easily you will understand what matter comprises the whole judgment, about what things it behooves us to speak, and what it is fitting for you to follow.

[35] Tres sunt res, quantum ego existimare possum, quae obstent hoc tempore Sex. Roscio, crimen adversariorum et audacia et potentia. Criminis confictionem accusator Erucius suscepit, audaciae partis Roscii sibi poposcerunt, Chrysogonus autem, is qui plurimum potest, potentia pugnat.

[35] There are three things, as far as I am able to estimate, which at this time stand in the way of Sextus Roscius: the charge of his adversaries, and audacity, and power. The concoction of the charge the accuser Erucius has undertaken; the part of audacity the Roscii have demanded for themselves; but Chrysogonus, he who is most powerful, fights with power.

De hisce omnibus rebus me dicere oportere intellego. Quid igitur est?

I understand that I ought to speak about all these matters. What, then?

[36] Non eodem modo de omnibus, ideo quod prima illa res ad meum officium pertinet, duas autem reliquas vobis populus Romanus imposuit; ego crimen oportet diluam, vos et audaciae resistere et hominum eius modi perniciosam atque intolerandam potentiam primo quoque tempore exstinguere atque opprimere debetis.

[36] Not in the same way about all things, for the first matter pertains to my office, but the remaining two the Roman people has imposed upon you; I must wash away the charge, and you must both resist audacity and, at the earliest opportunity, extinguish and suppress the pernicious and intolerable power of men of that sort.

[37] Occidisse patrem Sex. Roscius arguitur. Scelestum, di immortales, ac nefarium facinus atque eius modi, quo uno maleficio scelera omnia complexa esse videantur!

[37] Sextus Roscius is accused of having killed his father. A wicked, immortal gods, and nefarious deed, and of such a kind that in that one malefaction all crimes seem to be encompassed!

Etenim si, id quod praeclare a sapientibus dicitur, voltu saepe laeditur pietas, quod supplicium satis acre reperietur in eum, qui mortem obtulerit parenti? Pro quo mori ipsum, si res postularet, iura divina atque humana cogebant.

For indeed, if—as is excellently said by the wise—piety is often injured by a countenance, what punishment sufficiently sharp will be found for the man who has offered death to his parent? For whom to die himself, if the matter demanded, both divine and human laws compelled.

[38] In hoc tanto, tam atroci, tam singulari maleficio, quod ita raro exstitit, ut, si quando auditum sit, portenti ac prodigi simile numeretur, quibus tandem tu, C. Eruci, argumentis accusatorem censes uti oportere? Nonne et audaciam eius, qui in crimen vocetur, singularem ostendere et mores feros immanemque naturam et vitam vitiis flagitiisque omnibus deditam, et denique omnia ad perniciem profligata atque perdita? Quorum tu nihil in Sex.

[38] In this so great, so atrocious, so singular a crime, which has arisen so rarely that, if ever it has been heard of, it is counted like a portent and a prodigy, with what arguments, pray, do you, Gaius Erucius, think an accuser ought to make use? Is it not to display both the singular audacity of him who is called into accusation, and savage manners and a monstrous nature, and a life given over to all vices and flagitious deeds, and, finally, everything prostrated toward perdition and undone? Of which you show nothing in Sext.

Roscium ne obiciendi quidem causa contulisti.

You did not even adduce Roscius, not even for the purpose of alleging a charge.

[39] Patrem occidit Sex. Roscius. Qui homo?

[39] Sex. Roscius killed his father. What sort of man?

Adulescentulus corruptus et ab hominibus nequam inductus? Annos natus maior quadraginta. Vetus videlicet sicarius, homo audax et saepe in caede versatus.

A mere adolescent, corrupted and induced by nefarious men? He is more than forty years old. A veteran cutthroat, to be sure—an audacious man and often versed in slaughter.

At hoc ab accusatore ne dici quidem audistis. Luxuries igitur hominem nimirum et aeris alieni magnitudo et indomitae animi cupiditates ad hoc scelus impulerunt. De luxuria purgavit Erucius, cum dixit hunc ne in convivio quidem ullo fere interfuisse.

But you have not even heard this said by the accuser. Therefore luxury, surely, and the magnitude of debt, and the indomitable desires of spirit, impelled the man to this crime. As to luxury, Erucius has cleared him, when he said that this man had scarcely even taken part in any convivial banquet.

Nihil autem umquam debuit. Cupiditates porro quae possunt esse in eo, qui, ut ipse accusator obiecit, ruri semper habitarit et in agro colendo vixerit? Quae vita maxime disiuncta a cupiditate et cum officio coniuncta est.

But he never at any time owed anything. Moreover, what desires can there be in a man who, as the accuser himself objected, has always dwelt in the countryside and has lived by cultivating the land? A way of life which is most disjoined from cupidity and conjoined with duty.

[40] Quae res igitur tantum istum furorem Sex. Roscio obiecit? 'Patri' inquit 'non placebat.' Patri non placebat?

[40] What thing, then, cast so great a fury upon Sextus Roscius? 'He,' he says, 'was not pleasing to his father.' He was not pleasing to his father?

quam ob causam? necesse est enim eam quoque iustam et magnam et perspicuam fuisse. Nam ut illud incredibile est, mortem oblatam esse patri a filio sine plurimis et maximis causis, sic hoc veri simile non est, odio fuisse parenti filium sine causis multis et magnis et necessariis.

For what cause? For it is necessary that it too should have been just and great and perspicuous. For just as it is unbelievable that death was inflicted upon the father by the son without very many and very great causes, so this is not verisimilar, that the son was hateful to his parent without causes many and great and necessary.

[41] Rursus igitur eodem revertamur et quaeramus, quae tanta vitia fuerint in unico filio, qua re is patri displiceret. At perspicuum est nullum fuisse. Pater igitur amens, qui odisset eum sine causa quem procrearat?

[41] Therefore let us again return to the same point and inquire what such great vices there were in the only son, for what reason he was displeasing to his father. But it is perspicuous that there was none. Therefore the father was mad, who would have hated without cause him whom he had procreated?

At is quidem fuit omnium constantissimus. Ergo illud iam perspicuum profecto est, si neque amens pater neque perditus filius fuerit, neque odi causam patri neque sceleris filio fuisse.

But he indeed was the most constant of all. Therefore this is now perspicuous for sure: if neither the father was demented nor the son profligate, there was neither a cause of hatred for the father nor a cause of crime for the son.

[42] 'Nescio' inquit 'quae causa odi fuerit; fuisse odium intellego qui antea, cum duos filios haberet, illum alterum qui mortuus est secum omni tempore volebat esse, hunc in praedia rustica relegarat.' Quod Erucio accidebat in mala nugatoriaque accusatione, idem mihi usu venit in causa optima. Ille quo modo crimen commenticium confirmaret non inveniebat, ego res tam levis qua ratione infirmem ac diluam reperire non possum.

[42] 'I do not know,' he says, 'what cause there was for the odium; that there was hatred I understand, since previously, when he had two sons, that other one who is dead he wanted to have with him at every time, whereas he had relegated this one to the rural estates.' What was befalling Erucius in a bad and nugatory accusation, the same has come to me by experience in a most excellent case. He could not discover how to confirm a fabricated crime, while I cannot find by what method I may weaken and dilute a matter so slight.

[43] Quid ais, Eruci? tot praedia tam pulchra, tam fructuosa Sex. Roscius filio suo relegationis ac supplici gratia colenda ac tuenda tradiderat?

[43] What do you say, Erucius? That so many estates, so beautiful, so fruitful, Sextus Roscius had handed over to his son to be cultivated and guarded, by way of relegation and punishment?

Quid? hoc patres familiae qui liberos habent, praesertim homines illius ordinis ex municipiis rusticanis, nonne optatissimum sibi putant esse filios suos rei familiari maxime servire et in praediis colendis operae plurimum studique consumere?

What? Do not fathers of families who have children, especially men of that order from rustic municipalities, think it most to be desired for themselves that their sons serve the family estate above all and expend the very most of their labor and zeal in the cultivating of the estates?

[44] An amandarat hunc sic ut esset in agro ac tantum modo aleretur ad villam, ut commodis omnibus careret? Quid? si constat hunc non modo colendis praediis praefuisse sed certis fundis patre vivo frui solitum esse, tamenne haec a te vita eius rusticana relegatio atque amandatio appellabitur?

[44] Or had he sent him away thus, so that he was in the countryside and only maintained at the villa, so that he was deprived of all conveniences? What? If it is established that he not only presided over the cultivating of the estates but was accustomed, while his father was alive, to enjoy certain specific farms, will this rustic life of his nevertheless be called by you a relegation and a sending-away?

Vides, Eruci, quantum distet argumentatio tua ab re ipsa atque a veritate. Quod consuetudine patres faciunt, id quasi novum reprehendis; quod benivolentia fit, id odio factum criminaris; quod honoris causa pater filio suo concessit, id eum supplici causa fecisse dicis.

You see, Erucius, how far your argumentation stands apart from the thing itself and from the truth. What fathers do by custom, that you censure as if it were something new; what is done out of benevolence, that you accuse as done out of hatred; what for the sake of honor a father conceded to his son, that you say he did for the sake of punishment.

[45] Neque haec tu non intellegis, sed usque eo quid arguas non habes, ut non modo tibi contra nos dicendum putes verum etiam contra rerum naturam contraque consuetudinem hominum contraque opiniones omnium.

[45] Nor do you fail to understand these things, but you lack something to argue to such a degree that you think you must speak not only against us but even against the nature of things, against the customary practice of men, and against the opinions of all.

At enim, cum duos filios haberet, alterum a se non dimittebat, alterum ruri esse patiebatur. Quaeso, Eruci, ut hoc in bonam partem accipias; non enim exprobrandi causa sed commonendi gratia dicam.

But indeed, since he had two sons, the one he did not dismiss from himself, the other he permitted to be in the countryside. I pray, Erucius, that you take this in good part; for I will say it not for the cause of exprobration but for the sake of admonition.

[46] Si tibi fortuna non dedit, ut patre certo nascerere, ex quo intellegere posses, qui animus patrius in liberos esset, at natura certe dedit, ut humanitatis non parum haberes; eo accessit studium doctrinae, ut ne a litteris quidem alienus esses. Ecquid tandem tibi videtur, ut ad fabulas veniamus, senex ille Caecilianus minoris facere Eutychum, filium rusticum, quam illum alterum, Chaerestratum? nam, ut opinor, hoc nomine est alterum in urbe secum honoris causa habere, alterum rus supplici causa relegasse?

[46] If fortune did not grant you to be born of a certain father, from which you could understand what a paternal spirit toward children would be, yet nature certainly granted that you should have no small share of humanity; to this there was added a zeal for learning, so that you were not even alien from letters. Does it, then, seem to you—so that we may come to the plays—that that Caecilian old man made Eutychus, the rustic son, of lesser account than the other, Chaerestratus? for, as I think, this is his name that he kept the one in the city with himself for the sake of honor, but relegated the other to the countryside for the sake of punishment?

[47] 'Quid ad istas ineptias abis?' inquies. Quasi vero mihi difficile sit quamvis multos nominatim proferre, ne longius abeam, vel tribulis vel vicinos meos qui suos liberos quos plurimi faciunt agricolas adsiduos esse cupiunt. Verum homines notos sumere odiosum est, cum et illud incertum sit velintne ei sese nominari, et nemo vobis magis notus futurus sit quam est hic Eutychus, et certe ad rem nihil intersit utrum hunc ego comicum adulescentem an aliquem ex agro Veienti nominem.

[47] 'Why do you go off to those ineptitudes?' you will say. As though indeed it were difficult for me to proffer by name however many, so as not to go farther afield, either my fellow tribesmen or my neighbors, who prize their own children most highly and desire them to be assiduous farmers. But to take up well-known men is odious, since both this is uncertain—whether they wish themselves to be named in this connection—and no one will be more well-known to you than this Eutychus; and certainly it makes nothing to the matter whether I name this comic young man or someone from the Veientine countryside.

Etenim haec conficta arbitror esse a poetis ut effictos nostros mores in alienis personis expressamque imaginem vitae cotidianae videremus.

For indeed I judge that these things were concocted by the poets, so that we might behold our own mores fashioned in alien persons and the expressed image of quotidian life.

[48] Age nunc, refer animum sis ad veritatem et considera non modo in Umbria atque in ea vicinitate sed in his veteribus municipiis quae studia a patribus familias maxime laudentur; iam profecto te intelleges inopia criminum summam laudem Sex. Roscio vitio et culpae dedisse. Ac non modo hoc patrum voluntate liberi faciunt sed permultos et ego novi et, nisi me fallit animus, unus quisque vestrum qui et ipsi incensi sunt studio quod ad agrum colendum attinet, vitamque hanc rusticam, quam tu probro et crimini putas esse oportere, et honestissimam et suavissimam esse arbitrantur.

[48] Come now, do bring your mind back to the truth, please, and consider not only in Umbria and in that neighborhood but in these ancient municipia what pursuits are most highly praised by the patres familias; now assuredly you will understand that, for want of charges, you have set down as a fault and a blame to Sextus Roscius his highest praise. And not only do sons do this with their fathers’ good will, but I myself know very many, and, unless my mind deceives me, each one of you as well—who yourselves are enkindled with zeal as it pertains to cultivating the field—deem this rustic life, which you think ought to be a disgrace and a criminal charge, to be both most honorable and most sweet.

[49] Quid censes hunc ipsum Sex. Roscium quo studio et qua intellegentia esse in rusticis rebus? Ut ex his propinquis eius, hominibus honestissimis, audio, non tu in isto artificio accusatorio callidior es quam hic in suo.

[49] What do you suppose that this very Sextus Roscius is, with what zeal and what intelligence, in rustic affairs? As I hear from his kinsmen, most honorable men, you are not more crafty in that accusatorial artifice than he is in his own.

Verum, ut opinor, quoniam ita Chrysogono videtur qui huic nullum praedium reliquit, et artificium obliviscatur et studium deponat licebit. Quod tametsi miserum et indignum est, feret tamen aequo animo, iudices, si per vos vitam et famam potest obtinere; hoc vero est quod ferri non potest, si et in hanc calamitatem venit propter praediorum bonitatem et multitudinem et quod ea studiose coluit, id erit ei maxime fraudi, ut parum miseriae sit quod aliis coluit non sibi, nisi etiam quod omnino coluit crimini fuerit.

But, as I suppose, since thus it seems to Chrysogonus—who has left this man no estate—it shall be permitted that he both forget his craft and lay down his pursuit. Although this is pitiable and unworthy, nevertheless he will bear it with an even mind, judges, if through you he can obtain life and reputation; but this indeed is what cannot be borne: if he has come into this calamity because of the goodness and multitude of the estates and because he cultivated them studiously, that will be to him the greatest undoing, so that it is too little misery that he cultivated for others and not for himself, unless even the very fact that he cultivated at all should be a crime.

[50] Ne tu, Eruci, accusator esses ridiculus, si illis temporibus natus esses cum ab aratro arcessebantur qui consules fierent. Etenim qui praeesse agro colendo flagitium putes, profecto illum Atilium quem sua manu spargentem semen qui missi erant convenerunt hominem turpissimum atque inhonestissimum iudicares. At hercule maiores nostri longe aliter et de illo et de ceteris talibus viris existimabant itaque ex minima tenuissimaque re publica maximam et florentissimam nobis reliquerunt.

[50] Indeed, Erucius, you would be a ridiculous accuser, if you had been born in those times when men who were to become consuls were summoned from the plow. For you who think it a disgrace to preside over the cultivating of a field would surely judge that Atilius, whom those who had been sent came upon scattering seed with his own hand, a most base and most dishonorable man. But, by Hercules, our ancestors thought far otherwise both about that man and about others of such a sort, and thus from a very small and most slender republic they left to us the greatest and most flourishing.

Suos enim agros studiose colebant, non alienos cupide appetebant; quibus rebus et agris et urbibus et nationibus rem publicam atque hoc imperium et populi Romani nomen auxerunt.

For they zealously cultivated their own fields, they did not greedily covet others’; by which things, and by fields and by cities and by nations, they augmented the republic and this empire and the name of the Roman people.

[51] Neque ego haec eo profero quo conferenda sint cum hisce de quibus nunc quaerimus, sed ut illud intellegatur, cum apud maiores nostros summi viri clarissimique homines qui omni tempore ad gubernacula rei publicae sedere debebant tamen in agris quoque colendis aliquantum operae temporisque consumpserint, ignosci oportere ei homini qui se fateatur esse rusticum, cum ruri adsiduus semper vixerit, cum praesertim nihil esset quod aut patri gratius aut sibi iucundius aut re vera honestius facere posset.

[51] Nor do I bring these things forward in order that they be compared with those about whom we are now inquiring, but so that this may be understood: that, since among our ancestors the highest and most illustrious men, who ought at all times to sit at the helm of the republic, nevertheless expended some work and time also in the cultivating of fields, it ought to be pardoned in a man who admits himself to be a rustic, since he has always lived assiduously in the country—especially since there was nothing he could do that would be either more pleasing to his father, or more pleasant to himself, or, in very truth, more honorable.

[52] Odium igitur acerrimum patris in filium ex hoc, opinor, ostenditur, Eruci, quod hunc ruri esse patiebatur. Numquid est aliud? 'Immo vero' inquit 'est; nam istum exheredare in animo habebat.' Audio; nunc dicis aliquid quod ad rem pertineat; nam illa, opinor, tu quoque concedis levia esse atque inepta: 'Convivia cum patre non inibat.' Quippe, qui ne in oppidum quidem nisi perraro veniret.

[52] Therefore the most bitter hatred of the father toward the son is shown from this, I suppose, Erucius, that he allowed him to be in the country. Is there anything else? 'Nay rather,' he says, 'there is; for he had it in mind to disinherit this man.' I hear; now you say something that pertains to the matter; for those things, I suppose, you too concede are trivial and inept: 'He did not go to banquets with his father.' Naturally, seeing that he did not come even into the town except very rarely.

'Domum suam istum non fere quisquam vocabat.' Nec mirum, qui neque in urbe viveret neque revocaturus esset.

'Hardly anyone was inviting that fellow to his house.' Nor is it any marvel, since he neither lived in the city nor was about to return.

[53] Verum haec tu quoque intellegis esse nugatoria; illud quod coepimus videamus, quo certius argumentum odi reperiro nullo modo potest. 'Exheredare pater filium cogitabat.' Mitto quaerere qua de causa; quaero qui scias; tametsi te dicere atque enumerare causas omnis oportebat, et id erat certi accusatoris officium qui tanti sceleris argueret explicare omnia vitia ac peccata fili quibus incensus parens potuerit animum inducere ut naturam ipsam vinceret, ut amorem illum penitus insitum eiceret ex animo, ut denique patrem esse sese oblivisceretur; quae sine magnis huiusce peccatis accidere potuisse non arbitror.

[53] But you too understand that these are nugatory; let us look at that point which we began, than which a surer argument of hatred can in no way be found. 'The father was thinking of disinheriting his son.' I forbear to ask for what cause; I ask how you know; although it behooved you to say and to enumerate all the causes, and that was the office of a proper accuser who was charging so great a crime: to explicate all the vices and sins of the son, by which inflamed the parent could have induced his mind to conquer nature herself, to cast out from his mind that love deeply implanted, and finally to forget that he was a father; which I do not think could have happened without great misdeeds of this man.

[54] Verum concedo tibi ut ea praetereas quae, cum taces, nulla esse concedis; illud quidem, voluisse exheredare, certe tu planum facere debes. Quid ergo adfers qua re id factum putemus? Vere nihil potes dicere; finge aliquid saltem commode ut ne plane videaris id facere quod aperte facis, huius miseri fortunis et horum virorum talium dignitati inludere.

[54] But I concede to you to pass over those things which, by keeping silent, you concede to be nothing; that point at least—that he wished to disinherit—you surely must make plain. What, then, do you bring forward, for what reason are we to suppose that was done? Truly you can say nothing; feign at least something plausibly, so that you may not plainly seem to be doing what you openly are doing: making sport of this wretch’s fortunes and of the dignity of men of such a sort as these.

Exheredare filium voluit. Quam ob causam? 'Nescio.' Exheredavitne?

He wished to disinherit his son. For what cause? 'I do not know.' Did he disinherit?

'Non.' Quis prohibuit? 'Cogitabat.' Cogitabat? cui dixit?

'No.' Who prevented it? 'He was thinking.' He was thinking? To whom did he say it?

'Nemini.' Quid est aliud iudicio ac legibus ac maiestate vestra abuti ad quaestum atque ad libidinem nisi hoc modo accusare atque id obicere quod planum facere non modo non possis verum ne coneris quidem?

'To no one.' What else is it but to abuse the judgment, the laws, and your majesty for gain and for lust, than to accuse in this manner and to object that which you not only are unable to make plain, but do not even attempt?

[55] Nemo nostrum est, Eruci, quin sciat tibi inimicitias cum Sex. Roscio nullas esse; vident omnes qua de causa huic inimicus venias; sciunt huiusce pecunia te adductum esse. Quid ergo est?

[55] There is none of us, Erucius, who does not know that you have no enmities with Sextus Roscius; all see for what cause you come as an enemy to this man; they know that you have been induced by this man’s money. What, therefore, is it?

Ita tamen quaestus te cupidum esse oportebat ut horum existimationem et legem Remmiam putares aliquid valere oportere.

Nevertheless, it behooved you to be so desirous of profit that you should think the estimation of these men and the Remmian law ought to avail something.

[56] Accusatores multos esse in civitate utile est, ut metu contineatur audacia; verum tamen hoc ita est utile, ut ne plane inludamur ab accusatoribus. Innocens est quispiam, verum tamen, quamquam abest a culpa, suspicione tamen non caret; tametsi miserum est, tamen ei, qui hunc accuset, possim aliquo modo ignoscere. Cum enim aliquid habeat, quod possit criminose ac suspiciose dicere, aperte ludificari et calumniari sciens non videatur.

[56] It is useful that there be many accusers in the state, so that audacity may be contained by fear; but nonetheless this is useful in such a way that we not be plainly mocked by accusers. Someone is innocent, but still, although he is far from fault, nevertheless he does not lack suspicion; although it is wretched, yet I can in some way pardon the one who accuses him. For since he has something which he can say in a criminous and suspicious way, he does not seem knowingly to be openly trifling and to calumniate.

Qua re facile omnes patimur esse quam plurimos accusatores, quod innocens, si accusatus sit, absolvi potest, nocens, nisi accusatus fuerit, condemnari non potest; utilius est autem absolvi innocentem quam nocentem causam non dicere. Anseribus cibaria publice locantur et canes aluntur in Capitolio, ut significent si fures venerint. At fures internoscere non possunt, significant tamen, si qui noctu in Capitolium venerint et quia id est suspiciosum, tametsi bestiae sunt, tamen in eam partem potius peccant, quae est cautior.

Wherefore we easily allow that there be as very many accusers as possible, because an innocent man, if he has been accused, can be absolved, a guilty man, unless he has been accused, cannot be condemned; moreover, it is more useful that an innocent be absolved than that a guilty man not plead his cause. For the geese, rations are publicly contracted, and dogs are nourished on the Capitol, so that they may signal if thieves have come. But they cannot discriminate thieves; nevertheless they give a signal, if any have come by night into the Capitol, and because that is suspicious, although they are beasts, yet they err rather on the side which is more cautious.

Quod si luce quoque canes latrent, cum deos salutatum aliqui venerint, opinor, eis crura suffringantur, quod acres sint etiam tum, cum suspicio nulla sit.

But if also by daylight the dogs bark, when some have come to salute the gods, I suppose their legs are hamstrung, because they are keen even then, when there is no suspicion.

[57] Simillima est accusatorum ratio. Alii vestrum anseres sunt, qui tantum modo clamant, nocere non possunt, alii canes, qui et latrare et mordere possunt. Cibaria vobis praeberi videmus; vos autem maxime debetis in eos impetum facere, qui merentur.

[57] Very similar is the condition of accusers. Some of you are geese, who only shout and cannot harm; others are dogs, who can both bark and bite. We see provisions being furnished to you; but you ought especially to make an attack upon those who deserve it.

Hoc populo gratissimum est. Deinde, si voletis, etiam tum cum verisimile erit aliquem commisisse, in suspicione latratote; id quoque concedi potest. Sin autem sic agetis ut arguatis aliquem patrem occidisse neque dicere possitis aut qua re aut quo modo, ac tantum modo sine suspicione latrabitis, crura quidem vobis nemo suffringet, sed, si ego hos bene novi, litteram illam cui vos usque eo inimici estis ut etiam Kal.

This is most gratifying to the people. Then, if you will, even when it will be plausible that someone has committed something, go on barking on suspicion; that too can be conceded. But if you act in such a way as to argue that someone has killed his father and cannot say either for what cause or by what manner, and will only bark without any suspicion, no one, indeed, will break your legs; but, if I know these men well, that letter to which you are so hostile that even Kal.

omnis oderitis ita vehementer ad caput adfigent ut postea neminem alium nisi fortunas vestras accusare possitis.

you will hate it utterly; they will fasten it to your head so vehemently that afterwards you will be able to accuse no one except your own fortunes.

[58] Quid mihi ad defendendum dedisti, bone accusator? quid hisce autem ad suspicandum? 'Ne exheredaretur, veritus est.' Audio, sed qua de causa vereri debuerit, nemo dicit.

[58] What have you given me for defending, good accuser? and what, moreover, to these here for suspecting? 'He was afraid lest he be disinherited.' I hear; but for what cause he ought to have feared, no one says.

'Habebat pater in animo.' Planum fac. Nihil est; non quicum deliberaverit, quem certiorem fecerit, unde istud vobis suspicari in mentem venerit. Cum hoc modo accusas, Eruci, nonne hoc palam dicis: 'Ego quid acceperim scio, quid dicam nescio; unum illud spectavi quod Chrysogonus aiebat neminem isti patronum futurum; de bonorum emptione deque ea societate neminem esse qui verbum facere auderet hoc tempore'? Haec te opinio falsa in istam fraudem impulit; non me hercules verbum fecisses, si tibi quemquam responsurum putasses.

'His father had it in mind.' Make it plain. There is nothing—neither with whom he deliberated, whom he made more certain, nor whence it came into your minds to suspect that. When you accuse in this way, Erucius, do you not say this openly: 'I know what I have received, I do not know what I shall say; I looked to that one thing—that Chrysogonus was saying that no one would be a patron for that man; that about the purchase of the goods and about that partnership there would be no one who would dare at this time to utter a word'? This false opinion drove you into that fraud; by Hercules, you would not have said a word against me, if you had thought that anyone would answer you.

[59] Operae pretium erat, si animadvertistis, iudices, neglegentiam eius in accusando considerare. Credo, cum vidisset qui homines in hisce subselliis sederent, quaesisse num ille aut ille defensurus esset; de me ne suspicatum quidem esse, quod antea causam publicam nullam dixerim. Postea quam invenit neminem eorum qui possunt et solent ita neglegens esse coepit ut, cum in mentem veniret ei, resideret, deinde spatiaretur, non numquam etiam puerum vocaret, credo, cui cenam imperaret, prorsus ut vestro consessu et hoc conventu pro summa solitudine abuteretur.

[59] It was worth the effort, if you noticed, judges, to consider his negligence in accusing. I suppose, when he saw what men were sitting on these benches, he inquired whether this man or that would be the defender; of me he did not even suspect it, because I had previously pleaded no public cause. After he found that none of those who can and are accustomed would do so, he began to be so negligent that, whenever it came into his mind, he would sit down, then stroll about, sometimes even call a boy, I suppose, to whom he would give orders for dinner, altogether so as to abuse your sitting and this gathering as though it were the height of solitude.

Peroravit aliquando, adsedit; surrexi ego.

At last he finished his peroration, he sat down; I rose.

[60] Respirare visus est quod non alius potius diceret. Coepi dicere. Usque eo animadverti, iudices, eum iocari atque alias res agere ante quam Chrysogonum nominavi; quem simul atque attigi, statim homo se erexit, mirari visus est.

[60] He seemed to breathe again because no one else was going to speak instead. I began to speak. Up to that point I observed, judges, that he was joking and attending to other matters before I named Chrysogonus; whom, as soon as I touched upon, immediately the man straightened himself, and he seemed to marvel.

Intellexi quid eum pepugisset. Iterum ac tertio nominavi. Postea homines cursare ultro et citro non destiterunt, credo, qui Chrysogono nuntiarent esse aliquem in civitate qui contra voluntatem eius dicere auderet; aliter causam agi atque ille existimaret, aperiri bonorum emptionem, vexari pessime societatem, gratiam potentiamque eius neglegi, iudices diligenter attendere, populo rem indignam videri.

I understood what had pricked him. I named him a second and a third time. Afterward men did not cease running to and fro, I suppose, to announce to Chrysogonus that there was someone in the state who dared to speak against his will; that the case was being pled otherwise than he supposed; that the purchase of the goods was being laid open; that the partnership was being most grievously harassed; that his favor and power were being neglected; that the judges were attending diligently; that the matter seemed an outrage to the people.

[61] Quae quoniam te fefellerunt, Eruci, quoniamque vides versa esse omnia, causam pro Sex. Roscio, si non commode, at libere dici, quem dedi putabas defendi intellegis, quos tradituros sperabas vides iudicare, restitue nobis aliquando veterem tuam illam calliditatem atque prudentiam, confitere huc ea spe venisse quod putares hic latrocinium, non iudicium futurum. De parricidio causa dicitur; ratio ab accusatore reddita non est quam ob causam patrem filius occiderit.

[61] Since these things have deceived you, Erucius, and since you see that all things are turned upside down—that the case for Sextus Roscius, if not conveniently, yet freely, is being pleaded; that him whom you thought I had delivered up you understand is being defended; that those whom you hoped would hand over you see are judging—restore to us at last that old craftiness and prudence of yours; confess that you came here with this hope, because you thought there would be brigandage here, not a judgment. On parricide the case is being tried; a rationale has not been rendered by the accuser as to for what cause the son killed the father.

[62] Quod in minimis noxiis et in his levioribus peccatis quae magis crebra et iam prope cotidiana sunt vel maxime et primum quaeritur, quae causa malefici fuerit, id Erucius in parricidio quaeri non putat oportere. In quo scelere, iudices, etiam cum multae causae convenisse unum in locum atque inter se congruere videntur, tamen non temere creditur, neque levi coniectura res penditur, neque testis incertus auditur, neque accusatoris ingenio res iudicatur. Cum multa antea commissa maleficia, cum vita hominis perditissima, tum singularis audacia ostendatur necesse est, neque audacia solum sed summus furor atque amentia.

[62] That which, in the least noxious matters and in these lighter offenses which are more frequent and now almost everyday, is most especially and first inquired into—what the cause of the malefaction was—Erucius thinks ought not to be asked in a parricide. In which crime, judges, even when many causes seem to have come together into one place and to agree among themselves, still it is not readily believed, nor is the matter weighed by a slight conjecture, nor is an uncertain witness listened to, nor is the case judged by the ingenuity of the accuser. It is necessary that many previously committed malefactions, that the most profligate life of the man, then a singular audacity be shown, and not audacity alone but utmost fury and madness.

Haec cum sint omnia, tamen exstent oportet expressa sceleris vestigia, ubi, qua ratione, per quos, quo tempore maleficium sit admissum. Quae nisi multa et manifesta sunt, profecto res tam scelesta, tam atrox, tam nefaria credi non potest.

Since all these things are so, nevertheless there ought to stand forth expressed vestiges of the crime—where, by what method, through whom, at what time the malefaction was committed. Which things, unless they are many and manifest, assuredly a matter so wicked, so atrocious, so nefarious cannot be believed.

[63] Magna est enim vis humanitatis; multum valet communio sanguinis; reclamitat istius modi suspicionibus ipsa natura; portentum atque monstrum certissimum est esse aliquem humana specie et figura qui tantum immanitate bestias vicent ut, propter quos hanc suavissimam lucem aspexerit, eos indignissime luce privarit, cum etiam feras inter sese partus atque educatio et natura ipsa conciliet.

[63] For great is the force of humanity; much avails the communion of blood; nature herself cries out against suspicions of this sort; it is the surest portent and monster that there should be someone of human appearance and form who, in savagery, would so surpass beasts as to deprive, most disgracefully, of the light those on account of whom he has beheld this most sweet light, since even among wild beasts birth, upbringing, and nature herself conciliate them to one another.

[64] Non ita multis ante annis aiunt T. Caelium quendam Terracinensem, hominem non obscurum, cum cenatus cubitum in idem conclave cum duobus adulescentibus filiis isset, inventum esse mane iugulatum.Cum neque servus quisquam reperiretur neque liber ad quem ea suspicio pertineret, id aetatis autem duo filii propter cubantes ne sensisse quidem se dicerent, nomina filiorum de parricidio delata sunt. Quid poterat tam esse suspiciosum? neutrumne sensisse?

[64] They say that not so many years earlier a certain T. Caelius of Terracina, a man no obscure person, when, after dining, he had gone to bed in the same chamber with his two adolescent sons, was found in the morning with his throat cut.When neither any slave was discovered nor any free person upon whom that suspicion might rest, and the two sons, of that age, though lying nearby, said that they had not even perceived it, the names of the sons were brought on a charge of parricide. What could be so suspicious? that neither had perceived it?

ausum autem esse quemquam se in id conclave committere eo potissimum tempore cum ibidem essent duo adulescentes filii qui et sentire et defendere facile possent? Erat porro nemo in quem ea suspicio conveniret.

And would anyone have dared to commit himself into that chamber at precisely that time, when in the same place there were two adolescent sons who could both sense and defend easily? Moreover, there was no one upon whom that suspicion might attach.

[65] Tamen, cum planum iudicibus esset factum aperto ostio dormientis eos repertos esse, iudicio absoluti adulescentes et suspicione omni liberati sunt. Nemo enim putabat quemquam esse qui, cum omnia divina atque humana iura scelere nefario polluisset, somnum statim capere potuisset, propterea quod qui tantum facinus commiserunt non modo sine cura quiescere sed ne spirare quidem sine metu possunt.

[65] Nevertheless, when it had been made plain to the judges that they had been found sleeping with the door open, the young men were acquitted by the judgment and freed from all suspicion. For no one thought there was anyone who, having defiled all divine and human laws by a nefarious crime, could have taken sleep immediately, for the reason that those who have committed so great a crime not only cannot rest without care, but cannot even breathe without fear.

[66] Videtisne quos nobis poetae tradiderunt patris ulciscendi causa supplicium de matre sumpsisse, cum praesertim deorum immortalium iussis atque oraculis id fecisse dicantur, tamen ut eos agitent Furiae neque consistere umquam patiantur, quod ne pii quidem sine scelere esse potuerunt? Sic se res habet, iudices: magnam vim, magnam necessitatem, magnam possidet religionem paternus maternusque sanguis; ex quo si qua macula concepta est, non modo elui non potest verum usque eo permanat ad animum ut summus furor atque amentia consequatur.

[66] Do you see that those whom the poets have handed down to us as having exacted punishment from their mother for the sake of avenging their father—although they are said to have done this by the commands and oracles of the immortal gods—nevertheless are harried by the Furies and are never allowed to find rest, because not even the pious could be without crime? Thus the matter stands, judges: great force, great necessity, great religion possesses the paternal and maternal blood; from which, if any stain has been contracted, it not only cannot be washed out, but it penetrates the mind to such a degree that utmost frenzy and madness ensue.

[67] Nolite enim putare, quem ad modum in fabulis saepenumero videtis, eos qui aliquid impie scelerateque commiserint agitari et perterreri Furiarum taedis ardentibus. Sua quemque fraus et suus terror maxime vexat, suum quemque scelus agitat amentiaque adficit, suae malae cogitationes conscientiaeque animi terrent; hae sunt impiis adsiduae domesticaeque Furiae quae dies noctesque parentium poenas a consceleratissimis filiis repetant.

[67] Do not think, just as you very often see in fables, that those who have committed something impiously and criminally are driven and utterly terrified by the Furies’ burning torches. Each man’s own fraud and his own terror most vex him; each man’s own crime drives him and afflicts him with madness; his own evil thoughts and the conscience of his mind frighten him. These are, for the impious, the assiduous and domestic Furies, who day and night exact from the most thoroughly criminal sons the punishments of their parents.

[68] Haec magnitudo malefici facit ut, nisi paene manifestum parricidium proferatur, credibile non sit, nisi turpis adulescentia, nisi omnibus flagitiis vita inquinata, nisi sumptus effusi cum probro atque dedecore, nisi prorupta audacia, nisi tanta temeritas ut non procul abhorreat ab insania. Accedat huc oportet odium parentis, animadversionis paternae metus, amici improbi, servi conscii, tempus idoneum, locus opportune captus ad eam rem; paene dicam, respersas manus sanguine paterno iudices videant oportet, si tantum facinus, tam immane, tam acerbum credituri sunt.

[68] This magnitude of malefaction brings it about that, unless a nearly manifest parricide be produced, it is not credible, unless a shameful adolescence, unless a life polluted with every flagitious act, unless expenditures poured out with reproach and disgrace, unless headlong audacity, unless such temerity as is not far removed from insanity. To this there ought to be added hatred of the parent, fear of paternal animadversion, wicked friends, servants privy, a suitable time, a place opportunely seized for that matter; I will almost say, it is necessary that the judges see hands spattered with paternal blood, if they are going to believe so great a crime, so monstrous, so bitter.

[69] Qua re hoc quo minus est credibile, nisi ostenditur, eo magis est, si convincitur, vindicandum.

[69] Wherefore, the less credible this is, unless it is shown, by so much the more, if it is convicted, it must be punished.

Itaque cum multis ex rebus intellegi potest maiores nostros non modo armis plus quam ceteras nationes verum etiam consilio sapientiaque potuisse, tum ex hac re vel maxime quod in impios singulare supplicium invenerunt. Qua in re quantum prudentia praestiterint eis qui apud ceteros sapientissimi fuisse dicuntur considerate.

Therefore it can be understood from many things that our ancestors were able not only by arms more than other nations, but also by counsel and sapience; then most especially from this fact, that they invented a singular punishment against the impious. In which matter, consider how far in prudence they excelled those who among other peoples are said to have been the wisest.

[70] Prudentissima civitas Atheniensium, dum ea rerum potita est, fuisse traditur; eius porro civitatis sapientissimum Solonem dicunt fuisse, eum qui leges quibus hodie quoque utuntur scripserit. Is cum interrogaretur cur nullum supplicium constituisset in eum qui parentem necasset, respondit se id neminem facturum putasse. Sapienter fecisse dicitur, cum de eo nihil sanxerit quod antea commissum non erat, ne non tam prohibere quam admonere videretur.

[70] The city of the Athenians is handed down to have been most prudent, while it held mastery of affairs; moreover, they say that of that city Solon was the most sapient, the one who wrote the laws which even today they use. When he was asked why he had constituted no punishment for one who had slain a parent, he replied that he had thought no one would do that. He is said to have acted wisely, since he sanctioned nothing about a thing which previously had not been committed, lest he seem not so much to forbid as to admonish.

Quanto nostri maiores sapientius! qui cum intellegerent nihil esse tam sanctum quod non aliquando violaret audacia, supplicium in parricidas singulare excogitaverunt ut, quos natura ipsa retinere in officio non potuisset, ei magnitudine poenae a maleficio summoverentur. Insui voluerunt in culleum vivos atque ita in flumen deici.

How much more wisely our ancestors! who, when they understood that nothing is so sacred that audacity would not at some time violate it, devised a singular punishment against parricides, so that those whom nature itself could not have kept in duty might by the magnitude of the penalty be kept away from malefaction. They willed that they be sewn alive into a sack and thus be cast into the river.

[71] O singularem sapientiam, iudices! Nonne videntur hunc hominem ex rerum natura sustulisse et eripuisse cui repente caelum, solem, aquam terramque ademerint ut, qui eum necasset unde ipse natus esset, careret eis rebus omnibus ex quibus omnia nata esse dicuntur? Noluerunt feris corpus obicere ne bestiis quoque quae tantum scelus attigissent immanioribus uteremur; non sic nudos in flumen deicere ne, cum delati essent in mare, ipsum polluerent quo cetera quae violata sunt expiari putantur; denique nihil tam vile neque tam volgare est cuius partem ullam reliquerint.

[71] O singular wisdom, judges! Do they not seem to have removed and snatched this man from the nature of things, from whom they suddenly took away heaven, the sun, water, and earth, so that he who had slain him from whom he himself had been born should be deprived of all those things from which all things are said to have been born? They did not wish to throw the body to wild beasts, lest we also employ the beasts, which would have touched so great a crime, as more monstrous; nor to cast them naked thus into the river, lest, when they had been borne down into the sea, they pollute that very thing by which the rest, which have been violated, are thought to be expiated; finally, there is nothing so vile nor so vulgar of which they left any share to him.

[72] Etenim quid tam est commune quam spiritus vivis, terra mortuis, mare fluctuantibus, litus eiectis? Ita vivunt, dum possunt, ut ducere animam de caelo non queant, ita moriuntur ut eorum ossa terra non tangat, ita iactantur fluctibus ut numquam adluantur, ita postremo eiciuntur ut ne ad saxa quidem mortui conquiescant. Tanti malefici crimen, cui maleficio tam insigne supplicium est constitutum, probare te, Eruci, censes posse talibus viris, si ne causam quidem malefici protuleris?

[72] For indeed, what is so common as breath to the living, earth to the dead, the sea to the wave‑tossed, the shore to those cast up? Thus they live, while they can, in such a way that they cannot draw breath from the sky; thus they die in such a way that their bones the earth does not touch; thus they are tossed by the waves in such a way that they are never washed; thus, finally, they are cast out in such a way that, dead, they do not even rest upon the rocks. Do you, Erucius, suppose that you can prove to such men the charge of so great a malefaction, for which so signal a punishment has been constituted, if you have not even put forward the cause of the crime?

Si hunc apud bonorum emptores ipsos accusares eique iudicio Chrysogonus praeesset, tamen diligentius paratiusque venisses.

If you were accusing this man before the purchasers of the goods themselves, and Chrysogonus were presiding over that court, still you would have come more diligently and more prepared.

[73] Utrum quid agatur non vides, an apud quos agatur? Agitur de parricidio quod sine multis causis suscipi non potest; apud homines autem prudentissimos agitur qui intellegunt neminem ne minimum quidem maleficium sine causa admittere. Esto, causam proferre non potes.

[73] Do you not see what is being tried, or before whom it is being tried? The case is about parricide, which cannot be undertaken without many causes; and it is being tried before most prudent men who understand that no one admits even the least malefaction without a cause. Granted, you cannot bring forth a cause.

Tametsi statim vicisse debeo, tamen de meo iure decedam et tibi quod in alia causa non concederem in hac concedam fretus huius innocentia. Non quaero abs te qua re patrem Sex. Roscius occiderit, quaero quo modo occiderit.

Although I ought to have conquered at once, nevertheless I will depart from my right and, relying on this man’s innocence, I will concede to you in this case what I would not concede in another. I do not ask of you for what reason he killed his father, Sextus Roscius; I ask in what manner he killed him.

Ita quaero abs te, C. Eruci: quo modo, et sic tecum agam ut meo loco vel respondendi vel interpellandi tibi potestatem faciam vel etiam, si quid voles, interrogandi.

Thus I ask you, C. Erucius: how? and I will deal with you on these terms, that, in my turn, I will grant you the power either of responding or of interpellating, or even, if you wish, of questioning.

[74] Quo modo occidit? ipse percussit an aliis occidendum dedit? Si ipsum arguis, Romae non fuit; si per alios fecisse dicis, quaero quos?

[74] In what manner was he killed? Did he himself strike the blow, or did he give the killing to others? If you accuse him personally, he was not at Rome; if you say he did it through others, I ask: whom?

Servosne an liberos? Si liberos, quos homines? indidemne Ameria an hosce ex urbe sicarios?

Slaves or free men? If free men, what men? From that same place, Ameria, or these assassins from the city?

Si Ameria, qui sunt ei? cur non nominantur? si Roma, unde eos noverat Roscius qui Romam multis annis non venit neque umquam plus triduo fuit? ubi eos convenit?

If from Ameria, who are they? why are they not named? if from Rome, whence had Roscius known them, who did not come to Rome for many years nor was ever there for more than three days? where did he meet them?

qui conlocutus est? quo modo persuasit? 'Pretium dedit'; cui dedit?

who conversed? in what way did he persuaded? 'He gave a price'; to whom did he give it?

per quem dedit? unde aut quantum dedit? Nonne his vestigiis ad caput malefici perveniri solet?

through whom did he give? whence or how much did he give? Is it not by these vestiges that one is wont to arrive at the head of the crime?

Et simul tibi in mentem veniat facito quem ad modum vitam huiusce depinxeris; hunc hominem ferum atque agrestem fuisse, numquam cum homine quoquam conlocutum esse, numquam in oppido constitisse.

And at the same time see to it that it comes to mind in what manner you have painted the life of this very man; that this man was fierce and rustic, that he never conversed with any human being, that he never established himself in a town.

[75] Qua in re praetereo illud quod mihi maximo argumento ad huius innocentiam poterat esse, in rusticis moribus, in victu arido, in hac horrida incultaque vita istius modi maleficia gigni non solere. Ut non omnem frugem neque arborem in omni agro reperire possis, sic non omne facinus in omni vita nascitur. In urbe luxuries creatur, ex luxuria exsistat avaritia necesse est, ex avaritia erumpat audacia, inde omnia scelera ac maleficia gignuntur; vita autem haec rustica quam tu agrestem vocas parsimoniae, diligentiae, iustitiae magistra est.

[75] In this matter I pass over that point which could have been to me the greatest argument for this man’s innocence: that in rustic manners, in a dry fare, in this rough and uncultivated way of life, malefactions of this sort are not wont to be begotten. Just as you cannot find every kind of grain nor every tree in every field, so not every deed of wickedness is born in every sort of life. In the city, luxury is engendered; from luxury avarice must arise; from avarice audacity bursts forth; from there all crimes and malefactions are begotten; but this rustic life, which you call wild, is the schoolmistress of parsimony, diligence, and justice.

[76] Verum haec missa facio; illud quaero, is homo qui, ut tute dicis, numquam inter homines fuerit, per quos homines hoc tantum facinus, tam occultum, absens praesertim, conficere potuerit. Multa sunt falsa, iudices, quae tamen argui suspiciose possunt; in his rebus si suspicio reperta erit, culpam inesse concedam. Romae Sex.

[76] But I dismiss these things; this I ask: that man who, as you yourself say, has never been among men—through what men could he have brought to completion this so great a crime, so occult, especially while absent? There are many false things, judges, which nevertheless can be argued suspiciously; in these matters, if any suspicion shall be found, I will concede that culpability is present. At Rome Sext.

Roscius occiditur, cum in agro Amerino esset filius. Litteras, credo, misit alicui sicario qui Romae noverat neminem. Arcessivit aliquem.

Roscius is slain, while the son was in the Amerine countryside. A letter, I suppose, he sent to some assassin who knew no one at Rome. He summoned someone.

Quem aut quando? Nuntium misit. Quem aut adquem?

Whom or when? He sent a message. Whom or to whom?

Pretio, gratia, spe, promissis induxit aliquem. Nihil horum ne confingi quidem potest; et tamen causa de parricidio dicitur.

By price, by favor, by hope, by promises, he induced someone. None of these can even be fabricated; and yet a case about parricide is being pleaded.

[77] Reliquum est ut per servos id admiserit. O, di immortales, rem miseram et calamitosam! Quid?

[77] It remains that he committed it through slaves. O immortal gods, a miserable and calamitous matter! What?

In tali crimine quod innocenti saluti solet esse ut servos in quaestionem polliceatur, id Sex. Roscio facere non licet? Vos qui hunc accusatis omnis eius servos habetis; unus puer victus cotidiani administer ex tanta familia Sex.

In such a crime, that which is wont to be a salvation to the innocent—that he proffer slaves to interrogation—is Sextus Roscius not allowed to do this? You who accuse this man have all his slaves; a single boy, the minister of daily sustenance, out of so great a household of Sextus.

Roscio relictus non est. Te nunc appello, P. Scipio, te, M. Metelle; vobis advocatis, vobis agentibus aliquotiens duos servos paternos in quaestionem ab adversariis Sex. Roscius postulavit; meministisne T. Roscium recusare?

None was left to Roscius. I now appeal to you, Publius Scipio— to you, Marcus Metellus; with you as advocates, with you acting, Sextus Roscius several times demanded that two paternal slaves be put to the question from the adversaries: do you remember Titus Roscius refusing?

Quid? ei servi ubi sunt? Chrysogonum, iudices, sectantur; apud eum sunt in honore et in pretio.

What? Where are those slaves? They attend upon Chrysogonus, judges; with him they are in honor and in price.

Etiam nunc ut ex eis quaeratur ego postulo, hic orat atque obsecrat.

Even now I demand that inquiry be made from them, this man prays and beseeches.

[78] Quid facitis? cur recusatis? Dubitate etiam nunc, iudices, si potestis, a quo sit Sex.

[78] What are you doing? Why do you refuse? Doubt even now, judges, if you can, by whom Sextus is.

Roscius occisus, ab eone qui propter illius mortem in egestate et in insidiis versatur, cui ne quaerendi quidem de morte patris potestas permittitur, an ab eis qui quaestionem fugitant, bona possident, in caede atque ex caede vivunt. Omnia, iudices, in hac causa sunt misera atque indigna; tamen hoc nihil neque acerbius neque iniquius proferri potest: mortis paternae de servis paternis quaestionem habere filio non licet! Ne tam diu quidem dominus erit in suos dum ex eis de patris morte quaeratur?

Was Roscius slain by the one who, on account of that death, is entangled in destitution and in ambushes, to whom not even the power is permitted of inquiring about his father’s death; or by those who flee the inquisition, possess the goods, and live in slaughter and from slaughter? Everything, judges, in this case is wretched and unworthy; yet nothing more bitter nor more unjust can be put forward than this: that it is not permitted to the son to hold an inquiry concerning a paternal death by means of the paternal slaves! Will he not be master over his own even so long as inquiry is made of them about his father’s death?

Veniam, neque ita multo postea, ad hunc Iocum; nam hoc totum ad Roscios pertinet, de quorum audacia tum me dicturum pollicitus sum, cum Eruci crimina diluissem.

I will come, and not much later, to this point; for this whole matter pertains to the Roscii, about whose audacity I then promised that I would speak, when I had washed away Erucius’s charges.

[79] Nunc, Eruci, ad te venio. Conveniat mihi tecum necesse est, si ad hunc maleficium istud pertinet, aut ipsum sua manu fecisse, id quod negas, aut per aliquos liberos aut servos. Liberosne?

[79] Now, Erucius, I come to you. It is necessary that I come to an agreement with you, if that malefaction pertains to this man, either that he himself did it with his own hand—which you deny—or through some free men or slaves. Free men?

quos neque ut convenire potuerit neque qua ratione inducere neque ubi neque per quos neque qua spe aut quo pretio potes ostendere. Ego contra ostendo non modo nihil eorum fecisse Sex. Roscium sed ne potuisse quidem facere, quod neque Romae multis annis fuerit neque de praediis umquam temere discesserit.

whom you are not able to demonstrate either that he could have met, nor by what rationale he could have induced them, nor where, nor through whom, nor with what hope or at what price. I, on the contrary, show not only that Sex. Roscius did none of those things, but that he could not even have done them, because he was not at Rome for many years and never rashly departed from his estates.

Restare tibi videbatur servorum nomen, quo quasi in portum reiectus a ceteris suspicionibus confugere posses; ubi scopulum offendis eius modi ut non modo ab hoc crimen resilire videas verum omnem suspicionem in vosmet ipsos recidere intellegas.

It seemed that there remained to you the category of slaves, to which, as if into a harbor, cast back from the other suspicions, you could flee for refuge; where you strike upon a rock of such a sort that you see not only the charge rebound from this man but understand that all suspicion falls back upon your very selves.

[80] Quid ergo est quo tamen accusator inopia argumentorum confugerit? 'Eius modi tempus erat' inquit 'ut homines volgo impune occiderentur; qua re hoc tu propter multitudinem sicariorum nullo negotio facere potuisti.' Interdum mihi videris, Eruci, una mercede duas res adsequi velle, nos iudicio perfundere, accusare autem eos ipsos a quibus mercedem accepisti. Quid ais?

[80] What, then, is that to which the accuser has nevertheless taken refuge in his poverty of arguments? 'It was such a time,' he says, 'that men were being slain commonly with impunity; wherefore you, because of the multitude of assassins, were able to do this with no trouble.' Sometimes you seem to me, Erucius, with one fee to wish to attain two things: to inundate us with a prosecution, and moreover to accuse those very men from whom you received the fee. What do you say?

volgo occidebantur? Per quos et a quibus? Nonne cogitas te a sectoribus huc adductum esse?

Were they being slain wholesale? By whom, and at whose hands? Do you not realize that you have been brought here by the auction‑purchasers?

Quid postea? Nescimus per ista tempora eosdem fere sectores fuisse collorum et bonorum?

What next? Do we not know that in those times the very same men, for the most part, were cutters of necks and buyers-up of goods?

[81] Ei denique qui tum armati dies noctesque concursabant, qui Romae erant adsidui, qui omni tempore in praeda et in sanguine versabantur, Sex. Roscio temporis illius acerbitatem iniquitatemque obicient et illam sicariorum multitudinem in qua ipsi duces ac principes erant huic crimini putabunt fore? qui non modo Romae non fuit sed omnino quid Romae ageretur nescivit, propterea quod ruri adsiduus, quem ad modum tute confiteris, fuit.

[81] Will those, then, who at that time, armed, were running about day and night, who were assiduous at Rome, who at all times were engaged in booty and in blood, throw in the teeth of Sextus Roscius the harshness and iniquity of that period, and think that that multitude of assassins, in which they themselves were leaders and chiefs, will suffice for this charge? he who not only was not at Rome but did not at all know what was being done at Rome, for the reason that he was assiduous in the countryside, as you yourself confess, he was.

[82] Vereor ne aut molestus sim vobis, iudices, aut ne ingeniis vestris videar diffidere, si de tam perspicuis rebus diutius disseram. Eruci criminatio tota, ut arbitror, dissoluta est; nisi forte exspectatis ut illa diluam quae de peculatu ac de eius modi rebus commenticiis inaudita nobis ante hoc tempus ac nova obiecit; quae mihi iste visus est ex alia oratione declamare quam in alium reum commentaretur; ita neque ad crimen parricidi neque ad eum qui causam dicit pertinebant; de quibus quoniam verbo arguit, verbo satis est negare. Si quid est quod ad testis reservet, ibi quoque nos, ut in ipsa causa, paratiores reperiet quam putabat.

[82] I fear lest I be either troublesome to you, judges, or seem to distrust your ingenia, if I speak at greater length about matters so perspicuous. The whole accusation of Erucius, as I think, has been dissolved—unless perhaps you are expecting me to rinse away those points which he has thrown at us about peculation and contrivances of that sort, unheard by us before this time and new; which, to my mind, that fellow seemed to declaim from another oration that he had composed against another defendant; so they pertained neither to the charge of parricide nor to the man who is pleading his case. With regard to these, since he accuses with a word, it is enough to deny with a word. If there is anything he is reserving for the witnesses, there too he will find us, as in the case itself, more prepared than he supposed.

[83] Venio nunc eo quo me non cupiditas ducit sed fides. Nam si mihi liberet accusare, accusarem alios potius ex quibus possem crescere; quod certum est non facere, dum utrumvis licebit. Is enim mihi videtur amplissimus qui sua virtute in altiorem locum pervenit; non qui ascendit per alierius incommodum et calamitatem.

[83] I come now to that to which not cupidity leads me but faith. For if it were free to me to accuse, I would rather accuse others from whom I could grow; which it is certain I shall not do, so long as either course will be permitted. For he seems to me most eminent who by his own virtue attains to a higher place; not he who ascends through another’s disadvantage and calamity.

Desinamus aliquando ea scrutari quae sunt inania; quaeramus ibi maleficium ubi et est et inveniri potest; iam intelleges, Eruci, certum crimen quam multis suspicionibus coarguatur, tametsi neque omnia dicam et leviter unum quidque tangam. Neque enim id facerem, nisi necesse esset, et id erit signi me invitum facere, quod non persequar longius quam salus huius et mea fides postulabit.

Let us at length cease to scrutinize things that are empty; let us seek the wrongdoing where both it is and can be found; now you will understand, Erucius, how the definite crime is convicted by so many suspicions, although I shall not say everything and shall touch each point lightly. For I would not do this, unless it were necessary, and this will be a sign that I do it unwillingly: that I will not pursue it farther than the safety of this man and my good faith will demand.

[84] Causam tu nullam reperiebas in Sex. Roscio; at ego in T. Roscio reperio. Tecum enim mihi res est, T. Rosci, quoniam istic sedes ac te palam adversarium esse profiteris.

[84] You were finding no cause against Sextus Roscius; but I find one against Titus Roscius. For my business is with you, Titus Roscius, since you sit there and profess openly that you are an adversary.

De Capitone post viderimus, si, quem ad modum paratum esse audio, testis prodierit; tum alias quoque suas palmas cognoscet de quibus me ne audisse quidem suspicatur. L. Cassius ille quem populus Romanus verissimum et sapientissimum iudicem putabat identidem in causis quaerere solebat 'cui bono' fuisset. Sic vita hominum est ut ad maleficium nemo conetur sine spe atque emolumento accedere.

As for Capito, we shall see afterwards, if, as I hear he is prepared, a witness shall come forward; then he will also recognize his other palms, about which he suspects that I have not even heard. That Lucius Cassius, whom the Roman people considered the most truthful and wisest judge, used again and again in cases to ask, “to whose benefit would it have been?” Such is the life of men, that no one tries to approach wrongdoing without hope and emolument.

[85] Hunc quaesitorem ac iudicem fugiebant atque horrebant ei quibus periculum creabatur ideo quod, tametsi veritatis erat amicus, tamen natura non tam propensus ad misericordiam quam applicatus ad severitatem videbatur. Ego, quamquam praeest huic quaestioni vir et contra audaciam fortissimus et ab innocentia dementissimus, tamen facile me paterer vel illo ipso acerrimo iudice quaerente vel apud Cassianos iudices, quorum etiam nunc ei quibus causa dicenda est nomen ipsum reformidant, pro Sex. Roscio dicere.

[85] They used to flee and shudder at this examiner and judge, those for whom peril was being created, for this reason: that, although he was a friend of truth, yet by nature he seemed not so inclined to mercy as attached to severity. I, although a man presides over this inquiry who is most stalwart against audacity and most gentle toward innocence, would nevertheless easily permit myself to speak on behalf of Sextus Roscius even if that very most sharp judge himself were conducting the investigation, or before the Cassian judges, whose very name even now those who must plead a case shrink from.

[86] In hac enim causa cum viderent illos amplissimam pecuniam possidere, hunc in summa mendicitate esse, illud quidem non quaererent, cui bono fuisset, sed eo perspicuo crimen et suspicionem potius ad praedam adiungerent quam ad egestatem. Quid si accedit eodem ut tenuis antea fueris? quid si ut avarus?

[86] For in this case, when they saw that those men possessed the most ample money, and that this man was in the utmost mendicity, they would not, indeed, inquire “cui bono” it had been, but, that being evident, they would rather attach the charge and the suspicion to plunder than to penury. What if there is added besides that you were previously of slender means? what if that you are avaricious?

quid si ut audax? quid si ut illius qui occisus est inimicissimus? num quaerenda causa quae te ad tantum facinus adduxerit?

What if you were audacious? What if you were the most inimical enemy of the one who was slain? Is a cause to be sought out which brought you to so great a crime?

Quid ergo horum negari potest? Tenuitas hominis eius modi est ut dissimulari non queat atque eo magis eluceat quo magis occultatur.

What, then, of these can be denied? The man’s tenuity is of such a kind that it cannot be dissimulated, and it shines forth all the more the more it is concealed.

[87] Avaritiam praefers qui societatem coleris de municipis cognatique fortunis cum alienissimo. Quam sis audax, ut alia obliviscar, hinc omnes intellegere potuerunt quod ex tota societate, hoc est ex tot sicariis, solus tu inventus es qui cum accusatoribus sederes atque os tuum non modo ostenderes sed etiam offerres. Inimicitias tibi fuisse cum Sex.

[87] You put forward avarice, you who are courted for a partnership concerning the fortunes of a fellow townsman and kinsman with a most alien man. How bold you are—so that I may forget other things—everyone could understand from this: that out of the whole society, that is, out of so many assassins, you alone were found who sat with the accusers and not only showed your face but even offered it. That you had enmities with Sextus.

Roscio et magnas rei familiaris controversias concedas necesse est.

You must concede that with Roscius also there were great controversies over the family estate.

[88] Restat, iudices, ut hoc dubitemus, uter potius Sex. Roscium occiderit, is ad quem morte eius divitiae venerint, an is ad quem mendicitas, is qui antea tenuis fuerit, an is qui postea factus sit egentissimus, is qui ardens avaritia feratur infestus in suos, an is qui semper ita vixerit ut quaestum nosset nullum, fructum autem eum solum quem labore peperisset, is qui omnium sectorum audacissimus sit, an is qui propter fori iudiciorumque insolentiam non modo subsellia verum etiam urbem ipsam reformidet, postremo, iudices, id quod ad rem mea sententia maxime pertinet, utrum mimicus potius an fillus.

[88] It remains, judges, that we doubt this: which rather killed Sextus Roscius—he to whom, by his death, riches came, or he to whom mendicancy; he who previously had been of slender means, or he who afterwards became most destitute; he who, blazing with avarice, is borne hostile against his own, or he who has always so lived that he knew no gain, but only that profit which he had begotten by labor; he who is the most audacious of all sectors (auction-buyers), or he who, because of unfamiliarity with the forum and the courts, dreads not only the benches but even the city itself; finally, judges, that which in my opinion pertains most to the matter: whether rather an enemy or a son.

[89] Haec tu, Eruci, tot et tanta si nanctus esses in reo, quam diu diceres? quo te modo iactares! tempus hercule te citius quam oratio deficeret.

[89] These things, Erucius, if you had happened upon so many and so great in the accused, how long would you speak? In what manner would you vaunt yourself! By Hercules, time would fail you sooner than your oration.

Etenim in singulis rebus eius modi materies est ut dies singulos possis consumere. Neque ego non possum; non enim tantum mihi derogo, tametsi nihil adrogo, ut te copiosius quam me putem posse dicere. Verum ego forsitan propter multitudinem patronorum in grege adnumerer, te pugna Cannensis accusatorem sat bonum fecit.

Indeed, in each single matter of this sort there is such material that you could consume single days. Nor am I unable; for I do not so much derogate from myself, although I arrogate nothing, as to think that you are able to speak more copiously than I. But I, perhaps, on account of the multitude of patrons, am counted in the herd; the battle of Cannae has made you an accuser good enough.

Multos caesos non ad Trasumennum lacum, sed ad Servilium vidimus.

We saw many cut down not at Lake Trasimene, but at Servilius’s.

[90] "Quis ibi non est volneratus ferro Phrygio?"

[90] "Who there has not been wounded by Phrygian steel?"

Non necesse est omnis commemorare Curtios, Marios, denique Memmios quos iam aetas a proeliis avocabat, postremo Priamum ipsum senem, Antistium quem non modo aetas sed etiam leges pugnare prohibebant. Iam quos nemo propter ignobilitatem nominat, sescenti sunt qui inter sicarios et de veneficiis accusabant; qui omnes, quod ad me attinet, vellem viverent. Nihil enim mali est canes ibi quam plurimos esse ubi permulti observandi multaque servanda sunt.

It is not necessary to commemorate all the Curtii, the Marii, and finally the Memmii, whom already age was calling away from battles, and lastly Priam himself, an old man; Antistius, whom not only age but also the laws were forbidding to fight. And as for those whom no one names because of ignobility, there are “six hundred” who were bringing accusations for assassination and for poisonings; all of whom, so far as it pertains to me, I would wish were alive. For there is nothing bad in there being as many dogs there as possible where very many things are to be observed and many to be safeguarded.

[91] Verum, ut fit, multa saepe imprudentibus imperatoribus vis belli ac turba molitur. Dum is in aliis rebus erat occupatus qui summam rerum administrabat, erant interea qui suis volneribus mederentur; qui, tamquam si offusa rei publicae sempiterna nox esset, ita ruebant in tenebris omniaque miscebant; a quibus miror ne quod iudiciorum esset vestigium non subsellia quoque esse combusta; nam et accusatores et iudices sustulerunt. Hoc commodi est quod ita vixerunt ut testis omnis, si cuperent, interficere non possent; nam, dum hominum genus erit, qui accuset eos non deerit; dum civitas erit, iudicia fient.

[91] But, as happens, the violence of war and the tumult often contrive many things when commanders are imprudent. While he who was administering the sum of affairs was occupied in other matters, meanwhile there were those who were tending to their own wounds; who, as if a sempiternal night had been poured over the republic, thus were rushing in the darkness and were confounding everything; at whose hands I marvel that there is any vestige of the courts, and that even the benches have not been burned; for they removed both accusers and judges. This advantage there is: that they lived in such a way that they could not kill every witness, even if they wished; for, as long as the race of men shall exist, someone to accuse them will not be lacking; as long as there is a commonwealth, judicial proceedings will be held.

Verum, ut coepi dicere, et Erucius, haec si haberet in causa quae commemoravi, posset ea quamvis diu dicere, et ego, iudices, possum; sed in animo est, quem ad modum ante dixi, leviter transire ac tantum modo perstringere unam quamque rem, ut omnes intellegant me non studio accusare sed officio defendere.

But, as I began to say, even Erucius, if he had in the cause the things which I have recounted, could speak about them however long; and I, judges, can; but it is my intention, as I said before, to pass over lightly and merely to touch upon each several matter, so that all may understand that I am not accusing from zeal but defending from duty.

[92] Video igitur causas esse permultas quae istum impellerent; videamus nunc ecquae facultas suscipiendi malefici fuerit. Ubi occisus est Sex. Roscius?

[92] I see, therefore, that there are very many causes which would impel that man; let us now see whether there was any means of undertaking the crime. Where was Sextus Roscius slain?

Romae. Quid? tu, T. Rosci, ubi tunc eras?

At Rome. What? you, T. Roscius, where were you then?

Romae. Verum quid ad rem? et alii multi.

In Rome. But what is that to the matter? and many others.

Quasi nunc id agatur quis ex tanta multitudine occiderit, ac non hoc quaeratur, eum qui Romae sit occisus utrum veri similius sit ab eo esse occisum qui adsiduus eo tempore Romae fuerit, an ab eo qui multis annis Romam omnino non accesserit.

As if now the matter at hand were who out of so great a multitude did the killing, and not this were being asked: whether it is more likely that the man who was killed at Rome was killed by the one who was assiduous at Rome at that time, or by the one who for many years had not come to Rome at all.

[93] Age nunc ceteras quoque facultates consideremus. Erat tum multitudo sicariorum, id quod commemoravit Erucius, et homines impune occidebantur. Quid?

[93] Come now, let us consider the other means as well. There was then a multitude of assassins, that which Erucius has commemorated, and men were being killed with impunity. What?

ea multitudo quae erat? Opinor, aut eorum qui in bonis erant occupati, aut eorum qui ab eis conducebantur ut aliquem occiderent. Si eos putas qui alienum appetebant, tu es in eo numero qui nostra pecunia dives es; sin eos quos qui leviore nomine appellant percussores vocant, quaere in cuius fide sint et clientela; mihi crede, aliquem de societate tua reperies; et, quicquid tu contra dixeris, id cum defensione nostra contendito; ita facillime causa Sex.

that multitude—what sort was it? I suppose either those who were occupied in the goods, or those who were hired by them to kill someone. If you think it was those who were aiming at another’s (alien) property, you are in that number who are rich by our money; but if it was those whom, under a lighter name, they call strikers (assassins), inquire in whose faith and clientele they are; believe me, you will find someone of your own partnership; and, whatever you say in reply, let that contend with our defense; thus most easily the case of Sextus.

Rosci cum tua conferetur.

the case of Roscius will be compared with yours.

[94] Dices: 'Quid postea, si Romae adsiduus fui?' Respondebo: 'At ego omnino non fui.' 'Fateor me sectorem esse, verum et alii multi.' 'At ego, ut tute arguis, agricola et rusticus.' 'Non continuo, si me in gregem sicariorum contuli, sum sicarius.' 'At ego profecto qui ne novi quidem quemquam sicarium longe absum ab eius modi crimine.' Permulta sunt quae dici possunt qua re intellegatur summam tibi facultatem fuisse malefici suscipiendi; quae non modo idcirco praetereo quod te ipsum non libenter accuso verum eo magis etiam quod, si de illis caedibus velim commemorare quae tum factae sunt ista eadem ratione qua Sex. Roscius occisus est, vereor ne ad pluris oratio mea pertinere videatur.

[94] You will say: 'What then, if I was constantly at Rome?' I will respond: 'But I was not there at all.' 'I admit that I am a sector, but many others are as well.' 'But I, as you yourself allege, am a farmer and a rustic.' 'It does not straightaway follow that, if I have joined the band of assassins, I am an assassin.' 'But I, for my part, who do not even know any assassin, am far removed from a crime of that sort.' Very many things can be said whereby it may be understood that you had the utmost capacity for undertaking maleficence; which I pass over not only because I do not gladly accuse you yourself, but all the more also because, if I should wish to make mention of those slayings which were then done by that same method by which Sex. Roscius was slain, I fear lest my speech seem to pertain to more persons.

[95] Videamus nunc strictim, sicut cetera, quae post mortem Sex. Rosci abs te, T. Rosci, facta sunt; quae ita aperta et manifesta sunt ut medius fidius, iudices, invitus ea dicam. Vereor enim, cuicuimodi es, T. Rosci, ne ita hunc videar voluisse servare ut tibi omnino non pepercerim.

[95] Let us now see cursorily, as the rest, the things which after the death of Sextus Roscius were done by you, Titus Roscius; which are so open and manifest that, by my faith, judges, I speak of them unwillingly. For I fear, whatever sort you are, Titus Roscius, lest I may seem to have wished to save this man in such a way that I have not spared you at all.

Cum hoc vereor et cupio tibi aliqua ex parte quod salva fide possim parcere, rursus immuto voluntatem meam; venit enim mihi in mentem oris tui. Tene, cum ceteri socii tui fugerent ac se occultarent, ut hoc iudicium non de illorum praeda sed de huius maleficio fieri videretur, potissimum tibi partis istas depoposcisse ut in iudicio versarere et sederes cum accusatore? Qua in re nihil aliud adsequeris nisi ut ab omnibus mortalibus audacia tua cognoscatur et impudentia.

As I fear this and desire, so far as I can with my good faith kept safe, to spare you in some part, again I change my intention; for the image of your face comes to mind. Is it you—when your other associates were fleeing and hiding themselves, in order that this judgment might seem to be held not about their plunder but about this man’s malefaction—who above all demanded these parts, that you should be engaged in the court and sit with the accuser? In which matter you achieve nothing else except that your audacity and impudence be known by all mortals.

[96] Occiso Sex. Roscio quis primus Ameriam nuntiat? Mallius Glaucia, quem iam antea nominavi, tuus cliens et familiaris.

[96] With Sextus Roscius slain, who is the first to announce it to Ameria? Mallius Glaucia, whom I have already named before, your client and familiar.

Quid attinuit eum potissimum nuntiare quod, si nullum iam ante consilium de morte ac de bonis eius inieras nullamque societatem neque sceleris neque praemi cum homine ullo coieras, ad te minime omnium pertinebat? 'Sua sponte Mallius nuntiat.' Quid, quaeso, eius intererat? An, cum Ameriam non huiusce rei causa venisset, casu accidit ut id quod Romae audierat primus nuntiaret?

What did it avail that he, above all, should be the one to announce a thing which, if you had entered into no prior counsel about his death and about his goods and had entered into no partnership either of crime or of reward with any man, least of all pertained to you? 'Of his own accord Mallius announces.' What, I ask, was his concern in it? Or, since he had not come to Ameria for the sake of this business, did it by chance happen that he was the first to announce what he had heard at Rome?

Cuius rei causa venerat Ameriam? 'Non possum' ,inquit 'divinare.' Eo rem iam adducam ut nihil divinatione opus sit. Qua ratione T. Roscio Capitoni primo nuntiavit?

For what thing’s cause had he come to Ameria? ‘I cannot’ ,he says ‘divine.’ I will now bring the matter to such a point that there is no need of divination. By what rationale did he first announce to T. Roscius Capito?

Cum Ameriae Sex. Rosci domus uxor liberique essent, cum tot propinqui cognatique optime convenientes, qua ratione factum est ut iste tuus cliens, sceleris tui nuntius, T. Roscio Capitoni potissimum nuntiaret?

When at Ameria the household of Sextus Roscius—his wife and children—were present, when so many relatives and cognates were in excellent concord, by what rationale did it come about that that client of yours, the messenger of your crime, should report most especially to Titus Roscius Capito?

[97] Occisus est a cena rediens; nondum lucebat cum Ameriae scitum est. Quid hic incredibilis cursus, quid haec tanta celeritas festinatioque significat? Non quaero quis percusserit; nihil est, Glaucia, quod metuas; non excutio te; si quid forte ferri habuisti, non scrutor; nihil ad me arbitror pertinere; quoniam cuius consilio occisus sit invenio, cuius manu sit percussus non laboro.

[97] He was slain returning from dinner; it was not yet light when it was known at Ameria. What does this incredible course, what do such great celerity and festination signify? I do not inquire who struck him; there is nothing, Glaucia, for you to fear; I do not examine you; if by chance you had any iron, I do not scrutinize; I judge that nothing of this pertains to me; since I find by whose counsel he was slain, I do not labor over by whose hand he was struck.

Unum hoc sumo quod mihi apertum tuum scelus resque manifesta dat: Ubi aut unde audivit Glaucia? qui tam cito scivit? Fac audisse statim; quae res eum nocte una tantum itineris contendere coegit?

I take this one thing, which your open crime and the manifest matter gives me: Where or whence did Glaucia hear? how did he so quickly know? Grant that he heard immediately; what thing compelled him to press so great a journey in a single night?

quae necessitas eum tanta premebat ut, si sua sponte iter Ameriam faceret, id temporis Roma proficisceretur, nullam partem noctis requiesceret?

what so great a necessity was pressing him that, if of his own accord he were making a journey to Ameria, he would set out from Rome at that time, and would not rest for any part of the night?

[98] Etiamne in tam perspicuis rebus argumentatio quaerenda aut coniectura capienda est? Nonne vobis haec quae audistis cernere oculis videmini, iudices? non illum miserum, ignarum casus sui, redeuntem a cena videtis, non positas insidias, non impetum repentinum?

[98] Even in such perspicuous matters is argumentation to be sought or conjecture to be seized? Do you not, judges, seem to yourselves to discern with your eyes these things which you have heard? do you not see that wretched man, ignorant of his own misfortune, returning from dinner, do you not see the ambush laid, the sudden assault?

non versatur ante oculos vobis in caede Glaucia? non adest iste T. Roscius? non suis manibus in curru conlocat Automedontem illum, sui sceleris acerbissimi nefariaeque victoriae nuntium?

Does not Glaucia stand before your eyes in the slaughter? Is not that T. Roscius present? Does he not with his own hands set upon the chariot that Automedon, the messenger of his most bitter crime and nefarious victory?

non orat ut eam noctem pervigilet, ut honoris sui causa laboret, ut Capitoni quam primum nuntiet?

does he not beg that he keep that night as a vigil, that he labor for the sake of his honor, that he announce to Capito as soon as possible?

[99] Quid erat quod Capitonem primum scire vellet? Nescio, nisi hoc video, Capitonem in his bonis esse socium; de tribus et decem fundis tris nobilissimos fundos eum video possidere.

[99] What was it that he wanted Capito to know first? I do not know, except that I see this: that Capito is a partner in these goods; out of thirteen estates he, I see, possesses three most noble estates.

[100] Audio praeterea non hanc suspicionem nunc primum in Capitonem conferri; multas esse infamis eius palmas, hanc primam esse tamen lemniscatam quae Roma ei deferatur; nullum modum esse hominis occidendi quo ille non aliquot occiderit, multos ferro, multos veneno. Habeo etiam dicere quem contra morem maiorum minorem annis LX de ponte in Tiberim deiecerit. Quae, si prodierit atque a eo cum prodierit scio enim proditurum esse audiet.

[100] I hear, moreover, that this suspicion is not now for the first time being conferred upon Capitō; that there are many infamous palms of his, yet that this is the first lemniscus-adorned (ribboned) one which is being deferred to him at Rome; that there is no method of killing a man by which he has not killed several, many by iron, many by poison. I have also to say whom, contrary to the custom of the ancestors (mos maiorum), he cast down from the bridge into the Tiber though younger than 60 years. Which things, if he comes forward, and when he comes forward—for I know that he will come forward—he shall hear.

[101] Veniat modo, explicet suum volumen illud quod ei planum facere possum Erucium conscripsisse; quod aiunt illum Sex. Roscio intentasse et minitatum esse se*

[101] Just let him come, let him unroll that volume of his which I can make plain to him that Erucius composed; the one which they say he aimed at Sextus Roscius and threatened that he*

[102] Alter ex ipsa caede volucrem nuntium Armeriam ad socium atque adeo magistrum suum misit ut, si dissimulare omnes cuperent se scire ad quem maleficium pertineret, tamen ipse apertum suum scelus ante omnium oculos poneret. Alter, si dis immortalibus placet, testimonium etiam in Sex. Roscium dicturus est; quasi vero id nunc agatur, utrum is quod dixerit credendum, ac non quod fecerit vindicandum sit.

[102] The one, from the very slaughter, sent a winged messenger to Ameria to his associate, and indeed his master, so that, even if all should wish to dissemble that they knew to whom the malefice pertained, nevertheless he himself might set his manifest crime before the eyes of all. The other, if it please the immortal gods, is even going to give testimony against Sextus Roscius; as though, forsooth, the point now at issue were whether what he will have said is to be believed, and not whether what he has done is to be punished.

Itaque more maiorum comparatum est ut in minimis rebus homines amplissimi testimonium de sua re non dicerent.

Therefore, by the custom of the ancestors it has been established that, in the smallest matters, the most distinguished men should not give testimony about their own case.

[103] Africanus qui suo cognomine declarat tertiam partem orbis terrarum se subegisse tamen, si sua res ageretur, testimonium non diceret; nam illud in talem virum non audeo dicere: Si diceret, non crederetur. Videte nunc quam versa et mutata in peiorem partem sint omnia. Cum de bonis et de caede agatur, testimonium dicturus est is qui et sector est et sicarius, hoc est qui et illorum ipsorum bonorum de quibus agitur emptor atque possessor est et eum hominem occidendum curavit de cuius morte quaeritur.

[103] Africanus, who by his own cognomen declares that he has subdued a third part of the world, nevertheless, if his own matter were being tried, would not give testimony; for I do not dare to say this about such a man: If he did give it, he would not be believed. See now how all things have been turned and altered into a worse state. When it is a question about the goods and about the slaughter, the man who is both a sector and a sicarius is going to give testimony, that is, the man who is both the buyer and possessor of those very goods about which the case is being conducted, and who took care that the man whose death is under inquiry be killed.

[104] Quid? tu, vir optime, ecquid habes quod dicas? mihi ausculta: vide ne tibi desis; tua quoque res permagna agitur.

[104] What? You, best man, have you anything to say? Listen to me: see that you do not fail yourself; your cause also, of very great moment, is at stake.

Multa scelerate, multa audaciter, multa improbe fecisti, unum stultissime, profecto tua sponte non de Eruci sententia: nihil opus fuit te istic sedere. Neque enim accusatore muto neque teste quisquam utitur eo qui de accusatoris subsellio surgit. Huc accedit quod paulo tamen occultior atque tectior vestra ista cupiditas esset.

Many things you have done criminally, many audaciously, many shamelessly; one thing most foolishly, assuredly of your own accord, not by the judgment of Erucius: there was no need for you to sit there. For no one employs, either as a mute accuser or as a witness, the one who rises from the accuser’s bench. To this is added that that cupidity of yours would nevertheless have been a little more occult and more covert.

Nunc quid est quod quisquam ex vobis audire desideret, cum quae facitis eius modi sint ut ea dedita opera a nobis contra vosmet ipsos facere videamini?

Now what is there that anyone of you would desire to hear, since the things you do are of such a sort that you seem deliberately to be doing them, by our agency, against your very selves?

[105] Age nunc illa videamus, iudices, quae statim consecuta sunt. Ad Volaterras in castra L. Sullae mors Sex. Rosci quadriduo quo is occisus est Chrysogono nuntiatur.

[105] Come now, judges, let us see those things which immediately ensued. To Volaterrae, into the camp of Lucius Sulla, the death of Sextus Roscius is reported to Chrysogonus within four days from the time he was slain.

Quaeritur etiam nunc quis eum nuntium miserit? nonne perspicuum est eundem qui Ameriam? Curat Chrysogonus ut eius bona veneant statim; qui non norat hominem aut rem.

It is even now asked who sent that message? Is it not perspicuous that it was the same man who to Ameria? Chrysogonus takes care that his goods be sold at once; he who did not know the man or the matter.

At qui ei venit in mentem praedia concupiscere hominis ignoti quem omino numquam viderat? Soletis, cum aliquid huiusce modi audistis, iudices, continuo dicere: 'Necesse est aliquem dixisse municipem aut vicinum; ei plerumque indicant, per eos plerique produntur.' Hic nihil est quod suspicione occupetis. Non enim ego ita disputabo:

But how did it come into his mind to covet the estates of a man unknown, whom he had never seen at all? You are accustomed, when you have heard something of this sort, judges, forthwith to say: 'It is necessary that some fellow-municipal or some neighbor said it; to such people they generally point things out, through them most are betrayed.' There is nothing here for you to seize upon with suspicion. For I will not argue in this way:

[106] 'Veri simile est Roscios istam rem ad Chrysogonum detulisse; erat enim eis cum Chrysogono iam antea amicitia; nam cum multos veteres a maioribus Roscii patronos hospitesque haberent, omnis eos colere atque observare destiterunt ac se in Chrysogoni fidem et clientelam contulerunt.'

[106] 'It is very likely that the Roscii reported that matter to Chrysogonus; for they already before had a friendship with Chrysogonus; for although the Roscii had many long-standing patrons and guest-friends from their forefathers, they ceased to cultivate and observe all of them and transferred themselves into the good faith and clientage of Chrysogonus.'

[107] Haec possum omnia vere dicere, sed in hac causa coniectura nihil opus est; ipsos certo scio non negare ad haec bona Chrysogonum accessisse impulsu suo. Si eum qui indici causa partem acceperit oculis cernetis, poteritisne dubitare, iudices, qui indicarit? Qui sunt igitur in istis bonis quibus partem Chrysogonus dederit?

[107] I can truly say all these things, but in this cause there is no need of conjecture; I certainly know that they themselves do not deny that Chrysogonus approached these goods at their own impulse. If you behold with your eyes the man who has received a share as the price of informing, will you be able to doubt, judges, who did the informing? Who, then, are within that property the ones to whom Chrysogonus has given a share?

Duo Roscii. Num quisnam praeterea? Nemo est, iudices.

The two Roscii. Is there anyone besides? There is no one, judges.

Num ergo dubium est quin ei obtulerint hanc praedam Chrysogono qui ab eo partem praedae tulerunt?

Is it then in any way doubtful that those who have taken a share of the plunder from him have offered this plunder to Chrysogonus?

[108] Age nunc ex ipsius Chrysogoni iudicio Rosciorum factum consideremus. Si nihil in ista pugna Roscii quod operae pretium esset fecerant, quam ob causam a Chrysogono tantis praemiis donabantur? si nihil aliud fecerunt nisi rem detulerunt, nonne satis fuit eis gratias agi, denique, ut perliberaliter ageretur, honoris aliquid haberi?

[108] Come now, from the very judgment of Chrysogonus let us consider the deed of the Roscii. If in that fight the Roscii had done nothing that was worth the effort, for what cause were they being endowed by Chrysogonus with such great rewards? If they did nothing else except report the matter, was it not enough that thanks be given to them, and finally—so as to act very liberally—that some mark of honor be shown?

Cur tria praedia tantae pecuniae statim Capitoni dantur? cur quae reliqua sunt iste T. Roscius omnia cum Chrysogono communiter possidet? Nonne perspicuum est, iudices, has manubias Rosciis Chrysogonum re cognita concessisse?

Why are three landed estates worth so much money immediately given to Capito? Why does that T. Roscius possess in common with Chrysogonus all that remain? Is it not clear, judges, that Chrysogonus, the matter having been ascertained, did concede these spoils to the Roscii?

[109] Venit in decem primis legatus in castra Capito. Vos totam vitam naturam moresque hominis ex ipsa legatione cognoscite. Nisi intellexeritis, iudices, nullum esse officium, nullum ius tam sanctum atque integrum quod non eius scelus atque perfidia violarit et imminuerit, virum optimum esse eum iudicatote.

[109] Capito came into the camp as an envoy among the first ten. You, learn the whole life, nature, and morals of the man from the embassy itself. Unless you understand, judges, that there is no duty, no right so sacred and intact that his crime and perfidy has not violated and diminished, then judge him to be an excellent man.

[110] Impedimento est quo minus de his rebus Sulla doceatur, ceterorum legatorum consilia et voluntatem Chrysogono enuntiat, monet ut provideat ne palam res agatur, ostendit, si sublata sit venditio bonorum, illum pecuniam grandem amissurum, sese capitis periculum aditurum; illum acuere, hos qui simul erant missi fallere, illum identidem monere ut caveret, hisce insidiose spem falsam ostendere, cum illo contra hos inire consilia, horum consilia illi enuntiare, cum illo partem suam depecisci, hisce aliqua fretus mora semper omnis aditus ad Sullam intercludere. Postremo isto hortatore, auctore, intercessore ad Sullam legati non adierunt; istius fide ac potius perfidia decepti, id quod ex ipsis cognoscere poteritis, si accusator voluerit testimonium eis denuntiare, pro re certa spem falsam domum rettulerunt.

[110] He is an impediment by which Sulla is less informed about these matters; he announces to Chrysogonus the plans and will of the other envoys, warns him to take care that the matter not be conducted openly, shows that, if the sale of the goods be removed, that man will lose a great sum of money, he himself will undergo a capital danger; he sharpens him, he deceives those who had been sent along together, he repeatedly warns that man to beware, to these here he treacherously displays a false hope, with that man he enters counsels against these, he announces the counsels of these men to that man, with that man he bargains for his own share, relying on some delay with respect to these he always blocks every approach to Sulla. Finally, with that man as exhorter, author, intercessor, the envoys did not approach Sulla; deceived by that man’s good faith—or rather by his perfidy—they brought home, instead of a sure thing, a false hope, a thing which you will be able to learn from them themselves, if the accuser is willing to serve them notice for testimony.

[111] In privatis rebus si qui rem mandatam non modo malitiosius gessisset sui quaestus aut commodi causa verum etiam neglegentius, eum maiores summum admisisse dedecus existimabant. Itaque mandati constitutum est iudicium non minus turpe quam furti, credo, propterea quod quibus in rebus ipsi interesse non possumus, in eis operae nostrae vicaria fides amicorum supponitur; quam qui laedit, oppugnat omnium commune praesidium et, quantum in ipso est, disturbat vitae societatem. Non enim possumus omnia per nos agere; alius in alia est re magis utilis.

[111] In private matters, if anyone had conducted an entrusted matter not only rather maliciously for the sake of his own gain or convenience but even more negligently, our ancestors judged him to have committed the highest disgrace. Thus an action for mandate was established as no less shameful than one for theft, I believe, for this reason: that in those matters in which we ourselves cannot be present, in them the vicarious faith of friends is substituted for our services; and whoever injures that assaults the common defense of all and, so far as in him lies, disturbs the society of life. For we cannot do everything by ourselves; one is more useful in one matter, another in another.

Idcirco amicitiae comparantur ut commune commodum mutuis officiis gubernetur.

Therefore friendships are contracted so that the common advantage may be governed by mutual offices.

[112] Quid recipis mandatum, si aut neglecturus aut ad tuum commodum conversurus es? cur mihi te offers ac meis commodis officio simulato officis et obstas? Recede de medio; per alium transigam. Suscipis onus offici quod te putas sustinere posse; quod maxime videtur grave eis qui minime ipsi leves sunt.

[112] Why do you accept a mandate, if you are either going to neglect it or turn it to your own convenience? Why do you offer yourself to me and, with a simulated duty, you “serve” my interests and yet obstruct them? Step out of the way; I will transact through another. You take up the burden of duty which you think you can sustain; which seems most grave to those who are themselves least light.

Ergo idcirco turpis haec culpa est, quod duas res sanctissimas violat, amicitiam et fidem. Nam neque mandat quisquam fere nisi amico neque credit nisi ei quem fidelem putat. Perditissimi est igitur hominis simul et amicitiam dissolvere et fallere eum qui laesus non esset, nisi credidisset.

Therefore, for this reason this fault is disgraceful, because it violates two most sacred things, friendship and fidelity. For hardly does anyone give a mandate except to a friend, nor give credit except to him whom he deems faithful. It is therefore the mark of a most depraved man both to dissolve friendship and to deceive one who would not have been injured, had he not trusted.

[113] Itane est? in minimis rebus qui mandatum neglexerit, turpissimo iudicio condemnetur necesse est, in re tanta cum is cui fama mortui, fortunae vivi commendatae sunt atque concreditae, ignominia mortuum, inopia vivum adfecerit, is inter honestos homines atque adeo inter vivos numerabitur? In minimis privatisque rebus etiam neglegentia in crimen mandati iudiciumque infamiae vocatur, propterea quod, si recte fiat, illum neglegere oporteat qui mandarit non illum qui mandatum receperit; in re tanta quae publice gesta atque commissa sit qui non neglegentia privatum aliquod commodum laeserit sed perfidia legationis ipsius caerimoniam polluerit maculaque adfecerit, qua is tandem poena adficietur aut quo iudicio damnabitur?

[113] Is it so? In the smallest matters, he who has neglected a mandate must needs be condemned by a most disgraceful judgment; in so great a matter, when to him the reputation of the dead, the fortunes of the living have been commended and entrusted, when he has afflicted the dead with ignominy, the living with indigence, will he be numbered among honorable men, indeed even among the living? In the smallest and most private matters even negligence is called into the charge of mandate and a judgment of infamy, for this reason: because, if it be done rightly, it ought to be that the one who gave the mandate be the one to neglect, not the one who received the mandate; in so great a matter, which has been conducted and committed publicly, he who not by negligence has harmed some private convenience but by perfidy has polluted the very ceremony of the legation and has stained it with a blot—by what penalty, then, will he be afflicted, or by what judgment will he be condemned?

[114] Si hanc ei rem privatim Sex. Roscius mandavisset ut cum Chrysogono transigeret atque decideret, inque eam rem fidem suam, si quid opus esse putaret, interponeret, ille qui sese facturum recepisset, nonne, si ex eo negotio tantulum in rem suam convertisset, damnatus per arbitrum et rem restitueret et honestatem omnem amitteret?

[114] If Sextus Roscius had privately mandated to him this matter—that he should transact and settle with Chrysogonus—and in that matter interpose his own good faith, if he thought there were need, would not he who had undertaken to do it, if he had converted ever so little from that business to his own advantage, upon condemnation by an arbitrator both make restitution and lose all honor?

[115] Nunc non hanc ei rem Sex. Roscius mandavit sed, id quod multo gravius est, ipse Sex. Roscius cum fama vita bonisque omnibus a decurionibus publice T. Roscio mandatus est; et ex eo T. Roscius non paululum nescio quid in rem suam convertit sed hunc funditus evertit bonis, ipse tria praedia sibi depectus est, voluntatem decurionum ac municipum omnium tantidem quanti fidem suam fecit.

[115] Now Sextus Roscius did not entrust this matter to him; but, what is much more grave, Sextus Roscius himself, together with his fame, life, and all his goods, was publicly entrusted by the decurions to Titus Roscius; and from that charge Titus Roscius did not convert to his own account some small, I-know-not-what, but overturned this man root and branch in respect to his goods, and himself struck a deal to have three estates for himself, making the will of the decurions and of all the townsmen worth just as much as he made his own good faith.

[116] Videte iam porro cetera, iudices, ut intellegatis fingi maleficium nullum posse quo iste sese non contaminarit. In rebus minoribus socium fallere turpissimum est aequeque turpe atque illud de quo ante dixi; neque iniuria, propterea quod auxilium sibi se putat adiunxisse qui cum altero rem communicavit. Ad cuius igitur fidem confugiet, cum per eius fidem laeditur cui se commiserit?

[116] See now, moreover, the rest, judges, so that you may understand that no malefaction can be feigned with which that man has not contaminated himself. In lesser matters to deceive a partner is most disgraceful, and just as disgraceful as that about which I spoke before; and not unjustly, because he who has shared an affair with another thinks that he has added aid to himself. To whose good faith, therefore, will he flee, when by the good faith of him to whom he has committed himself he is harmed?

Atque ea sunt animadvertenda peccata maxime quae difficillime praecaventur. Tecti esse ad alienos possumus, intimi multa apertiora videant necesse est; socium cavere qui possumus? quem etiam si metuimus, ius offici laedimus.

And those offenses are most of all to be taken note of which are most difficult to guard against. We can be covered toward outsiders, but intimates must needs see many things more open; how can we beware of a partner? whom, even if we fear him, we injure the right of duty.

Recte igitur maiores eum qui socium fefellisset in virorum bonorum numero non putarunt haberi oportere.

Therefore, our elders rightly thought that he who had deceived a partner ought not to be held in the number of good men.

[117] At vero T. Roscius non unum rei pecuniariae socium fefellit, quod, tametsi grave est, tamen aliquo modo posse ferri videtur, verum novem homines honestissimos, eiusdem muneris, legationis, offici mandatorumque socios, induxit, decepit, destituit, adversariis tradidit, omni fraude et perfidia fefellit; qui de scelere suspicari eius nihil potuerunt, socium offici metuere non debuerunt, eius malitiam non viderunt, orationi vanae crediderunt. Itaque nunc illi homines honestissimi propter istius insidias parum putantur cauti providique fuisse; iste qui initio proditor fuit, deinde perfuga, qui primo sociorum consilia adversariis enuntiavit, deinde societatem cum ipsis adversariis coiit, terret etiam nos ac minatur tribus praediis, hoc est praemiis sceleris, ornatus. In eius modi vita, iudices, in his tot tantisque flagitiis hoc quoque maleficium de quo iudicium est reperietis.

[117] But indeed T. Roscius did not cheat only one partner in a pecuniary matter, which, although grave, nevertheless seems in some way able to be borne, but he led on, deceived, abandoned, handed over to the adversaries nine most honorable men, partners of the same office, legation, duty, and mandates, and he cheated them by every fraud and perfidy; men who could suspect nothing of his crime, who ought not to have feared a partner in duty, who did not see his malice, who believed his empty oration. And so now those most honorable men, on account of that man’s ambushes, are thought to have been insufficiently cautious and provident; that man who at the beginning was a betrayer, then a deserter, who first revealed the counsels of his associates to the adversaries, then entered into alliance with those very adversaries, even terrifies us and threatens, adorned with three estates, that is, with the rewards of crime. In a life of such a kind, judges, amid these so many and so great disgraces, you will find this wrongdoing too, about which there is a trial.

[118] Etenim quaerere ita debetis: ubi multa avare, multa audacter, multa improbe, multa perfidiose facta videbitis, ibi scelus quoque latere inter illa tot flagitia putatote. Tametsi hoc quidem minime latet quod ita promptum et propositum est ut non ex illis maleficiis quae in illo constat esse hoc intellegatur verum ex hoc etiam, si quo de illorum forte dubitabitur, convincatur. Quid tandem, quaeso, iudices?

[118] For you ought to inquire thus: where you see many things done avariciously, many audaciously, many shamelessly, many perfidiously, there suppose that a crime also lies hidden among those so many flagitious acts. Although indeed this is least of all hidden, since it is so ready and set forth that this is not to be understood from those malefactions which are agreed to be in that man, but from this deed even, if perchance about any one of those there is doubt, that one is thereby proved. What then, I ask, judges?

num aut ille lanista omnino iam a gladio recessisse videtur aut hic discipulus magistro tantulum de arte concedere? Par est avaritia, similis improbitas, eadem impudentia, gemina audacia.

Does either that lanista seem to have altogether now retired from the sword, or does this disciple concede even the least little bit to his master in the art? The avarice is equal, the improbity similar, the same impudence, a twin audacity.

[119] Etenim, quoniam fidem magistri cognostis, cognoscite nunc discipuli aequitatem. Dixi iam antea saepe numero postulatos esse ab istis duos servos in quaestionem. Tu semper, T. Rosci, recusasti.

[119] Indeed, since you have come to know the master’s faith, now recognize the disciple’s equity. I have already said before, many times, that two slaves have been demanded by those men for inquisition. You always, T. Roscius, refused.

Quaero abs te: 'Eine qui postulabant indigni erant qui impetrarent, an is te non commovebat pro quo postulabant, an res ipsa tibi iniqua videbatur?' Postulabant homines nobilissimi atque integerrimi nostrae civitatis quos iam antea nominavi; qui ita vixerunt talesque a populo Romano putantur ut quicquid dicerent nemo esset qui non aequum putaret. Postulabant autem pro homine miserrimo atque infelicissimo qui vel ipse sese in cruciatum dari cuperet, dum de patris morte quaereretur.

I ask you: “Was it that those who were petitioning were unworthy to obtain it, or did he not move you on whose behalf they were petitioning, or did the thing itself seem iniquitous to you?” Men most noble and most upright of our state, whom I have already named, were petitioning; who have so lived and are held such by the Roman People that whatever they might say there would be no one who would not deem it equitable. Moreover, they were petitioning on behalf of a most miserable and most unlucky man, who would even himself wish to be given over to cruciating torture, provided that inquiry be made concerning his father’s death.

[120] Res porro abs te eius modi postulabatur ut nihil interesset, utrum eam rem recusares an de maleficio confiterere. Quae cum ita sint, quaero abs te quam ob causam recusaris. Cum occiditur Sex.

[120] Moreover, a matter was being demanded from you of such a kind that it made no difference whether you refused the matter or confessed to the malefaction. Since these things are so, I ask you for what cause you refused. When Sex. is killed

Roscius ibidem fuerunt. Servos ipsos, quod ad me attinet, neque arguo neque purgo; quod a vobis oppugnari video ne in quaestionem dentur, suspiciosum est; quod vero apud vos ipsos in honore tanto sunt, profecto necesse est sciant aliquid, quod si dixerint perniciosum vobis futurum sit. 'In dominos quaeri de servis iniquum est.' At non quaeritur; Sex.

The Roscii were there in the same place. As for the slaves themselves, so far as it pertains to me, I neither arraign nor purge them; that I see it being opposed by you that they be not given into an inquest is suspicious; and, in truth, that among you yourselves they are held in such honor, surely it is necessary that they know something which, if they should speak it, would be pernicious to you. ‘To conduct an inquiry against masters on the basis of slaves is iniquitous.’ But no inquiry is being conducted; Sex.

enim Roscius reus est; neque enim, cum de hoc quaeritur, in dominos quaeritur; vos enim dominos esse dicitis. 'Cum Chrysogono sunt.' Ita credo; litteris eorum et urbanitate Chrysogonus ducitur ut inter suos omnium deliciarum atque omnium artium puerulos ex tot elegantissimis familiis lectos velit hos versari, homines paene operarios, ex Amerina disciplina patris familiae rusticani.

for Roscius is the defendant; nor indeed, when inquiry is made about this man, is inquiry made about the masters; for you say that you are the masters. 'They are with Chrysogonus.' So I believe; by their letters and urbanity Chrysogonus is led to wish that, among his own, these men should consort as little boys of every delight and of every art, chosen out of so many most elegant families— men almost laborers, rustic from the Amerine discipline of a paterfamilias.

[121] Non ita est profecto, iudices; non est veri simile ut Chrysogonus horum litteras adamarit aut humanitatem, non ut rei familiaris negotio diligentiam cognorit eorum et fidem. Est quiddam quod occultatur; quod quo studiosius ab istis opprimitur et absconditur, eo magis eminet et apparet.

[121] It is assuredly not so, judges; it is not likely that Chrysogonus has fallen in love with these men’s letters or their humanity, nor that in the business of the estate he has recognized their diligence and good faith. There is something that is being concealed; and the more zealously it is crushed and hidden by those men, the more it stands out and appears.

[122] Quid igitur? Chrysogonus suine malefici occultandi causa quaestionem de eis haberi non volt? Minime, iudices; non in omnis arbitror omnia convenire.

[122] What then? Does Chrysogonus, for the sake of concealing his own misdeed, not wish an inquiry to be held about them? By no means, judges; I do not think all things accord with all men.

Ego in Chrysogono, quod ad me attinet, nihil eius modi suspicor; neque hoc mihi nunc primum in mentem venit dicere. Meministis me ita distribuisse initio causam: in crimen cuius tota argumentatio permissa Erucio est, et in audaciam cuius partes Rosciis impositae sunt. Quicquid malefici, sceleris, caedis erit, proprium id Rosciorum esse debebit.

I, so far as it pertains to me, suspect nothing of that sort in Chrysogonus; nor has it now for the first time come into my mind to say this. You remember that at the beginning I thus distributed the case: on the crime, the whole argumentation has been entrusted to Erucius; and on the audacity, the parts have been imposed upon the Roscii. Whatever of malefice, crime, or slaughter there shall be, that must be proper to the Roscii.

Nimiam gratiam potentiamque Chrysogoni dicimus et nobis obstare et perferri nullo modo posse et a vobis, quoniam potestas data est, non modo infirmari verum etiam vindicari oportere.

We declare that the excessive favor and power of Chrysogonus both stand in our way and can in no way be borne, and that by you, since authority has been given, it ought not only to be weakened but even to be vindicated by punishment.

[123] Ego sic existimo, qui quaeri velit ex eis quos constat, cum caedes facta sit, adfuisse, eum cupere verum inveniri; qui id recuset, eum profecto, tametsi verbo non audeat, tamen re ipsa de maleficio suo confiteri. Dixi initio, iudices, nolle me plura de istorum scelere dicere quam causa postularet ac necessitas ipsa cogeret. Nam et multae res adferri possunt, et una quaeque earum multis cum argumentis dici potest.

[123] I so judge: he who would wish that inquiry be made from those whom it is agreed were present when the slaughter was done, desires the truth to be found; he who refuses that, surely, although he does not dare in word, yet in the fact itself confesses concerning his own malefice. I said at the beginning, judges, that I was unwilling to say more about the wickedness of those men than the case should demand and necessity itself should compel. For many matters can be adduced, and each one of them can be set forth with many arguments.

Verum ego quod invitus ac necessario facio neque diu neque diligenter facere possum. Quae praeteriri nullo modo poterant, ea leviter, iudices, attigi, quae posita sunt in suspicionibus de quibus, si coepero dicere, pluribus verbis sit disserendum, ea vestris ingeniis coniecturaeque committo.

But what I do unwillingly and of necessity I can do neither long nor diligently. The things which could in no way be passed over, those I have lightly, judges, touched upon; the things which are set in suspicions—about which, if I begin to speak, it must be discoursed in more words—I commit to your talents and conjecture.

[124] Venio nunc ad illud nomen aureum Chrysogoni sub quo nomine tota societas latuit; de quo, iudices, neque quo modo dicam neque quo modo taceam reperire possum. Si enim taceo, vel maximam partem relinquo; sin autem dico, vereor ne non ille solus, id quod ad me nihil attinet, sed alii quoque plures laesos se putent. Tametsi ita se res habet ut mihi in communem causam sectorum dicendum nihil magno opere videatur; haec enim causa nova profecto et singularis est.

[124] I come now to that golden name of Chrysogonus, under which name the whole society lay hidden; about which, judges, I can find neither how I should speak nor how I should keep silent. For if I keep silent, I leave even the greatest part; but if, on the other hand, I speak, I fear lest not he alone—which in no way pertains to me—but others also, more of them, should think themselves aggrieved. Although the matter stands thus, it seems to me that nothing needs to be said with great effort on the common cause of the sectores (purchasers); for this cause is indeed new and singular.

[125] Bonorum Sex. Rosci emptor est Chrysogonus. Primum hoc videamus: eius hominis bona qua ratione venierunt aut quo modo venire potuerunt?

[125] The purchaser of the goods of Sextus Roscius is Chrysogonus. First let us see this: by what rationale were that man’s goods sold, or how could they have been sold?

Atque hoc non ita quaeram, iudices, ut id dicam esse indignum, hominis innocentis bona venisse si enim haec audientur ac libere dicentur, non fuit tantus homo Sex. Roscius in civitate ut de eo potissimum conqueramur verum ego hoc quaero: Qui potuerunt ista ipsa lege quae de proscriptione est, sive Valeria est sive Cornelia non enim novi nec scio verum ista ipsa lege bona Sex. Rosci venire qui potuerunt?

And I do not inquire into this in such a way, judges, as to say that it is unworthy that the goods of an innocent man have been sold for if these things are heard and spoken freely, Sextus Roscius was not so great a man in the state that we should complain chiefly about him but this I ask: How could they, by that very law which is about proscription, whether it is the Valerian or the Cornelian for I do not know nor am I aware by that very law, how could the goods of Sextus Roscius be sold?

[126] Scriptum enim ita dicunt esse: UT AUT EORUM BONA VENEANT QUI PROSCRIPTI SUNT; quo in numero Sex. Roscius non est: AUT EORUM QUI IN ADVERSARIORUM PRAESIDIIS OCCISI SUNT. Dum praesidia ulla fuerunt, in Sullae praesidiis fuit; postea quam ab armis omnes recesserunt, in summo otio rediens a cena Romae occisus est.

[126] For they say it is written thus: THAT EITHER THE PROPERTY OF THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN PROSCRIBED IS TO BE SOLD; in which number Sextus Roscius is not: OR OF THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN SLAIN IN THE GARRISONS OF THE ADVERSARIES. While any garrisons existed, he was in Sulla’s garrisons; afterward, when all had withdrawn from arms, returning from dinner, in the utmost leisure, he was killed at Rome.

Si lege, bona quoque lege venisse fateor. Sin autem constat contra omnis non modo veteres leges verum etiam novas occisum esse, bona quo iure aut quo modo aut qua lege venierint quaero.

If by law, I admit that the goods too were sold by law. But if, however, it is established that he was slain contrary to all laws, not only the ancient but even the new, I ask by what right, or in what manner, or by what law the goods were sold.

[127] In quem hoc dicam quaeris, Eruci? Non in eum quem vis et putas; nam Sullam et oratio mea ab initio et ipsius eximia virtus omni tempore purgavit. Ego haec omnia Chrysogonum fecisse dico, ut ementiretur, ut malum civem Sex.

[127] You ask, Erucius, against whom I say this? Not against him whom you wish and suppose; for both my speech from the beginning and his own exceptional virtue have at all times cleared Sulla. I say that Chrysogonus did all these things, to fabricate, to declare Sex. a bad citizen.

Roscium fuisse fingeret, ut eum apud adversarios occisum esse diceret, ut his de rebus a legatis Amerinorum doceri L. Sullam passus non sit. Denique etiam illud suspicor, omnino haec bona non venisse; id quod postea, si per vos, iudices, licitum erit, aperietur.

that he might feign that it was Roscius, that he might say that he had been slain among the adversaries, that he did not allow Lucius Sulla to be informed about these matters by the legates of the Amerini. Finally, I even suspect this besides: that these goods were not sold at all; which thing afterwards, if it shall be permitted by you, judges, will be brought to light.

[128] Opinor enim esse in lege quam ad diem proscriptiones venditionesque fiant, nimirum Kalendas Iunias. Aliquot post mensis et homo occisus est et bona venisse dicuntur. Profecto aut haec bona in tabulas publicas nulla redierunt nosque ab isto nebulone facetius eludimur quam putamus, aut, si redierunt, tabulae publicae corruptae aliqua ratione sunt; nam lege quidem bona venire non potuisse constat.

[128] For I suppose that in the law there is a term up to which proscriptions and venditions are to be made, namely the Kalends of June. Several months later both the man was killed and the goods are said to have been sold. Surely either these goods did not at all come into the public tablets and we are being more cleverly mocked by that rascal than we suppose, or, if they did come in, the public tablets have been corrupted in some way; for by the law it is established that the goods could not have been sold.

Intellego me ante tempus, iudices, haec scrutari et prope modum errare qui, cum capiti Sex. Rosci mederi deheam, reduviam curem. Non enim laborat de pecunia, non ullius rationem sui commodi ducit; facile egestatem suam se laturum putat, si hac indigna suspicione et ficto crimine liberatus sit.

I understand, judges, that I am scrutinizing these matters before the time and, in a manner, almost erring, in that, when I ought to heal the head of Sextus Roscius, I am tending to a hangnail. For he does not concern himself about money; he takes no account of his own advantage; he thinks he will easily bear his poverty, if he is freed from this unworthy suspicion and fictitious crime.

[129] Verum quaeso a vobis, iudices, ut haec pauca quae restant ita audiatis ut partim me dicere pro me ipso putetis, partim pro Sex. Roscio. Quae enim mihi indigna et intolerabilia videntur quaeque ad omnis, nisi providemus, arbitror pertinere, ea pro me ipso ex animi mei sensu ac dolore pronuntio; quae ad huius vitae casum causamque pertinent et quid hic pro se dici velit et qua condicione contentus sit iam in extrema oratione nostra, iudices, audietis.

[129] But I ask you, judges, to hear these few things that remain in such a way that you reckon me to be speaking partly for myself, partly for Sextus Roscius. For the things that seem to me unworthy and intolerable, and which I judge to pertain to all, unless we provide against them, these I pronounce on my own behalf, from the sense and pain of my spirit; but the things that pertain to this man’s life’s mischance and cause, and what he wishes to be said on his own behalf, and upon what condition he is content—you will hear these, judges, now at the end of our oration.

[130] Ego haec a Chrysogono mea sponte remoto Sex. Roscio quaero, primum qua re civis optimi bona venierint, deinde qua re hominis eius qui neque proscriptus neque apud adversarios occisus est bona venierint, cum in eos solos lex scripta sit, deinde qua re aliquanto post eam diem venierint quae dies in lege praefinita est, deinde cur tantulo venierint: Quae omnia si, quem ad modum solent liberti nequam et improbi facere, in patronum suum voluerit conferre, nihil egerit; nemo est enim qui nesciat propter magnitudinem rerum multa multos partim improbante, partim imprudente L. Sulla commisisse.

[130] I ask these things from Chrysogonus, with Sextus Roscius set aside of my own accord: first, for what reason the goods of a most excellent citizen were sold; then, for what reason the goods of a man who was neither proscribed nor slain among the adversaries were sold, since the law was written against those only; then, for what reason they were sold somewhat after that day which is fixed in the law; then, why they were sold for so little. All which things, if, in the way that worthless and wicked freedmen are wont to do, he should wish to shift onto his patron, he will have achieved nothing; for there is no one who does not know that, on account of the magnitude of affairs, many men committed many things, Lucius Sulla partly disapproving, partly being unaware.

[131] Placet igitur in his rebus aliquid imprudentia praeteriri? Non placet, iudices, sed necesse est. Etenim si Iuppiter Optimus Maximus cuius nutu et arbitrio caelum terra mariaque reguntur saepe ventis vehementioribus aut immoderatis tempestatibus aut nimio calore aut intolerabili frigore hominibus nocuit, urbis delevit, fruges perdidit, quorum nihil pernicii causa divino consilio sed vi ipsa et magnitudine rerum factum putamus, at contra commoda quibus utimur qua fruimur spiritumque quem ducimus ab eo nobis dari atque impertiri videmus, quid miramur, iudices, L. Sullam, cum solus rem publicam regeret orbemque terrarum gubernaret imperique maiestatem quam armis receperat iam legibus confirmaret, aliqua animadvertere non potuisse?

[131] Does it please, then, that in these matters something be passed over by imprudence? It does not please, judges, but it is necessary. For if Jupiter Best and Greatest, at whose nod and arbitration heaven, earth, and seas are governed, has often harmed human beings by more vehement winds or immoderate storms or excessive heat or intolerable cold, has destroyed cities, has ruined crops—of which none we suppose to have been done by divine counsel for the sake of perdition, but by the very force and magnitude of things—yet, on the contrary, the advantages by which we use and enjoy and the breath which we draw we see to be given and imparted to us by him, why do we wonder, judges, that L. Sulla, when he alone was ruling the commonwealth and was governing the circle of lands and was now confirming by laws the majesty of empire which he had recovered by arms, was unable to notice some things?

nisi hoc mirum est quod vis divina adsequi non possit, si id mens humana adepta non sit.

unless this is the marvel: that the divine force cannot attain it, if the human mind has not attained it.

[132] Verum ut haec missa faciam quae iam facta sunt, ex eis quae nunc cum maxime fiunt nonne quivis potest intellegere omnium architectum et machinatorem unum esse Chrysogonum? qui Sex. Rosci nomen deferendum curavit, cuius honoris causa accusare se dixit Erucius . . .

[132] But, to let pass these things which have already been done, from those things which are now at the very moment being done, can not anyone understand that the architect and machinator of everything is one and the same—Chrysogonus? who took care that the name of Sextus Roscius be reported, for the sake of which honor Erucius said that he would prosecute . . .

In vico Pallacinae] Locus ubi cenaverat Roscius. Maxime metuit] Sullam scilicet. Derivat tamen et ait se] id est suspicionem suam in alium deducit.

In the Pallacina vicus] The place where Roscius had dined. He chiefly fears] namely Sulla. He nonetheless diverts and says that he] that is, he transfers his own suspicion onto another.

Hoc enim dicebat Cbrysogonus: 'Non quia timui ne mihi tollerentur bona Rosci ideo eius praedia dissipavi, sed, quia aedificabam, in Veientanam ideo de his transtuli.' Manu praedia praediis] Praediis, occasione, quem ad modum dicimus: 'fac ad manum illum codicem'. Hic ego audire istos cupio] In hoc capite de potentia Chrysogoni invidiam facit, ut enumeret singula deliciarum genera, quod habeat pluris possessiones, mancipia, quae omnia dicit de rapinis ipsum habere. [Schol. Gron.

For this Chrysogonus used to say: 'It was not because I feared lest Roscius’s goods be taken away from me that I therefore scattered his estates, but, because I was building, I therefore transferred some of them into the Veientine district.' Manu praedia praediis] “Praediis,” on occasion, just as we say: 'have that codex at hand.' Hic ego audire istos cupio] In this section he makes odium against the potentia of Chrysogonus, so that he enumerates each kind of delights, that he has more numerous properties, chattel-slaves, all of which he says he has from rapines. [Schol. Gron.]

p. 436. 14.]

. . . aptam et ratione dispositam se habere existimant, qui in Sallentinis aut in Bruttiis habent unde vix ter in anno audire nuntium possunt.

. . . they reckon that they have things apt and rationally disposed, who have in the Sallentine or in the Bruttian regions a place whence they can scarcely hear news thrice in a year.

[133] Alter tibi descendit de Palatio et aedibus suis; habet animi causa rus amoenum et suburbanum, plura praeterea praedia neque tamen ullum nisi praeclarum et propinquum. Domus referta vasis Corinthiis et Deliacis, in quibus est authepsa illa quam tanto pretio nuper mercatus est ut qui praetereuntes quid praeco enumeraret audiebant fundum venire arbitrarentur. Quid praeterea caelati argenti, quid stragulae vestis, quid pictarum tabularum, quid signorum, quid marmoris apud illum putatis esse?

[133] Another descends for you from the Palatine and from his own house; he has, for pleasure’s sake, a delightful country-place and a suburban estate, several properties besides (praedia), yet not a single one unless preeminent and near at hand. His house is crammed with Corinthian and Delian vessels, among which is that authepsa which he lately purchased at such a price that passers-by, hearing what the auctioneer was itemizing, supposed an estate was being sold. What, moreover, do you think there is at his place in the way of chased (caelated) silver, of coverlet-cloth, of painted panels, of statues, of marble?

Tantum scilicet quantum e multis splendidisque familiis in turba et rapinis coacervari una in domo potuit. Familiam vero quantam et quam variis cum artificiis habeat quid ego dicam?

So much, of course, as could be heaped up in one house out of many splendid households amid tumult and rapine. As for the household—how great it is, and with what various arts it is furnished—what am I to say?

[134] Mitto hasce artis volgaris, coquos, pistores, lecticarios; animi et aurium causa tot homines habet ut cotidiano cantu vocum et nervorum et tibiarum nocturnisque conviviis tota vicinitas personet. In hac vita, iudices, quos sumptus cotidianos, quas effusiones fieri putatis, quae vero convivia? honesta, credo, in eius modi domo, si domus haec habenda est potius quam officina nequitiae ac deversorium flagitiorum omnium.

[134] I pass over these vulgar trades—cooks, bakers, litter-carriers; for the sake of his spirits and his ears he has so many men that, with the daily singing of voices and of strings and of pipes, and with nightly banquets, the whole neighborhood resounds. In this way of life, judges, what daily expenditures, what effusions do you think are made, and what, indeed, banquets? honorable, I suppose, in a house of that sort—if this is to be considered a house rather than a workshop of iniquity and a lodging-house of all disgraceful deeds.

[135] Ipse vero quem ad modum composito et dilibuto capillo passim per forum volitet cum magna caterva togatorum videtis, iudices; videtis ut omnis despiciat, ut hominem prae se neminem putet, ut se solum beatum, solum potentem putet. Quae vero efficiat et quae conetur si velim commemorare, vereor, iudices, ne quis imperitior existimet me causam nobilitatis victoriamque voluisse laedere. Tametsi meo iure possum, si quid in hac parte mihi non placeat, vituperare; non enim vereor ne quis alienum me animum habuisse a causa nobilitatis existimet

[135] But he himself—how with arranged and sleeked hair he flits everywhere through the forum with a great cohort of toga-wearers—you see it, judges; you see how he looks down on all, how he thinks no man to be a man beside himself, how he deems himself alone blessed, alone potent. But what he actually brings to pass and what he attempts, if I should wish to recount, I fear, judges, lest someone more unskilled think that I have wished to wound the cause of the nobility and its victory. Although by my own right I can, if anything in this quarter does not please me, vituperate it; for I do not fear that anyone would suppose that I have had a mind alien to the cause of the nobility.

[136] Sciunt ei qui me norunt me pro mea tenui infirmaque parte, postea quam id quod maxime volui fieri non potuit, ut componeretur, id maxime defendisse ut ei vincerent qui vicerunt. Quis enim erat qui non videret humilitatem cum dignitate de amplitudine contendere? quo in certamine perditi civis erat non se ad eos iungere quibus incolumibus et domi dignitas et foris auctoritas retineretur.

[136] Those who know me know that, for my slight and feeble part, after that which I most wished to be done could not be—namely, that it be composed (settled)—I then most of all defended that those should prevail who have prevailed. For who was there who did not see humility with dignity contending against grandeur? In which contest it was the part of a ruined citizen not to join himself to those, with whose safety both dignity at home and authority abroad would be retained.

Quae perfecta esse et suum cuique honorem et gradum redditum gaudeo, iudices, vehementerque laetor eaque omnia deorum voluntate, studio populi Romani, consilio et imperio et felicitate L. Sullae gesta esse intellego.

I rejoice that these things have been perfected and that to each his own honor and rank has been restored, judges, and I am exceedingly glad; and I understand that all these things were accomplished by the will of the gods, by the zeal of the Roman people, and by the counsel, command, and felicity of L. Sulla.

[137] Quod animadversum est in eos qui contra omni ratione pugnarunt, non debeo reprehendere; quod viris fortibus quorum opera eximia in rebus gerendis exstitit honos habitus est, laudo. Quae ut fierent idcirco pugnatum esse arbitror meque in eo studio partium fuisse confiteor. Sin autem id actum est et idcirco arma sumpta sunt ut homines postremi pecuniis alienis locupletarentur et in fortunas unius cuiusque impetum facerent, et id non modo re prohibere non licet sed ne verbis quidem vituperare, tum vero in isto beIlo non recreatus neque restitutus sed subactus oppressusque populus Romanus est.

[137] As to what was inflicted upon those who fought against all reason, I ought not to censure; that honor was paid to brave men whose distinguished service stood out in the conducting of affairs, I praise. I consider that the fighting was undertaken in order that these things might be brought about, and I confess that I was in that partisan zeal. But if, however, this was what was aimed at, and arms were therefore taken up so that the lowest men might be enriched by others’ monies and make an assault upon the fortunes of each and every person—and if it is permitted neither to prevent this in deed nor even to censure it in words—then indeed in that war the Roman People was not refreshed nor restored, but subdued and oppressed.

[138] Verum longe aliter est; nil horum est, iudices. Non modo non Iaedetur causa nobilitatis, si istis hominibus resistetis, verum etiam ornabitur. Etenim qui haec vituperare volunt Chrysogonum tantum posse queruntur; qui laudare volunt concessum ei non esse commemorant.

[138] But it is far otherwise; none of these things is so, judges. Not only will the cause of the nobility not be injured, if you resist those men, but it will even be adorned. For indeed those who wish to blame these things complain that Chrysogonus is able so much; those who wish to praise recall that it has not been conceded to him.

Ac iam nihil est quod quisquam aut tam stultus aut tam improbus sit qui dicat: 'Vellem quidem liceret; hoc dixissem.' Dicas licet. 'Hoc fecissem.' Facias licet; nemo prohibet. 'Hoc decrevissem.' Decerne, modo recte; omnes approbabunt.

And now there is nothing such that anyone is either so foolish or so wicked as to say: 'I would indeed, if it were permitted; I would have said this.' You may say it. 'I would have done this.' You may do it; no one forbids. 'I would have decreed this.' Decree it, only do it rightly; all will approve.

'Hoc iudicassem.' Laudabunt omnes, si recte et ordine iudicaris.

'I would have judged this.' All will praise you, if you judge rightly and in due order.

[139] Dum necesse erat resque ipsa cogebat, unus omnia poterat; qui postea quam magistratus creavit legesque constituit, sua cuique procuratio auctoritasque est restituta. Quam si retinere volunt ei qui reciperarunt in perpetuum poterunt obtinere; sin has caedis et rapinas et hos tantos tamque profusos sumptus aut facient aut approbabunt nolo in eos gravius quicquam ne ominis quidem causa dicere, unum hoc dico: nostri isti nobiles nisi vigilantes et boni et fortes et misericordes erunt, eis hominibus in quibus haec erunt ornamenta sua concedant necesse est.

[139] While it was necessary and the matter itself compelled, a single man could do everything; and after he created magistrates and constituted laws, to each man his own procuration and authority was restored. Which, if those who have recovered it wish to retain, they will be able to hold in perpetuity; but if they either will perpetrate or will approve these slaughters and robberies and these so great and so profuse expenditures I do not wish to say anything more grievous against them, not even for the sake of an omen, I say this one thing: our so‑called nobles, unless they will be vigilant and good and brave and merciful, must concede their own insignia to those men in whom these qualities will be.

[140] Quapropter desinant aliquando dicere male aliquem locutum esse, si qui vere ac libere locutus sit, desinant suam causam cum Chrysogono communicare, desinant, si ille laesus sit, de se aliquid detractum arbitrari, videant ne turpe miserumque sit eos qui equestrem splendorem pati non potuerunt servi nequissimi dominationem ferre posse. Quae quidem dominatio, iudices, in aliis rebus antea versabatur, nunc vero quam viam munitet et quod iter adfectet videtis, ad fidem, ad ius iurandum, ad iudicia vestra, ad id quod solum prope in civitate sincerum sanctumque restat.

[140] Wherefore let them at last cease to say that someone has spoken badly, if anyone has spoken truly and freely; let them cease to communicate their cause with Chrysogonus; let them cease to think that, if he has been injured, something has been detracted from themselves; let them see lest it be shameful and wretched that those who could not endure the equestrian splendor are able to bear the domination of a most nefarious slave. Which domination, judges, formerly busied itself in other matters; now indeed you see what road it paves and what path it aims at—toward good faith, toward the sworn oath, toward your judgments, toward that which alone, nearly, in the commonwealth remains sincere and sacred.

[141] Hicne etiam sese putat aliquid posse Chrysogonus? hicne etiam potens esse volt? O rem miseram atque acerbam!

[141] Does this man, Chrysogonus, even think that he himself can do anything? Does this man also want to be potent? O wretched and bitter affair!

Neque me hercules hoc indigne fero, quod verear ne quid possit, verum quod ausus est, quod speravit sese apud talis viros aliquid ad perniciem posse innocentis, id ipsum queror. Idcircone exspectata nobilitas armis atque ferro rem publicam reciperavit ut ad libidinem suam liberti servolique nobilium bona fortunas vitasque nostras vexare possent?

Nor, by Hercules, do I bear this with indignation because I fear he may be able to do anything, but because he has dared, because he hoped that in the presence of such men he could accomplish something to the destruction of an innocent—this very thing I complain of. Was it for this reason that the long-expected nobility recovered the republic by arms and iron, that at their own pleasure the freedmen and slaves of the nobles might be able to harry our goods, our fortunes, and our lives?

[142] Si id actum est, fateor me errasse qui hoc maluerim, fateor insanisse qui cum illis senserim; tametsi inermis, iudices, sensi. Sin autem victoria nobilium ornamento atque emolumento rei publicae populoque Romano debet esse, tum vero optimo et nobilissimo cuique meam orationem gratissimam esse oportet. Quod si quis est qui et se et causam laedi putet, cum Chrysogonus vituperetur, is causam ignorat, se ipsum probe novit; causa enim splendidior fiet, si nequissimo cuique resistetur, ille improbissimus Chrysogoni fautor qui sibi cum illo rationem communicatam putat laeditur, cum ab hoc splendore causae separatur.

[142] If that was what was aimed at, I confess that I erred in having preferred this, I confess that I was insane in having felt with those men; although unarmed, judges, I took their side. But if the victory of the nobles ought to be an ornament and an emolument to the commonwealth and to the Roman people, then indeed my oration ought to be most welcome to each best and most noble man. And if there is anyone who thinks that both he himself and his cause are injured when Chrysogonus is vituperated, he is ignorant of the cause, he knows himself thoroughly; for the cause will become more splendid, if resistance is made to each most nefarious man; that most shameless supporter of Chrysogonus, who thinks that his account/interest has been made common with him, is harmed when he is separated from this splendor of the cause.

[143] Verum haec omnis oratio, ut iam ante dixi, mea est, qua me uti res publica et dolor meus et istorum iniuria coegit. Sex. Roscius horum nihil indignum putat, neminem accusat, nihil de suo patrimonio queritur. Putat homo imperitus morum, agricola et rusticus, ista omnia quae vos per Sullam gesta esse dicitis more, lege, iure gentium facta; culpa liberatus et crimine nefario solutus cupit a vobis discedere;

[143] But this whole oration, as I have already said before, is mine, which the Republic and my grief and the injury of those men has compelled me to use. Sex. Roscius thinks none of these things unworthy, accuses no one, complains of nothing concerning his own patrimony. The man, unskilled in manners, a farmer and rustic, thinks that all those things which you say were done through Sulla were done according to custom, law, and the law of nations; freed from blame and released from a nefarious charge he desires to depart from you;

[144] si hac indigna suspicione careat, animo aequo se carere suis omnibus commodis dicit. Rogat oratque te, Chrysogone, si nihil de patris fortunis amplissimis in suam rem convertit, si nulla in re te fraudavit, si tibi optima fide sua omnia concessit, adnumeravit, appendit, si vestitum quo ipse tectus erat anulumque e digito suum tibi tradidit, si ex omnibus rebus se ipsum nudum neque praeterea quicquam excepit, ut sibi per te liceat innocenti amicorum opibus vitam in egestate degere.

[144] if he be free from this unworthy suspicion, he says that with an even mind he foregoes all his own advantages. He asks and beseeches you, Chrysogonus, if he has converted nothing of his father’s most ample fortunes to his own use, if in no respect he has defrauded you, if to you with the best good faith he has conceded, counted out, weighed out all that was his, if he handed over to you the clothing with which he himself was covered and his ring from his finger, if out of all his possessions he kept back nothing besides his bare self and nothing further, that through you it may be permitted to him, an innocent man, to pass his life in destitution by the resources of friends.

[145] Praedia mea tu possides, ego aliena misericordia vivo; concedo, et quod animus aequus est et quia necesse est. Mea domus tibi patet, mihi clausa est; fero. Familia mea maxima tu uteris, ego servum habeo nullum; patior et ferendum puto.

[145] You possess my estates, I live by another’s mercy; I concede it, both because my mind is equable and because it is necessary. My house is open to you, to me it is shut; I bear it. My very great household you make use of, I have not a single slave; I endure it and think it a thing to be borne.

Quid vis amplius? quid insequeris, quid oppugnas? qua in re tuam voluntatem laedi a me putas?

What do you want further? what do you pursue, what do you oppugn? in what matter do you think your will is being injured by me?

ubi tuis commodis officio? quid tibi obsto? Si spoliorum causa vis hominem occidere, spoliasti; quid quaeris amplius?

In what do I hinder your interests? how do I obstruct you? If for the sake of spoils you wish to kill a man, you have despoiled; what do you seek further?

si inimicitiarum, quae sunt tibi inimicitiae cum eo cuius ante praedia possedisti quam ipsum cognosti? si metus, ab eone aliquid metuis quem vides ipsum ab se tam atrocem iniuriam propulsare non posse? sin, quod bona quae Rosci fuerunt tua facta sunt, idcirco hunc illius filium studes perdere, nonne ostendis id te vereri quod praeter ceteros tu metuere non debeas ne quando liberis proscriptorum bona patria reddantur?

if it is because of enmities, what enmities have you with him whose estates you possessed before you even knew the man himself? if it is fear, do you fear anything from him whom you see cannot repel from himself so atrocious an injury? but if, because the goods that were Roscius’s have been made yours, for that reason you are eager to destroy this son of his, do you not show that you fear that which, beyond others, you ought not to fear—lest at some time the goods of the proscribed be restored by the fatherland to their children?

[146] Facis iniuriam, Chrysogone, si maiorem spem emptionis tuae in huius exitio ponis quam in eis rebus quas L. Sulla gessit. Quod si tibi causa nulla est cur hunc miserum tanta calamitate adfici velis, si tibi omnia sua praeter animam tradidit nec sibi quicquam paternum ne monumenti quidem causa reservavit, per deos immortalis! quae ista tanta crudelitas est, quae tam fera immanisque natura?

[146] You do injustice, Chrysogonus, if you place a greater hope of your purchase in this man’s destruction than in those things which L. Sulla carried out. But if you have no cause why you should wish this wretch to be afflicted with so great a calamity, if he has handed over to you all his possessions except his life, and has reserved for himself nothing paternal, not even for the sake of a monument, by the immortal gods! what is this so great cruelty, what so wild and monstrous a nature?

Quis umquam praedo fuit tam nefarius, quis pirata tam barbarus ut, cum integram praedam sine sanguine habere posset, cruenta spolia detrahere mallet?

Who ever was a robber so nefarious, what pirate so barbarous, that, when he could have intact plunder without bloodshed, he would prefer to tear off bloody spoils?

[147] Scis hunc nihil habere, nihil audere, nihil posse, nihil umquam contra rem tuam cogitasse, et tamen oppugnas eum quem neque metuere potes neque odisse debes nec quicquam iam habere reliqui vides quod ei detrahere possis. Nisi hoc indignum putas, quod vestitum sedere in iudicio vides quem tu e patrimonio tamquam e naufragio nudum expulisti. Quasi vero nescias hunc et ali et vestiri a Caecilia Baliarici filia, Nepotis sorore, spectatissima femina, quae cum patrem clarissimum, amplissimos patruos, ornatissimum fratrem haberet, tamen, cum esset mulier, virtute perfecit ut, quanto honore ipsa ex illorum dignitate adficeretur, non minora illis ornamenta ex sua laude redderet.

[147] You know that this man has nothing, dares nothing, can do nothing, has never at any time thought anything against your interest, and yet you assail him whom you neither can fear nor ought to hate, nor do you see that he now has anything remaining which you can strip from him—unless you think this an indignity: that you see sitting clothed in court the man whom you drove naked out of his patrimony as from a shipwreck. As though you did not indeed know that he is both fed and clothed by Caecilia, daughter of Balearicus, sister of Nepos, a most esteemed woman, who, although she had a most illustrious father, most ample paternal uncles, and a most adorned brother, nevertheless, though she was a woman, by virtue brought it about that, by as much honor as she herself was affected with from their dignity, she rendered to them no lesser ornaments from her own laud.

[148] An, quod diligenter defenditur, id tibi indignum facinus videtur? Mihi crede, si pro patris huius hospitiis et gratia vellent omnes huic hospites adesse et auderent libere defendere, satis copiose defenderetur; sin autem pro magnitudine iniuriae proque eo quod summa res publica in huius periculo temptatur haec omnes vindicarent, consistere me hercule vobis isto in loco non liceret. Nunc ita defenditur, non sane ut moleste ferre adversarii debeant neque ut se potentia superari putent.

[148] Or does that which is diligently defended seem to you a disgraceful crime? Believe me, if, for the hospitalities and favor of this man’s father, all his guest-friends wished to stand by him and dared to defend him freely, he would be defended quite copiously; but if, in proportion to the magnitude of the injury and to the fact that the highest commonwealth is put to the test in this man’s peril, all were to vindicate these things, by Hercules, it would not be permitted for you to take your stand in that place. As it is, he is defended in such a manner—not, to be sure, that the adversaries ought to be vexed by it, nor that they think themselves overborne by potentia.

[149] Quae domi gerenda sunt, ea per Caeciliam transiguntur, fori iudicique rationem M. Messala, ut videtis, iudices, suscepit; qui, si iam satis aetatis ac roboris haberet, ipse pro Sex. Roscio diceret. Quoniam ad dicendum impedimento est aetas et pudor qui ornat aetatem causam mihi tradidit quem sua causa cupere ac debere intellegebat, ipse adsiduitate, consilio, auctoritate, diligentia perfecit ut Sex.

[149] The things that must be managed at home are transacted through Caecilia; the conduct of the forum and of the court M. Messala, as you see, judges, has undertaken; who, if he already had enough of age and of strength, would himself speak for Sex. Roscius. Since age and a modesty which adorns his age are a hindrance to speaking, he handed over the case to me, whom he understood, for his own cause, to desire it and to be obliged to do it; he himself, by assiduity, counsel, authority, diligence, has brought it about that Sex.

Rosci vita erepta de manibus sectorum sententiis iudicum permitteretur. Nimirum, iudices, pro hac nobilitate pars maxima civitatis in armis fuit; haec acta res est ut ei nobiles restituerentur in civitatem qui hoc facerent quod facere Messalam videtis, qui caput innocentis defenderent, qui iniuriae resisterent, qui quantum possent in salute alterius quam in exitio mallent ostendere; quod si omnes qui eodem loco nati sunt facerent, et res publica ex illis et ipsi ex invidia minus laborarent.

that Roscius’s life, rescued from the hands of the speculators, should be entrusted to the sentences of the judges. Indeed, judges, on behalf of this nobility the greatest part of the state was in arms; it was brought about that those nobles be restored into citizenship who do the very thing you see Messala doing: who defend the life of an innocent man, who resist injury, who prefer to show, so far as they can, their power in another’s safety rather than in his destruction; and if all who were born in the same rank were to do this, both the republic would be less burdened by them, and they themselves would labor less under envy.

[150] Verum si a Chrysogono, iudices, non impetramus ut pecunia nostra contentus sit, vitam ne petat, si ille adduci non potest ut, cum ademerit nobis omnia quae nostra erant propria, ne lucem quoque hanc quae communis est eripere cupiat, si non satis habet avaritiam suam pecunia explere, nisi etiam crudelitati sanguis praebitus sit, unum perfugium, iudices, una spes reliqua est Sex. Roscio eadem quae rei publicae, vestra pristina bonitas et misericordia. Quae si manet, salvi etiam nunc esse possumus; sin ea crudelitas quae hoc tempore in re publica versata est vestros quoque animos id quod fieri profecto non potest duriores acerbioresque reddit, actum est, iudices; inter feras satius est aetatem degere quam in hac tanta immanitate versari.

[150] But if we do not obtain from Chrysogonus, judges, that he be content with our money, that he not seek our life; if he cannot be brought to this, that, when he has taken from us all that was properly ours, he should not also desire to snatch away this light which is common to all; if it is not enough for him to fill his avarice with money unless blood, too, be supplied to his cruelty, one refuge, judges, one hope remains to Sex. Roscio, the same as to the republic, your former goodness and mercy. If this abides, we can even now be safe; but if that cruelty which in this time has been active in the republic makes your spirits also a thing which surely cannot happen harder and more bitter, it is all over, judges; it is better to pass one’s life among wild beasts than to be involved in so great savagery.

[151] Ad eamne rem vos reservati estis, ad eamne rem delecti ut eos condemnaretis quos sectores ac sicarii iugulare non potuissent? Solent hoc boni imperatores facere cum proelium committunt, ut in eo loco quo fugam hostium fore arbitrentur milites conlocent, in quos si qui ex acie fugerint de improviso incidant. Nimirum similiter arbitrantur isti bonorum emptores vos hic, talis viros, sedere qui excipiatis eos qui de suis manibus effugerint.

[151] Is it for this purpose that you have been reserved, for this purpose selected, that you condemn those whom the auction-purchasers and sicarii could not jugulate? Good imperators are wont to do this when they commit battle: to station soldiers in that place where they judge the enemy’s flight will be, that, if any have fled from the battle line, they may fall upon them unawares. Doubtless these buyers of goods similarly suppose that you, men such as you are, sit here to intercept those who have escaped from their hands.

Di prohibeant, iudices, ne hoc quod maiores consilium publicum vocari voluerunt praesidium sectorum existimetur!

May the gods forbid, judges, that this, which the ancestors wished to be called the public council, be deemed the safeguard of the sectores!

[152] An vero, iudices, vos non intellegitis nihil aliud agi nisi ut proscriptorum liberi quavis ratione tollantur, et eius rei initium in vestro iure iurando atque in Sex. Rosci periculo quaeri? Dubium est ad quem maleficium pertineat, cum videatis ex altera parte sectorem, inimicum, sicarium eundemque accusatorem hoc tempore, ex altera parte egentem, probatum suis filium, in quo non modo culpa nulla sed ne suspicio quidem potuit consistere?

[152] Or truly, judges, do you not understand that nothing else is being done except that the children of the proscribed be taken away by whatever method, and that the beginning of that business is being sought in your sworn oath and in the peril of Sextus Roscius? Is it doubtful to whom the malefaction pertains, when you see on one side a sector, an enemy, a sicarius and at the same time the accuser at this moment, on the other side a needy man, a son approved by his own, in whom not only could no fault but not even suspicion find a footing?

Numquid hic aliud videtis obstare Roscio nisi quod patris bona venierunt?

Do you see here anything else to obstruct Roscius except that his father’s goods were sold?

[153] Quod si id vos suscipitis et eam ad rem operam vestram profitemini, si idcirco sedetis ut ad vos adducantur eorum liberi quorum bona venierunt, cavete, per deos immortalis! iudices, ne nova et multo crudelior per vos proscriptio instaurata esse videatur. Illam priorem quae facta est in eos qui arma capere potuerunt tamen senatus suscipere noluit, ne quid acrius quam more maiorum comparatum est publico consilio factum videretur, hanc vero quae ad eorum liberos atque ad infantium puerorum incunabula pertinet nisi hoc iudicio a vobis reicitis et aspernamini, videte, per deos immortalis!

[153] But if you undertake that and profess your service to that affair, if for that reason you sit so that the children of those whose goods have been sold are brought before you, beware, by the immortal gods! judges, lest through you a new and much more cruel proscription seem to have been reestablished. That earlier one, which was done against those who could take up arms, the Senate nevertheless was unwilling to endorse, lest anything harsher than what has been established by the ancestral custom should seem to have been done by public counsel; but this one, which pertains to their children and to the cradles of infant boys—unless in this judgment you reject and spurn it—see to it, by the immortal gods!

quem in locum rem publicam perventuram putetis!

into what condition you think the Republic will arrive!

[154] Homines sapientes et ista auctoritate et potestate praeditos qua vos estis ex quibus rebus maxime res publica laborat, eis maxime mederi convenit. Vestrum nemo est quin intellegat populum Romanum qui quondam in hostis lenissimus existimabatur hoc tempore domestica crudelitate laborare. Hanc tollite ex civitate, iudices, hanc pati nolite diutius in hac re publica versari; quae non modo id habet in se mali quod tot civis atrocissime sustulit verum etiam hominibus lenissimis ademit misericordiam consuetudine incommodorum.

[154] It is fitting that wise men, and endowed with that authority and power which you possess, should most of all remedy those things from which the republic most suffers. There is none of you but understands that the Roman people—who once was reckoned most gentle toward enemies—is at this time afflicted by domestic cruelty. Remove this from the civitas, judges; refuse to allow this any longer to be conversant in this republic; which not only has in itself this evil, that it has most atrociously swept away so many citizens, but has even taken from the gentlest of men their mercy by a habituation to hardships.

Nam cum omnibus horis aliquid atrociter fieri videmus aut audimus, etiam qui natura mitissimi sumus adsiduitate molestiarum sensum omnem humanitatis ex animis amittimus.

For when at every hour we see or hear something being done atrociously, even we who are by nature most mild, through the assiduity of troubles, lose all sense of humanity from our minds.