Orosius•HISTORIARUM ADVERSUM PAGANOS LIBRI VII
Abbo Floriacensis1 work
Abelard3 works
Addison9 works
Adso Dervensis1 work
Aelredus Rievallensis1 work
Alanus de Insulis2 works
Albert of Aix1 work
HISTORIA HIEROSOLYMITANAE EXPEDITIONIS12 sections
Albertano of Brescia5 works
DE AMORE ET DILECTIONE DEI4 sections
SERMONES4 sections
Alcuin9 works
Alfonsi1 work
Ambrose4 works
Ambrosius4 works
Ammianus1 work
Ampelius1 work
Andrea da Bergamo1 work
Andreas Capellanus1 work
DE AMORE LIBRI TRES3 sections
Annales Regni Francorum1 work
Annales Vedastini1 work
Annales Xantenses1 work
Anonymus Neveleti1 work
Anonymus Valesianus2 works
Apicius1 work
DE RE COQUINARIA5 sections
Appendix Vergiliana1 work
Apuleius2 works
METAMORPHOSES12 sections
DE DOGMATE PLATONIS6 sections
Aquinas6 works
Archipoeta1 work
Arnobius1 work
ADVERSVS NATIONES LIBRI VII7 sections
Arnulf of Lisieux1 work
Asconius1 work
Asserius1 work
Augustine5 works
CONFESSIONES13 sections
DE CIVITATE DEI23 sections
DE TRINITATE15 sections
CONTRA SECUNDAM IULIANI RESPONSIONEM2 sections
Augustus1 work
RES GESTAE DIVI AVGVSTI2 sections
Aurelius Victor1 work
LIBER ET INCERTORVM LIBRI3 sections
Ausonius2 works
Avianus1 work
Avienus2 works
Bacon3 works
HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE11 sections
Balde2 works
Baldo1 work
Bebel1 work
Bede2 works
HISTORIAM ECCLESIASTICAM GENTIS ANGLORUM7 sections
Benedict1 work
Berengar1 work
Bernard of Clairvaux1 work
Bernard of Cluny1 work
DE CONTEMPTU MUNDI LIBRI DUO2 sections
Biblia Sacra3 works
VETUS TESTAMENTUM49 sections
NOVUM TESTAMENTUM27 sections
Bigges1 work
Boethius de Dacia2 works
Bonaventure1 work
Breve Chronicon Northmannicum1 work
Buchanan1 work
Bultelius2 works
Caecilius Balbus1 work
Caesar3 works
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO8 sections
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI III DE BELLO CIVILI3 sections
LIBRI INCERTORUM AUCTORUM3 sections
Calpurnius Flaccus1 work
Calpurnius Siculus1 work
Campion8 works
Carmen Arvale1 work
Carmen de Martyrio1 work
Carmen in Victoriam1 work
Carmen Saliare1 work
Carmina Burana1 work
Cassiodorus5 works
Catullus1 work
Censorinus1 work
Christian Creeds1 work
Cicero3 works
ORATORIA33 sections
PHILOSOPHIA21 sections
EPISTULAE4 sections
Cinna Helvius1 work
Claudian4 works
Claudii Oratio1 work
Claudius Caesar1 work
Columbus1 work
Columella2 works
Commodianus3 works
Conradus Celtis2 works
Constitutum Constantini1 work
Contemporary9 works
Cotta1 work
Dante4 works
Dares the Phrygian1 work
de Ave Phoenice1 work
De Expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum1 work
Declaratio Arbroathis1 work
Decretum Gelasianum1 work
Descartes1 work
Dies Irae1 work
Disticha Catonis1 work
Egeria1 work
ITINERARIUM PEREGRINATIO2 sections
Einhard1 work
Ennius1 work
Epistolae Austrasicae1 work
Epistulae de Priapismo1 work
Erasmus7 works
Erchempert1 work
Eucherius1 work
Eugippius1 work
Eutropius1 work
BREVIARIVM HISTORIAE ROMANAE10 sections
Exurperantius1 work
Fabricius Montanus1 work
Falcandus1 work
Falcone di Benevento1 work
Ficino1 work
Fletcher1 work
Florus1 work
EPITOME DE T. LIVIO BELLORUM OMNIUM ANNORUM DCC LIBRI DUO2 sections
Foedus Aeternum1 work
Forsett2 works
Fredegarius1 work
Frodebertus & Importunus1 work
Frontinus3 works
STRATEGEMATA4 sections
DE AQUAEDUCTU URBIS ROMAE2 sections
OPUSCULA RERUM RUSTICARUM4 sections
Fulgentius3 works
MITOLOGIARUM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Gaius4 works
Galileo1 work
Garcilaso de la Vega1 work
Gaudeamus Igitur1 work
Gellius1 work
Germanicus1 work
Gesta Francorum10 works
Gesta Romanorum1 work
Gioacchino da Fiore1 work
Godfrey of Winchester2 works
Grattius1 work
Gregorii Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Gregorius Magnus1 work
Gregory IX5 works
Gregory of Tours1 work
LIBRI HISTORIARUM10 sections
Gregory the Great1 work
Gregory VII1 work
Gwinne8 works
Henry of Settimello1 work
Henry VII1 work
Historia Apolloni1 work
Historia Augusta30 works
Historia Brittonum1 work
Holberg1 work
Horace3 works
SERMONES2 sections
CARMINA4 sections
EPISTULAE5 sections
Hugo of St. Victor2 works
Hydatius2 works
Hyginus3 works
Hymni1 work
Hymni et cantica1 work
Iacobus de Voragine1 work
LEGENDA AUREA24 sections
Ilias Latina1 work
Iordanes2 works
Isidore of Seville3 works
ETYMOLOGIARVM SIVE ORIGINVM LIBRI XX20 sections
SENTENTIAE LIBRI III3 sections
Iulius Obsequens1 work
Iulius Paris1 work
Ius Romanum4 works
Janus Secundus2 works
Johann H. Withof1 work
Johann P. L. Withof1 work
Johannes de Alta Silva1 work
Johannes de Plano Carpini1 work
John of Garland1 work
Jordanes2 works
Julius Obsequens1 work
Junillus1 work
Justin1 work
HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI46 sections
Justinian3 works
INSTITVTIONES5 sections
CODEX12 sections
DIGESTA50 sections
Juvenal1 work
Kepler1 work
Landor4 works
Laurentius Corvinus2 works
Legenda Regis Stephani1 work
Leo of Naples1 work
HISTORIA DE PRELIIS ALEXANDRI MAGNI3 sections
Leo the Great1 work
SERMONES DE QUADRAGESIMA2 sections
Liber Kalilae et Dimnae1 work
Liber Pontificalis1 work
Livius Andronicus1 work
Livy1 work
AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI37 sections
Lotichius1 work
Lucan1 work
DE BELLO CIVILI SIVE PHARSALIA10 sections
Lucretius1 work
DE RERVM NATVRA LIBRI SEX6 sections
Lupus Protospatarius Barensis1 work
Macarius of Alexandria1 work
Macarius the Great1 work
Magna Carta1 work
Maidstone1 work
Malaterra1 work
DE REBUS GESTIS ROGERII CALABRIAE ET SICILIAE COMITIS ET ROBERTI GUISCARDI DUCIS FRATRIS EIUS4 sections
Manilius1 work
ASTRONOMICON5 sections
Marbodus Redonensis1 work
Marcellinus Comes2 works
Martial1 work
Martin of Braga13 works
Marullo1 work
Marx1 work
Maximianus1 work
May1 work
SUPPLEMENTUM PHARSALIAE8 sections
Melanchthon4 works
Milton1 work
Minucius Felix1 work
Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Mirandola1 work
CARMINA9 sections
Miscellanea Carminum42 works
Montanus1 work
Naevius1 work
Navagero1 work
Nemesianus1 work
ECLOGAE4 sections
Nepos3 works
LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM24 sections
Newton1 work
PHILOSOPHIÆ NATURALIS PRINCIPIA MATHEMATICA4 sections
Nithardus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATTUOR4 sections
Notitia Dignitatum2 works
Novatian1 work
Origo gentis Langobardorum1 work
Orosius1 work
HISTORIARUM ADVERSUM PAGANOS LIBRI VII7 sections
Otto of Freising1 work
GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS5 sections
Ovid7 works
METAMORPHOSES15 sections
AMORES3 sections
HEROIDES21 sections
ARS AMATORIA3 sections
TRISTIA5 sections
EX PONTO4 sections
Owen1 work
Papal Bulls4 works
Pascoli5 works
Passerat1 work
Passio Perpetuae1 work
Patricius1 work
Tome I: Panaugia2 sections
Paulinus Nolensis1 work
Paulus Diaconus4 works
Persius1 work
Pervigilium Veneris1 work
Petronius2 works
Petrus Blesensis1 work
Petrus de Ebulo1 work
Phaedrus2 works
FABVLARVM AESOPIARVM LIBRI QVINQVE5 sections
Phineas Fletcher1 work
Planctus destructionis1 work
Plautus21 works
Pliny the Younger2 works
EPISTVLARVM LIBRI DECEM10 sections
Poggio Bracciolini1 work
Pomponius Mela1 work
DE CHOROGRAPHIA3 sections
Pontano1 work
Poree1 work
Porphyrius1 work
Precatio Terrae1 work
Priapea1 work
Professio Contra Priscillianum1 work
Propertius1 work
ELEGIAE4 sections
Prosperus3 works
Prudentius2 works
Pseudoplatonica12 works
Publilius Syrus1 work
Quintilian2 works
INSTITUTIONES12 sections
Raoul of Caen1 work
Regula ad Monachos1 work
Reposianus1 work
Ricardi de Bury1 work
Richerus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR4 sections
Rimbaud1 work
Ritchie's Fabulae Faciles1 work
Roman Epitaphs1 work
Roman Inscriptions1 work
Ruaeus1 work
Ruaeus' Aeneid1 work
Rutilius Lupus1 work
Rutilius Namatianus1 work
Sabinus1 work
EPISTULAE TRES AD OVIDIANAS EPISTULAS RESPONSORIAE3 sections
Sallust10 works
Sannazaro2 works
Scaliger1 work
Sedulius2 works
CARMEN PASCHALE5 sections
Seneca9 works
EPISTULAE MORALES AD LUCILIUM16 sections
QUAESTIONES NATURALES7 sections
DE CONSOLATIONE3 sections
DE IRA3 sections
DE BENEFICIIS3 sections
DIALOGI7 sections
FABULAE8 sections
Septem Sapientum1 work
Sidonius Apollinaris2 works
Sigebert of Gembloux3 works
Silius Italicus1 work
Solinus2 works
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI Mommsen 1st edition (1864)4 sections
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI C.L.F. Panckoucke edition (Paris 1847)4 sections
Spinoza1 work
Statius3 works
THEBAID12 sections
ACHILLEID2 sections
Stephanus de Varda1 work
Suetonius2 works
Sulpicia1 work
Sulpicius Severus2 works
CHRONICORUM LIBRI DUO2 sections
Syrus1 work
Tacitus5 works
Terence6 works
Tertullian32 works
Testamentum Porcelli1 work
Theodolus1 work
Theodosius16 works
Theophanes1 work
Thomas à Kempis1 work
DE IMITATIONE CHRISTI4 sections
Thomas of Edessa1 work
Tibullus1 work
TIBVLLI ALIORVMQUE CARMINVM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Tünger1 work
Valerius Flaccus1 work
Valerius Maximus1 work
FACTORVM ET DICTORVM MEMORABILIVM LIBRI NOVEM9 sections
Vallauri1 work
Varro2 works
RERVM RVSTICARVM DE AGRI CVLTURA3 sections
DE LINGVA LATINA7 sections
Vegetius1 work
EPITOMA REI MILITARIS LIBRI IIII4 sections
Velleius Paterculus1 work
HISTORIAE ROMANAE2 sections
Venantius Fortunatus1 work
Vico1 work
Vida1 work
Vincent of Lérins1 work
Virgil3 works
AENEID12 sections
ECLOGUES10 sections
GEORGICON4 sections
Vita Agnetis1 work
Vita Caroli IV1 work
Vita Sancti Columbae2 works
Vitruvius1 work
DE ARCHITECTVRA10 sections
Waardenburg1 work
Waltarius3 works
Walter Mapps2 works
Walter of Châtillon1 work
William of Apulia1 work
William of Conches2 works
William of Tyre1 work
HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM24 sections
Xylander1 work
Zonaras1 work
[1] Omnes homines cuiuslibet uel sectae uel uitae uel patriae ita semper ad prospectum prudentiae naturali bono eriguntur, ut oblectamento corporis rationale mentis etsi non actu praeferant, iudicio tamen praeferendum sciant. quae mens, ratione duce inlustrata, in medio uirtutum, quibus genuino fauore, quamuis uitiis inclinetur, adsurgit, scientiam Dei quasi arcem prospicit.2 Deum enim quilibet hominum contemnere ad tempus potest, nescire in totum non potest.
[1] All human beings, of whatever sect or life or fatherland, are thus always raised up by a natural good toward the prospect of prudence, so that they prefer the rational faculty of the mind to the delight of the body, even if not in act, yet they know by judgment that it is to be preferred. Which mind, illuminated with reason as leader, in the mean of the virtues—to which, with genuine favor, although it is inclined to vices, it rises—looks out upon the science of God as upon a citadel.2 For anyone of humankind can despise God for a time; he cannot be altogether ignorant of him.
whence certain men, while in many matters they believe in God, fashioned many gods by indiscriminate fear. But from this there has now been departure most of all, both with the authority of truth at work and with reason itself also examining. 3 For indeed even their philosophers—to be silent about our saints—while, with an intent study of mind, they seek and scrutinize all things, found one God, the author of all things, to whom alone all things are referred; whence even now the pagans, whom the truth now made manifest convicts more of contumacy than of ignorance, when they are examined by us, confess that they do not follow many gods, but that under one great God they venerate many ministers.
4 Therefore there remains, concerning the understanding of the true God, a dissension confused by many suspicions of understanding, since about the one God there is almost one opinion among all. Thus far human scrutiny, although with toil, could reach. But where ratiocination fails, faith comes to the aid.
for unless we have believed, we shall not understand: 5 you should hear from him and believe God himself concerning what you wish to know as true about God. And so the same one and true God, toward whom, as we said, though from diverse opinions, every sect converges, changing kingdoms and disposing times, and also punishing sins, chose the things which are weak of the world, that he might confound the strong, and founded the Roman empire by taking up a shepherd of the most poverty‑stricken status. 6 this, long carried forward through kings and consuls, after it had gotten possession of Asia, Africa, and Europe, he gathered all things, by his own ordination, to one emperor, the same both most strong and most clement.
7 under this emperor, whom almost all nations justly honored with love and fear commingled, the true God, who was being worshiped by the ignorant with solicitous superstition, opened that great fountain of his intelligence and, intending to teach men through a man, sent his Son, working miracles that would excel a man and convicting the daemons whom some would have supposed gods, so that those who had not believed him as a man would believe, by works, as of God; 8 then, so that in great silence and in very broad peace the glory of the new name and the swift fame of the announced salvation might run through without offense and quickly, or even so that, as his disciples were going through diverse nations and of their own accord offering the gifts of salvation to all, there would be safe liberty of going about and discoursing, indeed, for Roman citizens among Roman citizens.
9 Quod ideo commemorandum putaui, quia hic sextus libellus usque ad Caesarem Augustum, de quo haec dicuntur, extenditur. 10 quodsi aliqui hanc lucidissimam rationem inritam putant, suisque dis potius adsignant, quos primum prudentia elegerint deinde praecipuo cultu inuitarint, ut sibi per eos amplissimum hoc pulcherrimumque imperium conderetur - 11 sic enim iactitant, quia ipsi optimo genere sacrorum emeruerint praecipuum deorum fauorem, quibus ademptis uel praetermissis discesserint omnes
adytis arisque relictis
Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat -
12 unde, quamuis reuerentia sanctitatis tuae multa fortissime uerissimeque disseruerit, tamen et mihi locus exigit, ut pauca subiciam. 13 si Romani colendo deos emeruerunt fauorem deorum et non colendo amiserunt: ut ipse Romulus, parens Romae, inter tot mala ab ipso ortu suo ingruentia saluus esset, colendo quis meruit?
9 Which I thought ought to be commemorated for this reason, because this sixth little book extends down to Caesar Augustus, about whom these things are said. 10 But if some think this most lucid rationale null and instead assign it to their own gods, whom first by prudence they chose and then by exceptional cult they invited, so that through them for themselves this most ample and most beautiful empire might be founded— 11 for thus they boast, that by the best kind of sacred rites they earned the special favor of the gods, on the removal or neglect of whom all departed,
with sanctuaries and altars left behind,
the gods by whom this empire had stood —
12 whence, although the reverence of your sanctity has discussed many things most bravely and most truly, yet the place also requires that I subjoin a few. 13 If the Romans by worshipping the gods earned the favor of the gods and by not worshipping lost it: that Romulus himself, the parent of Rome, should be safe amid so many evils pressing on from his very birth—by worshipping, who earned it?
or the Alban forefathers, likewise persecuting from the beginning the germs of the Roman name? or all Italy, which for four hundred years, so long as it could dare, gaped after its destruction ? 15 not so, they say, but the gods themselves, because they knew themselves to be to be worshiped, guarded their future worshipers. therefore they are prescient.
16 If they are prescient, why did they bring this imperium, across the ages of so many years, precisely at that time to the summit-citadel of power, when he willed to be born among men and to be acknowledged as a man, after whose name both they themselves were held in contempt as nothing, and, together with the entire world, even those whom they themselves had advanced, ran? 17 But, they say, he crept in humbly and entered covertly. Of one hidden and humble, whence so celebrated a fame, so indubitable a faith, so manifest a power ? By certain signs and virtues he seized and held the minds of men made anxious by superstition.
But if a man could do these things, the gods ought all the more to have been able. 18 Or is it because he was proclaiming that this power had been handed down to himself by the Father, that there was at length an arrival at an understanding of that God known and unknown, which, as I said, no one can apprehend except through him? nor can anyone, unless, with his whole self inspected and despised, turned toward the Wisdom of God, he shall have transferred every ratiocination of seeking to the faith of believing.
19 Nevertheless I briefly discuss: those gods, whom they report to be so great that they seem, when propitious, to have advanced the Roman commonwealth and, when averse, to have afflicted it, at that very time—which is openly agreed—when Christ willed to be born and began to be announced to the nations, were being worshiped most devotedly and most intently. 20 So then, they, looking out both for themselves and for their worshipers, could not either restrain or repel his “superstition,” on account of which they saw that both they themselves would be scorned and their worshipers abandoned? Yet, if by the unwilling, pardon should be given and they ought not to have been deserted; if by the willing, their prescience should have been maintained and they ought not to have been helped earlier.
21 “This was done,” they say; “for we excited the nations, inflamed kings, instituted laws, appointed judges, prepared penalties with tortures and crosses, we scrutinized the whole orb, to see if in any way the Christian name and cult could be abraded from the entire world. 22 This was done to that extent, until fecund cruelty advanced so far, amid torments and through torments, as to seize the very royal summit, by which alone it could have been prohibited. 23 And what was achieved thereafter?”
Excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis
Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat.
24 O quanta et quam inoffensa lux ueritatis est, si non aduersus eam ultro sese offerentem inbecilli infeliciter oculi clauderentur! si Christiana fides per multa retro tempora saeuientibus undique aduersum se gentibus regibus legibus caedibus crucibus ac mortibus reprimi nullo modo potuit, immo, ut dixi, inter haec et per haec creuit, cultus autem idolorum iam quodammodo ex se deficiens ac sibi erubescens ad unam clementissimam iussionem sine ullo poenali terrore cessauit: 25 cui dubium est hoc per istius intellegentiae demonstrationem de creatore suo tandem innotuisse creaturae, quod illa eatenus per uarias ratiocinationes mentis, intentae quamlibet, aliis offuscata quaesierit ac per hoc statim amori eius, quem etiam ignorans dilexerat, inhaesisse?
the emperors, they say, the Christians, ordered the sacred rites to cease and the temples to be closed, and therefore
The gods, with the inner sanctuaries and the altars left behind, have departed—
the gods by whom this empire had stood.
24 O how great and how unoffending is the light of truth, if only weak eyes were not unhappily closed against it as it of its own accord presents itself! If the Christian faith through many bygone times, with nations, kings, laws raging on every side against it, with slaughters, crosses, and deaths, could in no way be repressed—nay rather, as I said, amid these and through these it grew—whereas the cult of idols, already in a certain way failing from itself and blushing at itself, at a single most clement command ceased without any penal terror: 25 who doubts that by the demonstration of His intelligence this has at last become known to the creature concerning its Creator, which until then it had sought through various ratiocinations of the mind, however intent, being clouded by other things, and that through this it immediately has clung to His love, which even while ignorant it had loved?
26 nor therefore is it a wonder, if in a great household there are found some slaves who, made accustomed by the habit and wantonness of seducers, abuse the patience of their own master unto contempt of him: whence also, with merit, God reproves the ungrateful, or the incredulous, or even the contumacious by various corrections; 27 which is always indeed to be confessed, yet especially then, when as yet through the whole world there was no Church which, by the intervention of the faithful prayers, his clemency having been entreated, might mitigate the merited penalties of the world and the just judgment of God: whence also these things which seem evils to men, of whatever sort they are, were all without doubt more grievous, as will be proved by the very order in which they were begun.
28 Bellum Mithridaticum uel, ut uerius dicam, belli Mithridatici clades multas simul inuoluens prouincias tracta et protenta per quadraginta annos fuit. 29 nam DCLXII, ut dixi, anno ab urbe condita, quo etiam primum ciuile bellum coeperat, inardescens, consulatu uero Ciceronis et Antonii, ut uerbis poetae optimi loquar,
barbarico uix consummata ueneno est.
30 sed in his temporibus triginta gerendi belli inueniuntur anni.
28 The Mithridatic War—or, to speak more truly, the disaster of the Mithridatic war, enveloping many provinces at once—was drawn out and protracted through forty years. 29 For in the 662nd year from the founding of the City, as I said, in which year also the first civil war had begun, blazing up; and in the consulship of Cicero and Antonius, to speak in the words of the best poet,
was scarcely consummated by barbaric poison.
30 But in these times there are found thirty years of waging war.
[2] Igitur Mithridates rex Ponti atque Armeniae postquam Nicomedem Bithyniae regem amicum populi Romani regno priuare molitus est atque a senatu monitus, si facere temptaret, bellum sibi a populo Romano inferendum fore, iratus Cappadociam continuo peruasit atque expulso ab ea Ariobarzane rege cunctam prouinciam igni ferroque uastauit.2 Bithyniam deinde pari clade corripuit. Paphlagoniam simili exitu adflixit pulsis ex ea Pylaemene et Nicomede regibus.
[2] Therefore Mithridates, king of Pontus and Armenia, after he attempted to deprive Nicomedes, king of Bithynia and an ally of the Roman People, of his kingdom, and was warned by the Senate that, if he should attempt to do this, war would be brought upon him by the Roman People, in anger immediately invaded Cappadocia and, Ariobarzanes the king having been driven out from it, laid waste the whole province by fire and sword.2 Then he swept Bithynia with an equal disaster. He afflicted Paphlagonia with a like outcome, with the kings Pylaemenes and Nicomedes driven out from it.
after he had come to Ephesus, he commanded by a cruel edict that throughout all Asia, whoever Roman citizens were found, all should be slain on a single day. 3 And so it was done; nor can it in any way be explicated or comprehended by words, what multitude of Roman citizens was then cut down, what mourning of very many provinces, what groaning there was of those to be killed and of those killing alike, since each and every person was compelled either to betray innocent guests and friends, or themselves to be imperiled by the penalty for their guests. 4 Archelaus too, the general of Mithridates, sent ahead into Achaia with 120 thousand foot and horse, secured Athens and all Greece partly by force and partly by surrender.
5 Sulla, to whom after his consulship the Mithridatic war had fallen, long besieged Archelaus at the Piraeus, the port of the Athenians, fortified with a sevenfold wall; he took the city of the Athenians itself by force. Afterwards he clashed with Archelaus in a regular battle: 110,000 of Archelaus’s army were slain, scarcely 10,000 are reported to have survived. 6 Once the disaster was learned, Mithridates sent from Asia to Archelaus, as reinforcement, the choicest 70,000 soldiers.
In the second battle, fifty thousand of these were slain, and there Diogenes, the son of Archelaus, was butchered. 7 In the third war all the forces which Archelaus had were extinguished. For twenty thousand of his soldiers, driven into a marsh, when they were imploring Sulla’s good faith, were killed by the insatiable wrath of the victor, and just as many others were forced into a river and drowned, the rest of the wretches were slaughtered everywhere.
8 moreover Mithridates in Asia had intended to kill the leading men of the most noble cities and to confiscate and declare their goods public. and when he had already killed 1,600 thus, the Ephesians, fearing the precedent, with his garrison shut out, shut their gates; similarly the Smyrnaeans, the Sardians, the Colophonians, and the Trallians did. 9 disturbed, Mithridates, through Archelaus his commander, made a pact about peace with Sulla.
Meanwhile Fimbria, a satellite of the Marian crimes, a man most audacious of all, killed the consul Flaccus, to whom he had gone as legate, at Nicomedia; 10 and soon, having seized the army, he drove the son of Mithridates from Asia to Miletopolis, assails the king’s station, and drives him himself from Pergamum; and, pursuing him in flight, he besieged him at Pitane, and he would certainly have taken him, if Lucius Lucullus had preferred the care of the republic to civil discords and had wished to hem him in by sea by an interposed fleet. 11 Then Fimbria, angry with the Ilians, by whom, for zeal toward Sulla’s party, he seemed to have been driven back by the barring of the gates, utterly destroyed the city of Ilium itself, that ancient parent of Rome, with slaughter and conflagration. But Sulla rebuilt it forthwith.
That same Fimbria, at Thyatira, when he was being besieged by Sulla’s army, driven by desperation was slain by his own hand in the temple of Aesculapius. 12 Fannius and Magius, fugitives from Fimbria’s army, joined themselves to Mithridates; at whose urging Mithridates made a treaty with Sertorius through legates sent into Spain. Sertorius sent to him M. Marius for the purpose of strengthening the treaty; whom the king, having kept with him, soon made general in the place of Archelaus, who had betaken himself to Sulla with his wife and children.
13 Marius and Eumachus, commanders sent by Mithridates against Lucullus, having in a short time assembled a great army, engaged with P. Rutilius near Chalcedon and cut him down together with a very great part of his army. 14 Lucullus, with a trench, encircled Mithridates while he was besieging the Cyzicenes, and compelled him to undergo what he himself was doing, and he sent a message to the Cyzicenes themselves, that they should be of good courage, by one of the soldiers skilled in swimming: suspended by two skins, he himself holding a pole in the middle and sculling with his soles, he crossed seven miles. 15 Mithridates, laboring under scarcity, ordered part of his forces, equipped with arms, to go home; which Lucullus, intercepting, utterly destroyed, for it is reported that at that time he killed more than fifteen thousand men.
16 then also Fannius, who had joined himself to Mithridates, and Metrophanes, the royal praetor, defeated by Mamercus, fled with two thousand cavalry into Moesia; and from there, having gone off into Maeonia, they came upon the Inarime hills and plains. 17 there not only are mountains seen burnt, or rocks darkened as if by a certain soot, but even the fields, with the soil scorched, lie squalid for fifty miles without a single sign of fire or furnace, and, with pendulous ash sinking into the depths, they lie crumbling; in three places as well torrid chasms are shown, which the Greeks call physae. 18 in which, wandering for a long time, they were at last removed from unexpected dangers and came secretly into the king’s camp.
19 Interea Mithridates apud Cyzicum eadem mora, qua obsidebat, obsessus in magnam penuriam pestilentiamque exercitum suum coartauit. nam plus quam trecenta milia hominum fame et morbo in eadem obsidione amisisse fertur; ipse cum paucis arrepta naui clam fugit e castris. 20 Lucullus, incruento milite spectator cladis alienae, nouum genus uictoriae adeptus est; mox Marium adortus uicit fugauitque: in quo proelio plus quam undecim milia Marianorum militum interfecta referuntur.
19 Meanwhile Mithridates at Cyzicus, by the same delay with which he was besieging, being himself besieged, constrained his army into great penury and pestilence. For he is said to have lost more than 300,000 men by hunger and disease in that same siege; he himself, with a few, having seized a ship, secretly fled from the camp. 20 Lucullus, with his soldiery unbloodied, a spectator of another’s disaster, obtained a new kind of victory; soon, having assailed Marius, he conquered and routed him: in which battle more than 11,000 soldiers of Marius are reported to have been slain.
21 Lucullus afterwards, having engaged with that same Marius in a naval battle, either sank or captured thirty-two royal ships and several transport ships. Many there, of those whom Sulla had proscribed, were slain. 22 Marius, on the next day, dragged out of the cave where he was hiding, paid the deserved penalties for his hostile spirit.
23 And with that same impetus Lucullus laid waste Apamea and, beneath Mount Olympus, he captured, stormed, and plundered Prusa, a most strongly fortified city. 24 Mithridates, sailing against Byzantium with a marshaled fleet, being caught by a tempest, lost eighty rostrate ships; he himself, as he was being sunk with his already battered ship, leapt onto the myoparon of the pirate Seleucus, the pirate himself aiding. Thence he reached Sinope, and afterward Amisus, with great difficulty.
[3] Eodem anno apud Romam Catilina incesti accusatus, quod cum Fabia uirgine Vestali commisisse arguebatur, Catuli gratia fultus euasit.
[3] In the same year at Rome, Catiline, accused of incest, because he was alleged to have committed it with Fabia, a Vestal virgin, supported by the favor of Catulus, escaped.
2 Lucullus Sinopem expugnaturus obsederat; hanc Seleucus archipirata et Cleochares spado, qui praesidii causa praeerant, expilatam atque incensam reliquerunt. 3 Lucullus miserorum hostium intestina clade permotus celeri occursu inmissum restinxit incendium. ita misera ciuitas uersa uice hostium sociorumque unde defendenda disperdita et unde disperdenda seruata est.
2 Lucullus, intending to storm Sinope, had besieged it; Seleucus the arch‑pirate and Cleochares the eunuch, who were in command for the sake of the garrison, left it plundered and set aflame. 3 Lucullus, moved by the internal slaughter of the wretched enemies, by swift succor extinguished the conflagration that had been set. Thus the wretched city, with the roles of enemies and allies reversed, was destroyed by those by whom it ought to have been defended, and was saved by those by whom it ought to have been destroyed.
5 Eodem tempore Metellus Siciliae praetor cum foedissima illa C. Verris praetura Siciliam adflictam inuenisset, maxime Pyrganione archipirata nefariis praedis et caedibus dilacerante, qui pulsa classe Romana Syracusanum portum obtinuerat - quem mox nauali terrestrique proelio comminutum Sicilia decedere conpulit. 6 praeterea Lucullus transgressus Euphraten et Tigrim, apud Tigranocertam urbem cum Mithridate et Tigrane congressus paruissima suorum manu magnum hostium numerum occidit; nam triginta milia hominum in eo bello caesa referuntur. 7 Tigranes uix centum quinquaginta equitibus comitatus aufugit diademate et tiara ne agnosceretur abiectis.
5 At the same time Metellus, praetor of Sicily, when he had found Sicily afflicted by that most disgraceful praetorship of Gaius Verres, especially with Pyrganion the archipirate rending it with nefarious plunders and slaughters, who, the Roman fleet having been driven back, had occupied the Syracusan harbor - whom soon, shattered in a naval and a terrestrial battle, he compelled to depart from Sicily. 6 Moreover, Lucullus, having crossed the Euphrates and the Tigris, near the city Tigranocerta, having engaged with Mithridates and Tigranes, with a very small band of his own slew a great number of the enemy; for thirty thousand men are reported to have been cut down in that war. 7 Tigranes fled, accompanied by scarcely 150 horsemen, having cast away his diadem and tiara lest he be recognized.
[4] Isdem diebus piratae per omnia sparsi maria et iam non tantum intercipientes nauium commeatus sed etiam insulas prouinciasque uastantes, inpunitate sceleris et auiditate praedae uulgo sese adsociantibus in inmensum augebantur: quos Cn. Pompeius post multam quidem uastationem, quam terra marique diu egerant, mira tamen celeritate conpressit.
[4] In those same days pirates, scattered through all the seas, and now not only intercepting the convoys of ships but even ravaging islands and provinces, were being augmented to an immense degree, as the impunity of crime and the avidity for booty led people in crowds to associate themselves; whom Cn. Pompeius, after indeed much devastation which they had long wrought on land and sea, nevertheless with wondrous celerity suppressed.
The Romans, afterwards, as if attacking unarmed men, conquered without effort. 5 For of the royal army 40 thousand were slain or captured; the Romans had a thousand wounded, and scarcely forty killed. 6 The king, slipping away in flight amid the tumult of war, aided also by the benefit of a dimly lit night, escaped; and, left by all his friends—philosophers, writers of histories or of poems, and physicians—alone, through byways dragging his horse by the hand and trembling at every nocturnal noise, he turned aside into a certain castle and from there proceeded into Armenia.
7 Pompey, about to pursue the king, between two rivers, which arise from one mountain from different caverns, that is, the Euphrates and the Araxes, founded the city Nicopolis for old men, camp-followers, and such of the sick as were willing. 8 To Tigranes begging, he granted pardon; he defeated in battle three times the army of Orodes, king of the Albanians, and his prefects; afterward he gladly accepted the letters of Orodes and gifts for the sake of peace to be restored with the Albanians; he routed Artaces, king of Iberia, in war and received all Iberia into surrender. 9 Thence, when he had settled matters with affairs ordered in Armenia, Colchis, Cappadocia, and Syria, advancing from Pontus into Parthia he came on the 50th day to the city Ecbatana, the capital of the Parthian kingdom.
[5] In Bosforo Mithridate Cerealia sacra celebrante terrae motus adeo grauis repente exortus est, ut magna clades ex ea urbium atque agrorum secuta narretur.2 eadem tempore Castor Mithridatis praefectus, qui Phanagorio praeerat, interfectis amicis regiis arcem occupauit et quattuor Mithridatis filios ad praesidia Romana transmisit. 3 Mithridates accensus ira in scelera exarsit.
[5] In the Bosporus, while Mithridates was celebrating the Cerealia sacred rites, an earthquake so grievous suddenly arose that a great disaster of cities and fields is related to have followed from it.2 At the same time Castor, Mithridates’ prefect, who presided over Phanagoria, after the royal friends had been slain, seized the citadel and sent four of Mithridates’ sons over to the Roman garrisons. 3 Mithridates, inflamed with anger, blazed forth into crimes.
for at that time he killed several of his friends and his son Exipodras, although earlier he had already butchered Machares by another parricide; 4 Pharnaces, his other son, terrified by the example of his brothers, won over to himself the army sent to pursue him and soon led it against his father. 5 Mithridates, after long entreating his son in vain from a very high wall, when he saw him inexorable, is said, as he was about to die, to have cried out: 'Since Pharnaces', he says, 'orders me to die, you, if you exist, native gods, I pray that whenever he too may hear this voice from his own children.' And immediately descending to his wives, concubines, and daughters, he gave poison to all. 6 and when he himself, last, had drunk it, yet, because of the remedies with which he had often obstructed his vitals against noxious juices, he could not be done to death by the poison; and he paced about in vain, in case somehow the infused pestilence, driven by the body’s vegetation, might run through his veins, he invited a certain Gallic soldier, running about now that the wall had been broken, and offered him his throat.
8 Si estis, inquit, di patrii. ita ille diu colendo ac diu quaerendo persenserat hos non esse certos deos, qui esse putabantur. rex multae experientiae atque aeuo grauis uerum Deum, ad cuius notitiam non nisi auditu per fidem uenitur, non intellegebat.
8 “If you exist,” he said, “ancestral gods.” Thus he, by long worshipping and long seeking, had perceived that these, who were thought to be gods, were not certain gods. The king, of much experience and grown heavy with age, did not understand the true God, to whose knowledge one comes only by hearing through faith.
but he had seen through by the very light of reason that these were false, assigning one thing to custom and another to his own mind. 9 “If you are, gods,” he says, that is to say: “I, sensing that above man there is a power more potent than man himself, moved by the necessity of praying, commend diligence and excuse my ignorance; I invoke Him who is, while I address him who is not.” 10 Wherefore with sorrow and fear it must be considered: with what punishment and by what judgment will they be worthy, who, against the interdict of truth already divulged and public, follow and worship gods about whom even those men could already then have doubted, who up to that time could know nothing besides those same ones.
11 however, I briefly set forth: what times then seemed to the whole Orient, when for forty years the miserable nations were worn down by the alternating devastations of such great leaders; when each city, caught in the middle by such great clashes, was inevitably imperiled, thereby destined to kindle the other side whence it had restrained the other, soon to have as punishment that which it had had as a remedy for a time; 12 when the trembling legations of diverse provinces, between the succeeding generals of the Romans and Mithridates, more truculent in notoriety, were shifted by turns to each, as the lot of war was exalting each one, and with uncertain satisfactions were transferring themselves, augmenting the dangers which they were healing? 13 for what Pompey forthwith—and indeed Pompey, a man most moderate of the Romans—did through very many parts of the Orient, the Mithridatic war having been finished, I will bring forward in few words.
[6] Anno ab urbe condita DCLXXXVIIII M. Tullio Cicerone et C. Antonio consulibus Pompeius occisi Mithridatis nuntio accepto Syriam Coelen et Phoenicen bello adgressus, Ituraeos primum Arabasque perdomuit urbemque eorum, quam Petram nominant, cepit;2 hinc ad Iudaeos, quibus Aristobulus expulso fratre Hyrcano primus ex sacerdote rex praeerat, atque ad Hierosolymam urbem eorum Gabinium cum exercitu mittit. ipse continuo subsecutus et a patribus urbe susceptus sed a plebe muro templi repulsus expugnationem eius intendit. 3 id non solum natura loci, uerum etiam ingenti muro fossaque maxima munitum, cum alias aliis legiones dies noctesque succedere sine requie cogeret, uix tertio mense expugnauit.
[6] In the year from the founding of the city 689, with M. Tullius Cicero and C. Antonius as consuls, Pompey, upon receiving the message of the slain Mithridates, attacked Coele Syria and Phoenicia in war; first he thoroughly subdued the Ituraeans and the Arabs and took their city, which they call Petra;2 thence to the Jews—over whom Aristobulus, with his brother Hyrcanus driven out, was presiding, the first to be king from the priesthood—and he sends Gabinius with an army to their city Jerusalem. He himself, following immediately, and received in the city by the fathers but repulsed by the plebs at the wall of the temple, aimed at its assault. 3 This, fortified not only by the nature of the place but also by a huge wall and a very great ditch, while he compelled legions by turns to relieve one another day and night without rest, he scarcely took by storm in the third month.
Thirteen thousand of the Jews are reported to have been slain there; the rest of the multitude came into allegiance. 4 Pompey ordered the walls of the city to be overthrown and leveled to the ground, and, when he had struck with the axe several leaders of the Jews, he restored Hyrcanus to the priesthood, and led Aristobulus captive to Rome. Pompey himself, before a public assembly, narrated that he had conducted this war of the Orient with twenty-two kings.
5 Interea coniuratio Catilinae aduersus patriam per eosdem dies in urbe habita et prodita, in Etruria uero ciuili bello extincta est; Romae conscii coniurationis occisi sunt. 6 sed hanc historiam agente Cicerone et describente Sallustio satis omnibus notam nunc a nobis breuiter fuisse perstrictam sat est. 7 motus etiam in Paelignis ortus a Marcellis patre et filio per L. Vettium proditus patefacta Catilinae coniuratione quasi succisa radice compressus est, et de utroque per Bibulum in Paelignis, per Ciceronem in Bruttiis uindicatum est.
5 Meanwhile, Catiline’s conspiracy against the fatherland in those same days was conducted in the city and betrayed, and in Etruria was extinguished by a civil war; at Rome the accomplices of the conspiracy were slain. 6 But since this history—Cicero acting and Sallust describing—it is sufficiently well known to all, it is enough that it has now been briefly touched upon by us. 7 A disturbance also among the Paeligni, raised by the Marcelli, father and son, was betrayed by L. Vettius; with Catiline’s conspiracy laid open, it was suppressed as if its root had been cut, and for both matters punishment was exacted—by Bibulus among the Paeligni, by Cicero in the Bruttii.
[7] Anno ab urbe condita DCXCIII C. Caesare et L. Bibulo consulibus lege Vatinia Caesari tres prouinciae cum legionilbus septem in quinquennium datae Gallia Transalpina et Cisalpina et Illyricus; Galliam Comatam postea senatus adiecit.
[7] In the year from the founding of the City 693, with C. Caesar and L. Bibulus as consuls, by the Vatinian law three provinces were given to Caesar with seven legions for a quinquennium: Transalpine Gaul and Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum; later the senate added Long‑haired Gaul (Gallia Comata).
3 Heluetiorum animos, fortissimae Gallorum omnium gentis ea uel maxime causa quod perpetuo paene cum Germanis bello altercabantur a quibus Rheno tantum flumine dirimuntur, Orgetorix quidam princeps gentis spe totas inuadendi Gallias in arma accenderat. 4 quo ceteri optimates correpto et ad mortem coacto cohibere tamen semel animatas in praedam plebes nequiuerunt. qui coniuratione facta ac die dicta, exustis uicis ac domibus suis, ne quod desiderium ex spe reuertendi foret, profecti sunt.
3 The spirits of the Helvetii, the bravest nation of all the Gauls, above all for this very cause—that they were almost continually altercating in war with the Germans, from whom they are separated only by the river Rhine—a certain Orgetorix, a prince of the tribe, had enkindled to arms with the hope of invading all the Gauls. 4 When he was seized and compelled to death, the other optimates nevertheless were not able to restrain the plebs, once aroused for booty. They, a conjuration having been made and a day declared, with their villages and houses burned, lest there be any longing from the hope of returning, set out.
5 when Caesar had encountered them at the river Rhone, he twice conquered them in a great and difficult war and forced the vanquished to surrender. Their total, when it first set out, was the whole multitude of Helvetians, Tulingi, Latobogii, Rauraci, and Boii, of both sexes, to 157,000 persons. Of these, 47,000 fell in war; the rest were sent back into their own lands.
6 Postea Caesar contra Ariouistum regem excitantem inuehentemque secum incredibiles Germanorum copias, quibus nuper uniuersos Galliarum populos se subegisse iactabat, apud Sequanos uicit, cum diu exercitus Caesaris Germanorum multitudine et uirtute perterritus pugnam detrectasset. 7 statim Ariouistus in Germaniam, arrepta nauicula Rhenum transuectus, effugit, uxores eius duae totidemque filiae captae sunt. fuerunt autem in exercitu Ariouisti Arudes Marcomanes Triboci Vangiones Nemetes Eduses et Suebi.
6 Afterward Caesar defeated, among the Sequani, King Ariovistus, who was stirring up and bringing with him incredible forces of the Germans, by which he was boasting that he had recently subdued all the peoples of Gaul; although for a long time Caesar’s army, thoroughly terrified by the multitude and valor of the Germans, had shunned battle. 7 Immediately Ariovistus fled into Germany, having seized a little boat and, conveyed across the Rhine, escaped; his two wives and just as many daughters (two) were captured. Moreover, in Ariovistus’s army were the Arudes, Marcomanni, Triboci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Eduses, and Suebi.
8 the battle was most severe on account of the phalanx of the Germans, which, with the column massed into one and the shields interlaced above their heads, they had prepared in front, safe on every side, to burst into the Roman battle-line. 9 but after some of the Roman soldiers, distinguished for agility and audacity, leapt upon the drawn-over testudo, and, the shields torn off one by one like scales, from above pierced the bare shoulders of those caught and exposed, the enemies, terrified by this new peril of death, dissolved the terrible framework. 10 thereafter, turned to flight, they were insatiably cut down over fifty miles, nor could the number of the Germans be conjectured, either how many had been present at the battle or how many had been slain.
11 Post haec Belgarum gens, quae tertia pars Galliarum est, aduersus Caesarem exarsit: 12 quorum distributim copia haec fuit. Bellouagui, qui ceteris numero et uirtute praestare uiderentur, habuere lectissima sexaginta milia armatorum; Suessones ex duodecim oppidis quinquaginta milia; 13 Neruii, quorum adeo indomita feritas praedicabatur, ut numquam in id temporis mercatores ad se admiserint uina ceteraque uenalia deferre, quibus inducta iucunditas torporem uirtutis adferret, habuerunt similiter quinquaginta milia; 14 Atrebates etiam et Ambiani decem milia, Morini uiginti quinque milia, Menapii nouem milia, Caleti decem milia, Veliocasses et Veromandi aeque decem milia, Atuatuci decem et octo milia; Condurses Eborones Caerosi Caemani, qui uno nomine Germani uocantur, quadraginta milia. 15 ita fuisse referuntur CCLXXII milia armatorum lectissima.
11 After these things the nation of the Belgae, which is a third part of the Gauls, flared up against Caesar: 12 of whom the force, itemized, was as follows. The Bellovaci, who seemed to excel the others in number and in virtue, had the most select sixty thousand armed men; the Suessiones, from twelve towns, fifty thousand; 13 the Nervii, whose untamed ferocity was so proclaimed that never up to that time had they admitted merchants to them to bring in wines and the other wares for sale, by the inducement of which pleasantness a torpor of virtue might be brought on, had likewise fifty thousand; 14 the Atrebates also and the Ambiani ten thousand, the Morini twenty-five thousand, the Menapii nine thousand, the Caleti ten thousand, the Veliocasses and the Veromandui equally ten thousand, the Atuatuci eighteen thousand; the Condurses, Eborones, Caerosi, Caemani, who by one name are called Germans, forty thousand. 15 thus they are reported to have been 272 thousand of the most select armed men.
[8] Igitur Caesar magnis in Gallia rebus gestis cum in Italiam proficisci decreuisset, Galbam cum legione duodecima ad Veragros Sedunosque misit.2 qui cum hiemandi causa in uico Veragrorum, cui nomen erat Octodurus, consedisset mediamque oppidi partem, quae torrente distinguebatur, accolis concessisset, quadam die eosdem discessisse per noctem ac proximo insedisse colli uidet. 3 quippe illi paucitatem uix mediae legionis despectui habentes ultroneam sibi praedam nullo cessuram negotio arbitrabantur finitimosque suos in hanc caedis ac praedae societatem uocauerant.
[8] Therefore, Caesar, great things having been achieved in Gaul, when he had decided to set out into Italy, sent Galba with the Twelfth legion to the Veragri and the Seduni.2 He, when for the sake of wintering he had taken up position in the village of the Veragri, whose name was Octodurus, and had conceded to the locals the middle part of the town, which was separated by a torrent, on a certain day sees that these same men had departed during the night and had occupied the neighboring hill. 3 For indeed they, holding in contempt the scantiness of scarcely half a legion, supposed that booty would of its own accord not fail them, with no trouble at all, and had called their neighbors into this partnership of slaughter and plunder.
4 therefore Galba, hemmed in by such present perils and alarmed, and amid various consultations uncertain of a sure plan, suddenly the Gauls, poured out in a descent from the mountain, surround the unfinished camp, and they load the scattered defenders along the rampart with stones and missiles. 5 and when now the camp was being stormed, by the counsel of Pacuvius the primipilaris and the tribune Volusenus all the Romans burst forth through the gates, and, having suddenly attacked the incautious enemies, first threw them into confusion, then, when they had been turned to flight, routed them with a miserable carnage. for more than 30,000 barbarians are reported then to have been cut down.
6 Igitur Caesar cum iam pacatas uniuersas Galliarum gentes putaret, ad nouum et maximum bellum retractus est. 7 namque dum P. Crassus adulescens cum legione septima Oceano tenus apud Andicauos hiemat, Veneti ceterique confines repente in arma coniurant, legatos Romanorum uinciunt eosque ita demum se reddituros, si obsides suos recipiant, Romanis indicant. 8 socios sibi ad id bellum Osismos Lexouios Namnetes Ambiuaritos Morinos Diablintes et Menapios adsciscunt; auxilia quoque a Britannia arcessunt.
6 Therefore Caesar, when he already thought all the nations of Gaul pacified, was drawn back to a new and very great war. 7 For while P. Crassus, a youth, with the seventh legion, was wintering up to the Ocean among the Andicavos, the Veneti and the rest of the bordering peoples suddenly conspire to arms, they bind the envoys of the Romans and indicate to the Romans that they will return them only thus, if they receive back their own hostages. 8 They adscribe to themselves as allies for that war the Osismi, Lexovii, Namnetes, Ambivariti, Morini, Diablintes, and Menapii; they also summon auxiliaries from Britain.
9 Caesar, made more certain through Crassus about the rebellion of the surrendered peoples, although he understood how great the difficulty of entering upon a war would be, yet judged that the matter of so great an undertaking was not to be neglected, lest by example a license of daring of this sort be loosened to the rest; 10 and so, having attempted in vain to pursue the enemies with a land battle—for indeed the enemies were fortified by estuaries poured in from the Ocean and by inaccessible recesses, within safe bays of the lands—he orders long ships to be built on the river Liger; 11 by which, led down into the Ocean, as soon as they were seen by the enemies, at once two hundred twenty of their ships, prepared and most fully equipped with every kind of armament, advanced and took their stand opposite from the harbor. 12 As Brutus looked around, he saw that a sea-fight of ships was by far unequal, because the ships of the barbarians, woven together with solid timber and hardened with very strong hulls, blunted the blows of the beaked ships’ rams driven in like stones; 13 his first aid was this: that he had prepared very sharp sickles, not stubbornly fixed to poles but fastened beneath by ropes, with which, when there was need, having seized the rigging at a distance, by drawing back the sickle along the rope with the shafts pulled back, they might cut them. 14 These being quickly made ready, he ordered the gear of the enemies’ yards to be broken apart: thus, the yards collapsing, he at once rendered several ships motionless, as if captured.
15 Others, terrified by this peril, with sails hoisted, tried to flee whither the wind set; but when the wind soon ceased, abandoned, they were a laughingstock to the Romans. 16 And so, with all the ships set on fire and the Gauls who had fought slain, all the rest surrendered themselves. 17 But Caesar, chiefly on account of the injury to the legates and in order to brand upon a people mobile to every counsel the mark of a terrible example, after all the chieftains were killed by tortures, sold the rest under the crown (i.e., at auction). 18 In the same days, Titurius Sabinus annihilated with incredible slaughter the Aulerci Eburovices and the Lexovii, who had killed their leading men because they were unwilling to be authors of rekindling the war, making a sortie.
19 Publius Crassus, when he had arrived in Aquitania, was received with war. For the Sontiates, with a great cavalry and very powerful infantry forces, having attacked the Romans, for a long time seriously threw them into disorder; 20 afterward, defeated and forced into the town of the Sontiates and besieged, when they saw that they were being stormed, with their arms handed over they were accepted into surrender. 21 The Aquitani, moved by the calamity, gather an army from all sides; from Hither Spain as well they summon auxiliaries; they appoint as leaders in the war chiefly those who had served with Sertorius.
22 all of them, while they were preparing a siege for Crassus, were destroyed, with Crassus overwhelming them in their own camp. For of the Aquitanians and Cantabrians, of whom 50,000 had then come as aid, 38,000 are reported slain. 23 Caesar, having assailed the Germans—who had crossed the Rhine with immense forces and at the same time were preparing to subject the whole of Gaul to themselves—cut them down in war to extermination.
[9] Tunc Caesar in Germaniam facto ponte transgreditur, Sugambros et Ubios obsidione liberat; Suebos maximam et ferocissimam gentem, quorum esse centum pagos et populos multi prodidere, totamque Germaniam aduentu suo terret; mox in Galliam rescisso ponte concedit.2 inde ad Morinos uenit, unde in Britanniam proximus et breuissimus transitus est. nauibus circiter onerariis atque actuariis octoginta praeparatis in Britanniam transuehitur.
[9] Then Caesar crosses into Germany, after a bridge had been constructed; he frees the Sugambri and the Ubii from siege; the Suebi, the greatest and most ferocious nation—of whom many have reported that there are a hundred cantons and peoples—and he terrifies all Germany by his arrival; soon, with the bridge broken down, he withdraws into Gaul.2 thence he comes to the Morini, whence the passage into Britain is the nearest and shortest. With about eighty transport and dispatch ships prepared, he is carried across into Britain.
where, wearied first by a bitter battle, then seized by an adverse tempest, he scattered a very great part of the fleet and no small number of soldiers, and indeed almost all the cavalry. 3 Having returned into Gaul, he dismissed the legions into winter quarters and ordered six hundred ships of both uses to be made. 4 With these, conveyed again into Britain at the beginning of spring, while he himself advances against the enemy with the army, the ships, standing at anchor, caught by a tempest, were either dashed together one against another or driven upon the sands and broken up: of these forty perished, the rest were repaired with great difficulty.
5 Caesar’s cavalry, in the first encounter, was defeated by the Britons, and there Labienus the tribune was killed. In the second battle, with great peril to his own men, he turned the Britons to flight, having defeated them. 6 Thence he set out to the river Thames, which they report to be passable by fords in only one place.
on its farther bank Cassovellaunus as leader an immense multitude of enemies had taken position and had barricaded the bank of the river and nearly the whole ford beneath the water with very sharp stakes. 7 when this was detected and avoided by the Romans, the barbarians, not bearing the onrush of the legions, hid themselves in the forests, whence by frequent eruptions they grievously and often lacerated the Romans. 8 meanwhile, the Trinobantes, the firmest civitas, with Mandubracius as leader, having given forty hostages, surrendered themselves to Caesar.
9 Following this example, many other cities came into the treaty of the Romans; and with these same men pointing the way, Caesar at length, after a severe battle, took the stronghold of Cassouellaunus, set between two marshes, fortified besides by the screen of woods, and crammed with every kind of resource.
[10] Exim Caesar a Britannis reuersus in Galliam postquam legiones in hiberna misit, repentinis bellorum tumultibus undique circumuentus et conflictatus est. namque Ambiorix cum Eburonibus et Atuatucis conspirans, animatus Treuerorum consilio Cottam et Sabinum legatos apud Eburonas cum tota funditus legione insidiis circumuentos interfecit.2 Ambiorix hac uictoria elatus Atuatucos et Neruios plurimosque alios raptim ad arma contrahit atque ad Ciceronem legatum, qui similiter tunc legioni in hibernis praeerat, contendit.
[10] Then Caesar, returned from the Britons into Gaul, after he sent the legions into winter quarters, was on all sides encompassed and harried by sudden tumults of wars. For Ambiorix, conspiring with the Eburones and the Atuatuci, animated by the counsel of the Treveri, killed the legates Cotta and Sabinus among the Eburones, they, with their entire legion, having been utterly ensnared by ambush.2 Ambiorix, elated by this victory, swiftly draws the Atuatuci and the Nervii and very many others to arms, and hastens against the legate Cicero, who likewise at that time was in command of a legion in winter quarters.
3 The multitude of the enemy could be inferred from this: because, when in the siege of the camp they were being taught by Roman captives that a rampart had to be drawn around, and they did not have rural instruments, by cutting the earth with their swords and carrying it out with their little cloaks, they completed in scarcely 3 hours a rampart of 10 feet and a ditch of 15 feet, for 15 miles in circumference. Moreover, they constructed 120 towers of wondrous height. 4 And when now for 7 days and nights the wedges of the enemy were fighting in succession, and a very strong wind had suddenly arisen, they hurled red-hot tiles with slings, and missiles kindled at the hearths, and soon, once fire was caught and they were glowing red, they threw them inside the camp.
5 With this done, over the thatched rooftops the wind, pressing on swiftly, enlivened the scattered conflagration. But not even thus did the Romans, though they were being overwhelmed on every side, yield to wounds, labors, vigils, fasts, or fires. 6 At length it was reported to Caesar that one legion had been obliterated, the other now almost finished off.
7 with Caesar approaching with two legions, the enemies abandon the siege and all, their forces hastily snatched up, rush upon him. Caesar, by design, established himself in a very small camp, and, the cavalry having been sent ahead to feign flight, he ordered that, at the crossing of the valley, which was in the middle and seemed dangerous to himself, they should invite the enemy out of contempt for him. 8 as they were approaching, moreover, he commanded that the gates be blocked up.
On seeing this, the Gauls, as if they had already won, turned to draw a rampart from the outside. Caesar suddenly, through all the gates, poured forth the army he had prepared and, turning the Gauls to flight, finished them off with the utmost slaughter. 9 For 60,000 are reported to have been there then, of whom a few escaped through pathless marshes.
10 Indutiomarus, princeps of the Treveri, having great forces of armed men, after he was made certain about the consensus of all Gaul, decided to destroy Labienus’s camp and the legion which he commanded—which he judged easy to do—and then, conjoined with the Eburones and the Nervii, to proceed to crush Caesar. 11 Labienus, by whatever arts he can, feigns fear, and so, when Indutiomarus, more negligent, was wandering before the rampart with his taunting troops, he laid him low by a sudden sally. 12 By this victory of Labienus the remaining attempts of the Gauls were repressed, and Caesar was a little quieter for the remaining part of the winter.
13 but understanding that greater business of war remained for him, especially because, with a very great part of the army lost and others grievously wounded, he seemed not even fit for sustaining, not to say for repressing, the onrush of the Gauls, he requests that legions be conscribed by Cn. Pompeius, proconsul, and sent to him as aid: and so, before the winter was completed, three legions came to him into the camp. 14 therefore Caesar, before the forces of the enemies could cohere into one, at the opening of spring prepares to aggress upon the alarmed and to overwhelm them, scattered in their own borders. first therefore he despoils the borders of the Nervii, but the booty, which was most copious, he permits to the army.
15 then he invades the Menapii, who seemed to him most fortified on account of the immense swamps and the most impassable forests, in three columns; and, with excessive slaughter the populace having been thrown into turmoil, he received the remaining as suppliants into surrender. 16 Labienus, in the following battle, destroyed all the forces of the Treveri, lured into war by artifice, before they could be joined by the approaching Germans, and immediately takes the city itself. 17 Caesar, wishing to avenge the death of the legates Sabinus and Cotta, after he learned that Ambiorix and the Eburones, the authors of the destroyed legion, had fled into the Arduenna forest — 18 which forest is the greatest in all Gaul and extends from the banks of the Rhine and the borders of the Treveri as far as the Nervii, and in length stretches more than 50 miles — 19 weighing that the matter would be of the greatest danger for his men, if through obstructed and spacious forests, being unacquainted, they were scattered and sought an enemy most acquainted with the places, invites all Gaul by messengers, that each, according to his own good pleasure, may seek and plunder the hidden spoils in the Arduenna forest.
[11] Igitur Caesare in Italiam reuerso Gallia rursus in arma coniurat multique simul populi coeunt. dux his Vercingetorix fuit, cuius consilio statim omnes Galli ciuitates suas ultro incenderunt: prima a suis incensa Biturigo.2 inde ad Caesarem, qui magnis itineribus per Narbonensem prouinciam clam ad exercitum recucurrerat, impetum faciunt.
[11] Therefore, with Caesar returned into Italy, Gaul again conspires into arms and many peoples at once come together. A leader to them was Vercingetorix, at whose counsel immediately all the Gallic civitates burned their own cities of their own accord: first, the Bituriges was set ablaze by its own.2 then they make an attack upon Caesar, who by great marches through the Narbonensian province had run back secretly to the army.
3 Caesar then had enclosed a town by the name Caenapum with a siege: which, long besieged, at length, after many calamities of the Romans, on a rainy day, when the fastenings of the enemy machines and their sinews had gone slack, with the towers applied, was captured and destroyed. 4 It is reported that 40,000 people were there: of whom scarcely 80, having slipped away in flight, came to the nearest camp of the Gauls. 5 Moreover the Arverni and the other neighbors, having even solicited the Aedui to themselves, waged war against Caesar in many battles.
6 When they, wearied with fighting, had withdrawn into a certain little castle, the soldiers, gaping for plunder, direct their mind to the storming of the town, Caesar in vain pleading about the disadvantage of the place. And so there Caesar, pressed by the enemies breaking out from above, with a large part of his army lost, defeated fled away. 7 While these things are being done at Alesia, Vercingetorix, whom all with equal consensus had preferred as king, urges that from all Gaul all who are able to bear arms be ready at hand for this war.
for this, indeed, to be the one war, by which either perpetual liberty or eternal servitude or the death of all is obtained. 8 and so, apart from that number which previously he had gathered as infinite, about 8,000 cavalry and 250,000 infantry were assembled. 9 thereafter the Romans and the Gauls seized two hills facing one another.
whence, fighting with many frequent sallies and with various outcomes, at length the Romans conquered by the exceptional virtue of the German horsemen, whom, long since friends to themselves, they had now summoned to their aid. 10 On another day, with all who had escaped by flight assembled, Vercingetorix said that he had been the author, in good faith, of defending liberty and of breaking the treaty, and that now, whether they all offer themselves to death to the Romans or he surrender himself alone for all, he would be ready in spirit. 11 Therefore the Gauls, the will which they had for some time veiled by shame, as if they were adopting it from the counsel of the king, immediately begging pardon for themselves, surrendered him alone as the author of a great crime.
12 The Bellovaci were considered, by their own opinion, stronger than all the tribes of the Gauls. These, with Correus as leader, renew the war and join to themselves in this fellowship of the undertaken war the Ambiani, Aulerci, Saleti, Veliocasses, and Atrebates, and they seize a certain place girded and impeded on all sides by marshes; and, battle having been joined, they slaughter a great band of the Remi, which was for aid to the Romans. 13 Then, when they had occupied for themselves a place suitable for ambushes, provided beforehand, and, this having been learned, the Romans, drawn up and arrayed, had come to the place of the ambushes, with battle joined the Romans shut in the fleeing Gauls by the same defenses of the places by which they had been enclosed, and cut them all down to utter destruction.
15 Igitur cum pacatam esse uniuersam Galliam Caesar neque ausuram fore ad aliquos adspirare motus arbitraretur, legiones in hiberna dimisit, ipse tamen Ambiorigis fines, qui tot bella excitauerat, horrenda hominum strage uastauit. 16 at uero C. Caninius legatus bellum apud Pictonas inuenit: ubi magna hostium multitudo impeditam itinere legionem circumdedit atque ad extremum discrimen adduxit. 17 porro autem Fabius legatus acceptis Caninii litteris in Pictonas proficiscitur ibique a captiuis de opportunitate locorum certior factus inopinantes hostes opprimit magnisque stragibus factis plurimas praedas agit.
15 Therefore, since Caesar judged that all Gaul was pacified and would not dare to aspire to any disturbances, he dismissed the legions into winter quarters; he himself, however, devastated the territories of Ambiorix, who had stirred up so many wars, with a horrendous slaughter of men. 16 But indeed Gaius Caninius, legate, found war among the Pictones: where a great multitude of enemies surrounded a legion impeded by the march and brought it to the last crisis. 17 Furthermore, however, the legate Fabius, having received Caninius’s letters, sets out into the Pictones, and there, made more certain by captives about the opportunity of the terrain, surprises the unsuspecting enemies and, great slaughters having been made, carries off very many spoils.
18 then, when he had given to Caninius the signal of his arrival, Caninius with the entire camp suddenly leapt out and hurled himself upon the enemy. thus, with Fabius pressing from one side and Caninius from the other, in a very great and long‑lasting battle the innumerable forces of the Gauls were slaughtered. 19 from there Fabius set out into the Carnutes; for he knew that Domnacus, a leader most ancient, the inciter of the whole rebellion, having slipped away from this war, if he had been joined to the Armorican peoples, would again be about to set in motion very great tumults in Gaul.
but he thoroughly subdued them, still trembling at the very novelty, by marvelous virtue and celerity. 20 Meanwhile the Draptes, and along with them Lycterius, when they saw that Caninius was at hand and the legions were in their borders, with forces gathered from all sides occupied the town Uxellodunum. 21 This town hung on the most elevated citadel of a mountain, on two sides was encircled by a not small river along precipitous flanks; then on the mid-slope, with a very copious spring, secure and, within, safe by a very great supply of grain, it looked down from afar upon the futile forays of the enemy.
22 Caninius, since this alone he could do by Roman provision, defeated both leaders—after they had been called out into the plain with the very greatest part of their forces—in a very great battle. For, with one of the leaders slain, the other fled with a very few; no one returned into the town. But for assailing that, there was need of Caesar.
23 therefore, made certain by messengers, Caesar hastens up, and, everything surveyed, sees that, if he should try to storm it by force, his army must be destroyed for the game and spectacle of the enemy; that there is one sole safeguard, if in any way whatsoever the enemies are kept away from water. 24 but even this too could not have been done save by Caesar, since the spring which they used for drinking issued from the middle of the sloping side of the mountain. Caesar orders the vineae to be brought up to the spot nearest the spring and a tower to be built.
immediately a great concourse sallies out from the town. While they, fighting without danger, the Romans, although they resisted pertinaciously and came up more frequently, nevertheless many are slaughtered. 25 therefore a rampart is built and a tower of sixty feet, whose vertex might equal the place of the spring, so that either missiles may be hurled on a level, or the masses of stones, hurled headlong from above, be not feared.
26 But the townspeople, when they see that not only their herds but even the weaker ages of humankind are being rendered lifeless by thirst, hurl headlong downhill barrels filled with pitch, tallow, and shingles after fire has been set within, and they themselves, poured out through the whole town in a flood, follow after them. 27 As the machines were burning, when Caesar saw the battle to be weighty and perilous for his own men, he orders cohorts to go swiftly by stealth around the circuit of the town and from every side suddenly to raise a vast clamor. This done, the townspeople, thrown into consternation, while they wish to run back to fortify the town, withdrew from the assault on the tower and from the demolition of the rampart.
28 However, those who, for cutting the veins of the spring, safely under the cover of the agger were tunneling cuniculi, having found the meatus of the waters in hiding, by dividing them into many caused them to be attenuated and to be consumed in themselves. The townsmen, the fountain having been dried up, seized by utmost desperation, make a surrender of themselves. 29 But Caesar withheld his hand from all who had borne arms and left them life, in order that the punishment of the wicked might be the more attested even to posterity.
[12] Exhaustis atque edomitis Gallis securus Caesar cum legionibus in Italiam rediit, nullos post se Gallorum motus pertimescens, certo se sciens minime aliquos, qui uel moueri audeant uel si moueantur timendi sint, reliquisse.2 constitui nunc ante oculos uelim exsanguem defectamque Galliam, post illas ardentissimas febres internosque aestus uitalium meliora torrentes ut sese habeat, quanta macie quantoque pallore sit, quam demissa ac resoluta iaceat, quam ipsos quoque necessarii officii motus, ne eundem incursum malorum reuocent, pertimescat. 3 inruit enim in eam repentino impetu Romanus exercitus ueluti fortissimo corpori fortior lues, quae tanto grauius accenditur, quanto inpatientius toleratur.
[12] With the Gauls exhausted and subdued, a secure Caesar returned with the legions into Italy, fearing no movements of the Gauls behind him, knowing for certain that he had left behind not at all any who either would dare to be stirred or, if they were stirred, would be to be feared.2 I would now like to set before the eyes Gaul, bloodless and spent, after those most ardent fevers and the internal heats scorching the better parts of the vital forces—how she is faring; how great her emaciation and how great her pallor; how she lies downcast and unstrung; how she even dreads the very motions of necessary duty, lest they call back the same inrush of evils. 3 For upon her the Roman army rushed with a sudden impetus, as a stronger plague upon a very strong body, which is inflamed so much the more grievously, the more impatiently it is borne.
4 she was thirsting, poor wretch, when, with the sword pressing, she was compelled to profess a sponsion of eternal servitude, with hostages torn away besides; she was thirsting, as I said, for that well-known and to all most sweet sweetness, like cold water, of liberty, and the more she understood it to be withdrawn, the more avidly she desired it. 5 hence that so frequent presumption against things forbidden: there was an inrush, for defending liberty, into inopportune liberty, and the license of insatiably getting possession of what had been pre-snatched, which seemed to extinguish a badly-conceived ruin, was increasing it. 6 hence the Roman, before battle, a shrewder insidiator; hence in battle the enemy more pestilent; hence after battle the victor more unpitying; hence everything growing more cruel for the taming of impatience; hence now not even remedies were trusted.
7 therefore, if I could question this nation of which we speak, what then, when she was enduring these very things, she judged about those times, she would answer, as I suppose, saying: 'thus that fever then rendered me exsanguine and made me cold, so that even this one, which almost grazed all, could not heat or move me, and thus the Romans bent me down, so that I do not even rise to the Goths.' 8 But not even Rome herself avoided the disasters which she inflicted. Long exercised and augmented through all the quarters of the world were the powers of the leaders and the forces of the legions, which, clashing among themselves, would conquer to her loss, by whose peril they were wont to be victorious. For civil wars accompanied Caesar returning victorious from Gaul, and other most grievous evils—the killing of the Crassi among the Parthians and the slaughter of the army—preceded.
[13] Anno ab urbe condita DCXCVII Crassus in consulatu collega Pompei prouinciam sortitus in Parthos, homo inexplebilis cupiditatis, audita in Hierosolymis templi opulentia, quam Pompeius intactam reliquerat, in Palaestinam deuertit, Hierosolymam adit, templum peruadit, opes diripit.2 inde per Mesopotamiam tendens in Parthiam, quacumque iter habuit sociis ciuitatibus auxilia indixit, pretia exegit moxque ut Euphraten transiit, ilico Vagesen, legatum ab Horode rege Parthorum ad se missum, obuium habuit, a quo uehementer increpitus est, cur contra foedus Luculli et Pompei auaritia inductus Euphraten transierit. quamobrem sine mora futurum, ut pro auro Parthico Serico ferro oneraretur.
[13] In the year 697 from the founding of the City, Crassus, in his consulship, colleague of Pompey, obtained by lot the province against the Parthians, a man of insatiable cupidity; hearing at Jerusalem of the opulence of the Temple, which Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Palestine, approaches Jerusalem, invades the Temple, plunders its wealth.2 Thence, making for Parthia through Mesopotamia, wherever he had a route he imposed auxiliaries upon allied cities, exacted payments, and soon as he crossed the Euphrates, immediately he had Vageses, a legate sent to him by Orodes, king of the Parthians, meet him, by whom he was vehemently rebuked, why, against the treaty of Lucullus and Pompey, induced by avarice, he had crossed the Euphrates; wherefore without delay it would come to pass that, instead of Parthian gold, he would be laden with Seric iron.
3 and so, when it had come near Carrhae, the Parthians, suddenly rushing in with their prefects Surena and Silaces, overwhelmed the Romans with arrows. very many senators fell there, several also men of consular and praetorian rank; Crassus too, the son of Crassus, a most select young man, was slain in the battle-line. moreover, four cohorts with the legate Vargunteius, caught in the middle of the plains, were killed.
4 Surenas, with the cavalry snatched up, intended to pursue Crassus, and, having surrounded him and he in vain seeking a parley, killed him, although he would have preferred to carry him off alive. A few, freed by the benefit of night, took refuge in Carras. 5 Once the disaster of the Romans was known, many provinces of the East would have defected from the alliance or the fidelity of the Roman people, had not Cassius, with a few soldiers gathered from the rout, by outstanding courage of spirit and moderation, pressed down a swelling Syria; he both defeated in battle and killed Antiochus and his huge forces, and he also drove out by war the Parthians sent by Horodes into Syria and now already having entered Antioch, and killed their leader Osages.
[14] Igitur Romani status agitur semper alterna mutatio et uelut forma Oceani maris, quae omni die dispar nunc succiduis per VII dies attollitur incrementis nunc insequentibus totidem diebus naturali damno et defectu interiore subducitur.2 ut enim de proximis ordiar, Cimbris Tigurinisque uincentibus cum apud Rhodanum flumen Romanus exercitus periit, artissimas Roma sensit angustias; refusa continuo clade Cimbrorum, magnis elata prouectibus priorum oblita defectuum est. 3 hanc deinde recentissimae prosperitatis iactantiam Italicum bellum et dilaceratio Syllana castigat.
[14] Therefore the condition of the Romans is always driven by alternating change, and like the form of the Ocean sea, which every day is different—now is raised for 7 days by succeeding increments, now in the following just as many days is drawn down by natural loss and inner ebb.2 For, to begin from the nearest events: when the Cimbri and Tigurini were winning and the Roman army perished by the river Rhone, Rome felt the tightest straits; the disaster of the Cimbri being straightway turned back, exalted by great advances, it forgot the former failures. 3 Then the Italic War and the Sullan laceration chastened this vaunting of most recent prosperity.
again, after this domestic and intestine ruin, by which it was almost eviscerated and eaten away to the marrow, in almost equal spans of time it was not only repaired, but even extended, when Lucullus thoroughly subdued Asia, Pompey Spain, Caesar Gaul, and the Roman imperium was propagated almost to the farthest boundaries of the earth. 4 now this most ample dilatation is followed by a most vast ruin. for among the Parthians a Roman consul is slain and the army is destroyed, that most atrocious civil war of Pompey and Caesar is engaged, and amid these things Rome herself, seized by a sudden conflagration, is burned up.
5 Anno siquidem ab urbe condita DCC incertum unde concretus plurimam urbis partem ignis inuasit, neque umquam antea tanto incendio correptam ac uastatam ciuitatem ferunt. nam quattuordecim uicos cum uico Iugario consumptos fuisse memoriae proditum est. hinc iam bellum ciuile committitur, quod magnis iamdudum dissensionibus ac molitionibus parabatur.
5 Indeed, in the year 700 from the founding of the City, a fire, condensed from an uncertain source, invaded a very great part of the city; nor, they say, had the commonwealth ever before been seized and laid waste by so great a conflagration. For it has been handed down that fourteen vici, together with the Vicus Iugarius, were consumed. From this point now a civil war is engaged, which had long since been prepared by great dissensions and machinations.
[15] Nam rediens Caesar uictor ex Gallia decerni sibi absenti alterum consulatum poposcit. contradictum est a Marcello consule adnitente Pompeio, deinde decretum est a senatu, ut in urbem Caesar non nisi dimisso exercitu ueniret, et ex Marcelli consulis auctoritate ad legiones, quae apud Luceriam erant, Pompeius cum imperio missus est.2 Caesar Rauennam sese contulit.
[15] For Caesar, returning victorious from Gaul, demanded that another consulship be decreed to himself in his absence. It was opposed by the consul Marcellus, with Pompey striving; then it was decreed by the senate that Caesar should not come into the city unless his army were dismissed, and, by the authority of the consul Marcellus, Pompey was sent with imperium to the legions which were at Luceria.2 Caesar betook himself to Ravenna.
M. Antonius and P. Cassius, tribunes of the plebs, interceding on behalf of Caesar, with Lentulus the consul forbidding, having been prohibited from the Curia and the forum, set out to Caesar, Curio and likewise Caelius accompanying.3 Caesar, the Rubicon river having been crossed, soon as he came to Ariminum, instructed the five cohorts, which alone he then had—with which, as Livy says, he assailed the orb of lands—what need there was for action. Lamenting his injuries, he testified that the cause of the civil war was for the restoring of the tribunes to their fatherland.
4 then, through Antony, he received from Lucretius seven cohorts which were lingering at Sulmo, he led over to his own side three legions which were staying with Domitius at Corfinium. Pompey and the whole senate, alarmed as Caesar’s forces were increasing, transported to Greece as though driven from Italy, chose Dyrrhachium as the seat for waging the war. 5 Caesar came to Rome, and, money from the treasury having been denied him, with the doors broken he forced his way in, and brought out from it 4,135 pounds of gold, nearly 900,000 pounds of silver.
6 thence, having departed to Ariminum to the legions, and soon having crossed the Alps, he came to Massilia; to besiege which, because he had not been received, leaving Trebonius with three legions, he hastened to the Spains, which L. Afranius and M. Petreius and M. Varro, Pompeian leaders, were holding with legions. There, after many battles, Petreius and Afranius, having been overcome, he dismissed once a pact had been arranged. 7 in farther Spain he received two legions from M. Varro.
8 At uero Dolabella partium Caesaris in Illyrico per Octauium et Libonem uictus copiisque exutus ad Antonium fugit. Basilus et Sallustius cum singulis legionibus, quibus praeerant, similiter et Antonius, Hortensius quoque ab infimo mari cum classe concurrens, omnesque pariter aduersus Octauium et Libonem profecti et uicti sunt. 9 Antonius cum se Octauio cum quindecim cohortibus dedisset, omnes ad Pompeium a Libone deducti sunt.
8 But indeed Dolabella, of Caesar's party, in Illyricum, defeated by Octavius and Libo and stripped of his forces, fled to Antony. Basilus and Sallustius, each with the single legion which they commanded, likewise also Antony, and Hortensius as well, from the Lower Sea, engaging with a fleet, and all alike set out against Octavius and Libo and were defeated. 9 When Antony had surrendered himself to Octavius with fifteen cohorts, all were conducted to Pompey by Libo.
Curio crossed over from Sicily into Africa with an army: whom King Juba, having intercepted him immediately, butchered with all his forces. Octavius, having tried to besiege Salona, lost almost all the forces which he led. 10 Caelius deserted from Caesar and joined himself to Milo the exile; and when both were attempting to attack Capua with a band of slaves, they were killed.
Bibulus at Corcyra, overcome by shame because the enemy had made a mockery of his guard, which he was extending over the sea and the town, wasted himself with fasting and vigils. 11 Appius Claudius Censorinus, who by Pompey’s order was protecting Greece, wished to test the now-abolished faith of the Pythian oracle: indeed, from it the prophet is reported to have given, for the record, to a consultee about the war, the response as he descended into the cave: This war, Roman, pertains nothing to you; you will hold the Coela of Euboea. moreover they call the Euboean bay “Coela.” Thus Appius departed uncertain at the perplexing lot.
12 Admonet nos aliquid ab obtrectatoribus nostris consultor iste consulere. queruntur utique fide Christianorum sibi sacra interdicta caerimoniasque sublatas et ob hoc ideo maxime, quod extis uaticiniisque cessantibus futurae clades, quia sciri nequeunt, non uitantur. 13 cur ergo longe ante imperium Caesaris natiuitatemque Christi, sicut ipsorum auctores adtestantur, abolita fuerat Pythici oraculi fides?
12 This consulter, by his consulting, reminds us of a certain point from our detractors. They certainly complain that, by the faith of the Christians, sacred rites have been interdicted to them and ceremonies removed; and for this reason most of all: that, with the haruspical entrails and vaticinations ceasing, future calamities, since they cannot be known, are not avoided. 13 Why, then, long before the rule of Caesar and the Nativity of Christ, as their own authorities attest, had the credit of the Pythian oracle been abolished?
Inconsulti abeunt sedemque odere Sibyllae.
14 Et ne forte parui id pendant, quod contemptu abolitum atque antiquatum fuit, hoc est aut numen aut sedem: Apollo ille Pythius erat, quem ferunt magno illo Pythone serpente interfecto, totius uaticinationis auctore et principe, heredem et sedis et diuinationis et nominis exstitisse ibique eum reddere elegisse responsa, ubi orta cum auctore ipsa diuinatio uidebatur, 15 praeterea quem per alias quoque terrarum partes spumantibus buccis rabidoque discursu omnis furiatorum ructat insania, ad quem plurimi terrarum reges quasi ad uiuam uocem consulti numinis cucurrerunt, cui saepissime ipsi quoque Romani opulentissima dona miserunt. 16 at si Apollo iste Pythius paulatim discernente experientia contemptus relictus atque abolitus est, quid uiuum de mortua pecude, quid uerum de amente muliercula sperari potest?
abolished, however, for this reason, because it was contemned. furthermore, why was it contemned, unless because it was either false or vain or dubious? whence the poet prudently forewarned:
Unconsulted they depart, and come to hate the seat of the Sibyl.
14 And lest perchance they weigh lightly that which by contempt was abolished and antiquated—namely either the numen or the seat: it was that Apollo the Pythian, whom they report, the great serpent Python having been slain, the author and princeps of all vaticination, to have become heir of the seat and of the divination and of the name, and that he chose to render responses there where divination itself seemed to have arisen with its author; 15 moreover, him whom through other parts of the earth as well the madness of all the frenzied belches forth with foaming cheeks and rabid running, to whom very many kings of the earth ran as to the living voice of a consulted numen, to whom most often the Romans themselves also sent most opulent gifts. 16 But if this Pythian Apollo, experience gradually discerning, has been contemned, abandoned, and abolished, what living thing can be hoped for from a dead beast, what truth from a demented little woman?
Inflauit cum pinguis ebur Tyrrhenus ad aras,
expositis opimae pecudis intestinis, non finget esuriens, si, ut ipsi fatentur, uel obscura uel falsa dicendo ipse Apollo seducit? 17 quamobrem aequo animo ferant, etsi imitari interim nolunt, nos id ueritatis iudicio etiam prohibere, quod potuerunt maiores eorum uel experiendo contemnere.
what, finally,
When the Tyrrhenian blew the rich ivory at the altars,
with the intestines of a fat victim set out—will not a hungry man fabricate, if, as they themselves confess, Apollo himself seduces by speaking either obscure or false things? 17 wherefore let them bear it with equanimity, even if for the meantime they are unwilling to imitate, that we, by a judgment of truth, also forbid that which their elders were able, even by experiment, to contemn.
18 Interea apud Dyrrachium multi orientis reges ad Pompeium cum auxiliis conuenerunt. quo cum Caesar uenisset, Pompeium obsidione frustra cinxit, ipse terram quindecim m. p. fossa praestruens, cum illi maria paterent. 19 Pompeius castellum quoddam propinquum mari, quod Marcellinus tuebatur, euertit praesidiaque Caesaris, quae ibidem morabantur, occidit.
18 Meanwhile at Dyrrachium many kings of the East gathered to Pompey with auxiliaries. When Caesar had come there, he surrounded Pompey with a siege in vain, he himself building a ditch across the land for 15 miles, since the seas were open to him. 19 Pompey overturned a certain fort near the sea, which Marcellinus was defending, and killed Caesar's garrisons that were staying there.
Caesar attacked Torquatus and one legion, to take them by storm. 20 Pompey, this danger to the allies having been learned, drew together all his forces there: against whom Caesar forthwith turned himself, the siege being abandoned. But Torquatus, bursting forth on the instant, pursued him from behind.
22 Caesar then with a hastened column proceeded through Epirus into Thessaly; Pompey followed with the greatest forces, and battle was joined. 23 Accordingly, the battle-line is drawn up on both sides. Pompey stationed eighty-eight cohorts in triple order: there were, moreover, 40,000 infantry; cavalry on the left wing 600, on the right 500; besides, many kings, and very many Roman senators and equestrians, along with a great supply of light-armed troops.
24 Caesar likewise disposed eighty cohorts in triple order; and he had less than thirty thousand infantry, a thousand cavalry. 25 There it was to see—and to groan—that the contracted forces of the Romans on the Pharsalian plains had stood for mutual slaughter, which, if concord had governed them, no peoples, no kings could have withstood. 26 At the first encounter Pompey’s cavalry, driven back, laid bare the left flanks.
then, when for a long time on both sides they were being cut down with the outcome doubtful, and on the one side Pompey, while exhorting, would say “spare citizens” and yet did not do so, whereas on the other Caesar did this, as he pressed them, saying “soldier, strike at the face,” at length the entire army of Pompey fled, and the camp was plundered. 27 fifteen thousand of Pompey’s men were cut down in that battle, and thirty-three centurions. this was the outcome of the fight at Palaeopharsalus.
Pompey, fleeing, at the mouth of the river Peneus, having found a cargo-ship, crossed over into Asia. 28 Thence through Cyprus he came into Egypt, and there, as soon as he touched the shore, by order of Ptolemy, a youth, to gain the favor of Caesar the victor, he was slain. Pompey’s wife and sons fled; the rest of the Pompeian fleet was plundered, with all who were in it most cruelly butchered, and there too Pompeius the Bithynian was killed.
Lentulus, indeed, a consular man, was killed at Pelusium. 29 Caesar, with affairs composed in Thessaly, came to Alexandria, and, when Pompey’s head and signet ring had been brought to him and seen, he wept; and when he had withdrawn into the royal palace, he was being trifled with by the tutors, to the end that he might not receive money, as they by craft were plundering their own temples, so that they might both show that the royal treasuries were empty and stir up the people into ill-will against Caesar. 30 Moreover Achillas, a royal commander, once imbued with the blood of Pompey, was meditating the death of Caesar as well.
for, ordered to dismiss the army, over which he was in command, of twenty thousand armed men, he not only spurned the command, but even drew up the battle-line. 31 In the very battle the royal fleet, by chance hauled up, is ordered to be set on fire. When that flame had also invaded a part of the city, it burned up four hundred thousand volumes stored, by chance, in the neighboring buildings—a truly singular monument of the study and care of our ancestors, who had amassed so many and so great works of illustrious minds.
32 Hence, although even today in the temples there stand book-cabinets, which we too have seen, and they report that, these having been plundered, they were emptied by our men in our times - which indeed is true -, nevertheless it is more honest to believe that other books were sought, to emulate the former cares of studies, than that there was then any other library which is believed to have been outside the 400,000 books and by this fact to have escaped. 33 Afterwards Caesar took the island where the Pharos is. Thither Achillas came with the Gabinian soldiers.
an immense battle was joined: a great multitude of Caesar’s soldiers fell there, and all the killers of Pompey were also killed. 34 Caesar, hard pressed by the force of the assailing enemies, boarded a skiff; which, soon weighed down by the weight of those following and sunk, he reached the ship by swimming for 200 paces, with one hand raised, in which he held papers; then, after a naval contest, with great felicity he either sank or captured the royal fleet.
[16] Alexandrinis petentibus regem reddidit monitum, ut magis amicitiam Romanam quam arma experiri studeret; qui tamen ilico ut liber fuit bellum intulit, sed continuo cum toto exercitu suo et ipse deletus est. nam uiginti milia hominum in eo bello caesa referuntur, duodecim milia cum septuaginta longis nauibus dedita, quingenti ex uictoribus cecidisse dicuntur.2 rex ipse adulescens scapha exceptus ut fugeret, multis insilientibus mersus necatusque est; corpus eius ad litus deuolutum indicio loricae aureae cognitum fuit: qua Caesar Alexandriam praemissa Alexandrinos omnes ad deditionem desperatione conpulit regnumque Aegypti Cleopatrae dedit.
[16] To the Alexandrians requesting, he restored the king, with the warning that he should strive to experience Roman friendship rather than arms; who, however, immediately when he was free, brought war, but straightway he himself, together with his whole army, was destroyed. For 20,000 men are reported to have been cut down in that war, 12,000, with 70 long ships, surrendered; 500 of the victors are said to have fallen.2 The king himself, a youth, taken into a skiff to flee, with many leaping aboard, was sunk and killed; his body, rolled to the shore, was recognized by the token of a golden cuirass: which, sent ahead to Alexandria by Caesar, compelled all the Alexandrians to surrender through despair, and he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra.
3 thence, having ranged through Syria, he defeated Pharnaces in Pontus. afterwards indeed, when he came to Rome, created dictator and consul, he crossed into Africa and at Thapsus fought with Juba and Scipio, and there he killed a very great multitude of men. the camps of both were plundered, sixty elephants captured.
4 Cato killed himself at Utica; Juba, a price having been given, offered his throat to the assassin; Petreius ran himself through with the same sword; Scipio, on the ship with which, striving to flee to Spain, he had, forced by the wind, returned to Africa, slit his own throat. 5 On the same ship as well, T. Torquatus was killed. Caesar ordered Pompey the Great’s grandsons and his daughter Pompeia, and along with these Faustus Sulla and Afranius and the son of Petreius, to be killed.
6 thence, having entered the city with four triumphs, the status of the recovered republic having been arranged, he immediately set out into the Spains against the Pompeii, the sons of Pompey; on the seventeenth day from when he had departed from the city he arrived at Saguntum, and straightway against the two Pompeii and Labienus and Attius Varus he waged many wars with a various lot. 7 the last war was waged at the Munda River, where such forces engaged and so great a slaughter was done, that Caesar too, with even his veterans not blushing to yield, when he saw his own battle-line being cut down and driven back, is said to have thought to forestall by death the disgrace to come of being conquered, when suddenly the army of the Pompeians, turning to flight, gave way. 8 indeed, on that very day this battle was fought on which Pompey the father had fled from the city to wage war, and for four years this civil war thundered unceasingly through the whole world.
T. Labienus and Attius Varus were cut down in the battle-line; Gnaeus Pompeius fled with one hundred cavalry. 9 His brother Sextus Pompeius, having quickly gathered no small band of Lusitanians, after engaging with Caesonius and being defeated, was slain in flight. The city of Munda, with an immense slaughter of men, while Caesar was besieging it, was scarcely taken.
[17] Caesar Romam rediit. ubi dum reipublicae statum contra exempla maiorum clementer instaurat, auctoribus Bruto et Cassio, conscio etiam plurimo senatu, in curia uiginti et tribus uulneribus confossus interiit.2 in qua coniuratione fuisse amplius sexaginta conscios ferunt.
[17] Caesar returned to Rome. There, while he was clemently restoring the state of the Republic contrary to the examples of the ancestors, with Brutus and Cassius as authors, and with very many of the Senate also privy, he perished, stabbed in the Curia with 23 wounds.2 They say that in that conspiracy there were more than 60 accomplices.
the two Brutuses and Gaius Cassius and other associates, with daggers drawn, withdrew into the Capitol. it was long deliberated whether the Capitol ought to be set on fire together with the authors of the slaughter. 3 his body, snatched up, the people, incited by grief, cremated in the forum with fragments of tribunals and benches.
4 Percensuit latitudinem regni sui Roma cladibus suis atque in suam conuersa caedem singulas quasque gentes ibidem, ubi domuit, uindicauit. Asiae Europae atque Africae, non dico tribus mundi partibus sed totis trium partium angulis edidit gladiatores suos feriatisque inimicis spectaculum miserae ultionis ingessit. 5 nec tamen sufficit ipsas quoque cum auctoribus causas fuisse consumptas; recidiua semina in eodem agro germinant, magna continuo metentibus malorum incrementa cum magno sudore factura: uictor ciuilis belli a ciuibus Caesar occiditur, in caedem unius trahuntur agmina consciorum.
4 Rome, by her own calamities and, turned into her own slaughter, traversed the breadth of her dominion and avenged each and every nation in the very places where she had subdued them. Of Asia, Europe, and Africa—I do not say the three parts of the world, but the entire corners of the three parts—she staged her gladiators and imposed upon enemies at leisure the spectacle of a wretched vengeance. 5 Nor yet does it suffice that the causes themselves too, along with their authors, were consumed; recurrent seeds sprout in the same field, immediately to produce great increments of evils for the reapers, with great sweat: Caesar, victor of the civil war, is slain by his fellow citizens; into the slaughter of one the ranks of accomplices are dragged.
6 for it was certain that, since Caesar had been slain indignantly, he could have more avengers; and a great part of the nobility is at once linked together by a single chain of crime, lest by chance so great a mass of evils be not supplied by the magnitude of war but be thinned by the brevity of vengeance. 7 The tales report that that Medea once sowed the teeth of a slain serpent, from which, as a crop fitting to the seed, armed men sprang up from the earth and soon laid one another low by fighting. 8 Indeed the poets fashioned this fiction; but our Rome, with Caesar slain—how great armed battalions did she bring forth from his ashes!
how many wars, as a testimony of wretched fecundity, she stirred up—not to be read by boys but to be beheld by peoples! 9 and yet the beginning of all these evils is pride: from thence the civil wars flared up, from thence they again sprouted. therefore the slaughter of those who unjustly pursue it is not unjust, if the emulation of ambition both is carried on through them and in them is punished, until those who have refused collegiality learn to bear dominion, and, with the supreme power of the whole imperium reduced to one, all men undergo a far different manner of living, so that all strive to please humbly, not to offend insolently.
10 but for so salutary a doctrine of humility a teacher is needed. and so, with the affairs of Augustus Caesar opportunely settled, the Lord Christ was born, who, though he was in the form of God, humbly assumed the form of a servant, so that then at last the instruction in humility might become more apt, when already through the whole world the punishment of pride served as an example to all.
[18] Anno ab urbe condita DCCX interfecto Iulio Caesare Octauianus, qui testamento Iuli Caesaris auunculi et hereditatem et nomen adsumpserat idemque, qui postea rerum potitus Augustus est dictus, simul ut Romam adulescens admodum uenit, indolem suam bellis ciuilibus uouit.2 nam, ut breuiter coaceruationem malorum explicem, bella ciuilia quinque gessit : Mutinense Philippense Perusinum Siculum Actiacum. e quibus duo, hoc est primum ac nouissimum, aduersus M. Antonium, secundum aduersus Brutum et Cassium, tertium aduersus L. Antonium, quartum aduersus Sex.
[18] In the year 710 from the founding of the City, with Julius Caesar slain, Octavian, who by the will of his uncle Julius Caesar had assumed both the inheritance and the name, the same man who afterwards, having gained control of affairs, was called Augustus, as soon as he came to Rome, quite a youth, devoted himself to civil wars.2 For, to explain briefly the accumulation of ills, he waged five civil wars: Mutinaean Philippian Perusine Sicilian Actian. Of these two, that is the first and the last, were against M. Antony, the second against Brutus and Cassius, the third against L. Antony, the fourth against Sext.
5 In the second battle against Antony, great slaughters were wrought on both sides. For then and there Hirtius the consul was killed; Antony, defeated, fled; Caesar possessed himself of the victory, to whom D. Brutus, confessing about the conspiracy of the slain Julius Caesar, poured out prayers of penitence. 6 Dolabella killed Trebonius, one of Caesar’s murderers, at Smyrna.
Basilus, moreover, likewise one of the assassins, was killed by the hand of his own slaves. 8 With Lepidus making sufficient satisfaction, Caesar received Antony back into favor, and, as a pledge of the reconciled favor, obtained his daughter in marriage. 9 Then, when they had approached the city and a rumor about a future proscription had arisen, C. Thoranius, a man of praetorian rank, fearing nothing of the sort, was slain in his own house by an onrush of soldiers, and several others were butchered.
10 And so, lest the uncircumscribed slaughter be carried on more widely and more unrestrainedly, the names of one hundred thirty-two senators were posted on a tablet, first by Lepidus’s command and in his name, then by Antony’s, third by Caesar’s. 11 There Antony had proscribed Tullius Cicero, his enemy; there he had proscribed L. Caesar, his uncle - and what, in aggravation of the crime, was added - with his mother still alive; there Lepidus had cast L. Paulus, his brother, into the same band of the proscribed. 12 Afterwards thirty Roman knights were added to the number of the proscribed.
many and various slaughters were carried out for a long time; the houses of the proscribed, with everything plundered, were demolished. 13 But Dolabella in Syria waged many wars with Cassius, and, defeated by him, killed himself. Brutus and Cassius, great armies having been assembled, convened at Athens and devastated all Greece.
Cassius, having assaulted the Rhodians by land and sea, forced them to surrender, leaving them nothing except life. 14 Therefore Caesar and Antony, pursuing those same men into Macedonia with great apparatus of war, drove them to death; although it was most manifest that that battle was then brought to completion not by the valor of Antony’s party, but by Caesar’s felicity. 15 For Caesar, then sick, when he had decided to keep himself in camp for the sake of taking rest, at the exhortation and entreaties of his physician, who confessed himself to have been admonished through a dream to lead Caesar out of the camp on that day for the sake of his very safety, with difficulty went out into the field among the forces, and soon his camp was seized by the enemies.
17 But at Rome Fulvia, the wife of Antony, the mother-in-law of Caesar, was hustling after domination as a woman, uncertain in this changeover of consular and regal eminence whether she should be counted among the last of a power that was waning or the first of one beginning; certainly insolent even toward those through whom she was being driven to be insolent. 18 For she even attacked Caesar, on his return at Brundisium, with insults, factions, and plots. Repelled by him, she withdrew to Antony in Greece.
20 Soon with him the triumvirs—not to say tyrants—namely Lepidus, Caesar, and Antonius, made peace. But immediately, when Pompeius, contrary to the pact, was enrolling fugitives, he was held as an enemy. 21 Mena, Pompeius’s freedman, with a fleet of sixty ships, defected to Caesar, and he himself, by Caesar’s order, commanded that same fleet.
and the same man immediately, together with Statilius Taurus, waged a naval war against Menecrates, a Pompeian leader. 22 then Caesar himself brought to completion a most bloodiest naval war against those same Pompeians; but straightway he lost the victorious fleet, almost in its entirety, by shipwreck near Scylaceum. 23 Ventidius routed the Persians and Parthians breaking into Syria in three very great wars, and killed their king Pacorus in the battle line, on that very day, namely, on which Crassus had been slain by the Parthians.
Antony, with scarcely one little castle taken, made peace with Antiochus, so that he himself might seem to have consummated so great a matter. 24 He appointed Ventidius over Syria and ordered him to bring war against Antigonus, who just then by chance had subdued the Jews utterly and, Jerusalem having been captured, had despoiled the temple and had given the kingdom to Herod: whom, conquered forthwith, he received into surrender. 25 Mena, the freedman, returned to Pompey with six ships; received by him with clemency, he burned Caesar’s fleet, although recently Caesar had lost another by a second shipwreck.
And that same Mena later, surrounded by Agrippa in a naval battle, with six triremes went over to Caesar. But Caesar, seeing him a defector for the third time, with only his life granted, left him inactive. 26 Then Agrippa between Mylae and the Liparae fought a naval battle against Demochas and Pompey and won; and there at that time he either sank or captured 30 ships, the rest having been torn to pieces.
Pompey fled to Messana. 27 Caesar meanwhile had crossed over to Tauromenium: whom Pompey by a sudden onset struck: whence, with many of his ships sunk and a great multitude of his own soldiers lost, Caesar fled away into Italy; and with no delay intervening he returned into Sicily; 28 and there he had Lepidus, coming from Africa, encountered, claiming for himself the highest prerogatives with terror, menaces, and arrogance. 29 After a few days Agrippa, by Caesar’s order, from the shore, with the battle-line drawn up watching, clashed in a most atrocious naval battle against Pompey and won.
for he either sank or captured 163 ships. Pompey, with 17 ships, barely slipped away and escaped. 30 Lepidus, swelling with the great insolence of 20 legions, after he had allowed Messana to be plundered by the soldiers, spurned Caesar himself coming to him once and again, and rather ordered him to be assailed with weapons.
31 which he avoided by repelling them with his cloak, gathering them onto his left forearm; soon, with his horse sent at full speed, he returned to his own, and, coming against Lepidus with his army drawn up, he compelled very many of Lepidus’s legions, with only a few slain, to cross over to his own side. 32 Lepidus at length, understanding whither his vanity was tending, after laying aside the paludament and taking a dark garment, having made himself a suppliant to Caesar, obtained life and his goods, though consigned to perpetual exile. Taurus, Caesar’s prefect, received almost all Sicily, harrowed by the sword and terrified, back into allegiance.
33 forty-four legions were under the sole imperium of Caesar at that time; the soldiers, made more ferocious by their multitude, stirred up certain tumults for the receiving of lands; but Caesar, great in spirit, discharged twenty thousand soldiers, restored thirty thousand slaves to their masters, six thousand, whose masters were not extant, he drove to the cross. 34 entering the city in ovation, it was decreed by the senate that he should possess the tribunician power in perpetuity. In those days, across the Tiber, from a lodging-house for hire a spring of oil gushed up from the ground and flowed for a whole day in a most copious stream.
[19] Antonius uero postquam Araxim transmisit, omnibus undique malis circumuentus, uix tandem Antiochiam cum paucis rediit. nam cum multitudine equitum et sagittarum ab omnibus proeliis, quae plura temptauit, uictus semper effugerit tum praeterea incertis et ignotis regionis locis impeditus grauissima fame ad nefandos cibos coactus est; plurimi militum sese hostibus dediderunt.2 inde in Graeciam transiit iussitque Pompeium, qui uictus a Caesare exercitum bellumque reparabat, cum paucis ad se uenire.
[19] But Antony, after he crossed the Araxes, encompassed by evils on all sides, scarcely at last returned to Antioch with a few. For, overwhelmed by a multitude of cavalry and arrows, from all the battles—which he attempted in greater number—he was always defeated and fled; then moreover, hindered in the uncertain and unknown places of the region, by most severe hunger he was compelled to unspeakable foods; very many of the soldiers surrendered themselves to the enemies.2 Thence he crossed into Greece and ordered Pompey, who, defeated by Caesar, was repairing the army and the war, to come to him with a few.
Pompeius, fleeing from Titius and Furnius, Antony’s generals, was often defeated and captured in land and naval battle, and after a little while was slain. 3 Caesar subjugated and subdued Illyricum, Pannonia, and part of Italy by wars; Antony captured Artabanes, king of Armenia, by treachery and guile: him, bound with a silver chain, he compelled to disclose the royal treasures, and, the town having been stormed in which he had revealed they were stored, he carried off a great quantity of gold and silver. 4 Elated by this money he ordered war to be declared upon Caesar and a repudiation to be proclaimed to Octavia, Caesar’s sister, his wife, and he commanded Cleopatra to come to meet him from Alexandria.
5 He himself, having set out to Actium, where he had stationed the fleet, when he found that nearly a third of the rowers had been consumed by hunger, not at all moved, "only let the oars be safe," he said; "for rowers will not be lacking, as long as Greece shall have men." 6 Caesar set out from Brundisium into Epirus with 230 rostrate ships. But Agrippa, sent ahead by Caesar, captured many cargo ships, heavy with grain and arms, coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia as reinforcement to Antony; and, after traversing the gulf of the Peloponnesians, he took by storm the city of Mothone, fortified with a very strong Antonian garrison.
7 thence he took Corcyra; pursuing those fleeing in a naval battle, he routed them, and with many deeds conducted most bloodily he came to Caesar. Antony, moved by the defection and famine of his soldiers, set himself to hasten the war, and suddenly, his forces drawn up, he advanced to Caesar's camp and was defeated. 8 on the third day after the battle Antony shifted his camp to Actium, prepared to decide the issue by a naval battle.
Two hundred thirty rostrate ships were Caesar’s, and thirty without rostra, triremes equal in speed to the Liburnians, and eight legions embarked upon the fleet, apart from five praetorian cohorts. 9 Antony’s fleet was of one hundred seventy ships, yielding as much in number as it excelled in magnitude, for by a height of ten feet they stood above the sea. 10 This war at Actium was famous and great.
from the fifth hour up to the seventh hour, with the hope of conquering uncertain, the most grievous slaughter on both sides was carried out; the remainder of the day with the subsequent night inclined to the victory of Caesar. 11 first, Queen Cleopatra fled with 60 very swift ships; Antony also, with the insignia of the praetorian ship removed, followed his fleeing wife. with day now dawning, Caesar consummated the victory.
12 from the vanquished, twelve thousand are reported to have fallen, six thousand were wounded, of whom one thousand expired during treatment. 13 Antony and Cleopatra judged that their common children, along with part of the royal treasure, should be sent ahead to the Red Sea; they themselves, with garrisons stationed about the two horns of Egypt, Pelusium and Parethonium, prepared the fleet and the forces for renewing the war.
14 Caesar sexto imperator appellatus et quartum ipse cum M. Licinio Crasso consul Brundisium uenit; ibi orbis terrarum praesidia diuisis legionibus conposuit; inde in Syriam profectus, mox Pelusium adiit, ubi ab Antonianis praesidiis ultro susceptus est. 15 interea Cornelius Gallus praemissus a Caesare quattuor legiones, quas Antonius apud Cyrenas praesidii loco constituerat, suscepit in fidem atque inde Parethonium, primam Aegypti a Libyae parte ciuitatem, uicto cepit Antonio ipsumque continuo apud Pharum uicit. 16 Antonius equestre aduersus Caesarem bellum iniit; in eo quoque miserabiliter uictus aufugit.
14 Caesar, hailed imperator for the 6th time, and himself, consul for the 4th time, together with M. Licinius Crassus, came to Brundisium; there, with the legions divided, he arranged the garrisons of the world; thence he set out into Syria, soon he approached Pelusium, where he was of his own accord received by Antony’s garrisons. 15 Meanwhile Cornelius Gallus, sent ahead by Caesar, took into allegiance the four legions which Antony had stationed at Cyrene as a presidial force, and from there captured Parethonium, the first city of Egypt on the Libyan side, Antony having been defeated, and immediately he defeated Antony himself by the Pharos. 16 Antony entered upon a cavalry war against Caesar; in that too, pitiably defeated, he fled.
on the Kalends of August, at first light, Antony, when he was going down into the harbor to fit out the fleet, suddenly all the ships crossed over to Caesar; and when he had been despoiled of his only defense, in alarm he withdrew with a few into the palace. 17 then, with Caesar impending and the city thrown into turmoil, that same Antony ran himself through with a sword, and half-alive he was borne to Cleopatra into the monument-mausoleum, into which she, resolved to die, had shut herself. 18 after Cleopatra realized that she was being preserved for a triumph, seeking a voluntary death, she was found lifeless, having been touched on the left arm by the bite of a serpent, as it is thought—Caesar even in vain bringing up the Psylli, who are accustomed to draw back and suck out the poisons of serpents from the wounds of men by suction.
19 Caesar, victorious, gained possession of Alexandria, the city by far the most opulent and greatest of all. For Rome too was so much augmented by its wealth that, on account of the abundance of monies, prices for estates and other saleable things were fixed at double what they had been up to that time. 20 By Caesar’s order were killed Antony’s elder son and P. Canidius, most hostile indeed always to Caesar but unfaithful also to Antony, and Cassius of Palma, the last victim for Caesar the father who had been violated, and Q. Ovinius, chiefly for this disgrace: that, most obscenely, as a senator of the Roman people he had not blushed to preside over the queen’s wool-working and weaving-shop.
[20] Anno ab urbe condita DCCXXV ipso imperatore Caesare Augusto quinquies et L. Apuleio consulibus Caesar uictor ab oriente rediens, VIII idus Ianuarias urbem triplici triumpho ingressus est ac tunc primum ipse Iani portas sopitis finitisque omnibus bellis ciuilibus clausit.2 hoc die primum Augustus consalutatus est; quod nomen, cunctis antea [ inuiolatum ] et usque ad nunc ceteris inausum dominis, tantum orbis licite usurpatum apicem declarat imperii, atque ex eodem die summa rerum ac potestatum penes unum esse coepit et mansit, quod Graeci monarchiam uocant.
[20] In the year from the founding of the City 725, with the emperor Caesar Augustus in his 5th consulship and Lucius Apuleius as consuls, Caesar, returning victorious from the East, on the 6th day before the Ides of January, entered the city in a triple triumph, and then for the first time he himself closed the Gates of Janus, all the civil wars lulled and finished.2 On this day he was for the first time hailed “Augustus”; which name, previously [ inviolate ] to all and up to now unattempted by other lords, declares the apex of command over the whole world lawfully assumed, and from that same day the supreme control of affairs and of powers began to be and remained in the hands of one, which the Greeks call monarchy.
3 Porro autem hunc esse eundem diem, hoc est VIII idus Ianuarias, quo nos Epiphania, hoc est apparitionem siue manifestationem Dominici sacramenti, obseruamus, nemo credentium siue etiam fidei contradicentium nescit. 4 de quo nostrae istius fidelissimae obseruationis sacramento uberius nunc dicere nec ratio nec locus flagitat, ut et quaerentibus reseruasse et neglegentibus non ingessisse uideamur. hoc autem fideliter commemorasse ideo par fuit, ut per omnia uenturi Christi gratia praeparatum Caesaris imperium conprobetur.
3 Moreover, that this is the same day, that is, the 8th day before the Ides of January, on which we observe the Epiphany, that is, the apparition or manifestation of the Lord’s sacrament, no one of the believers, or even of those contradicting the faith, is unaware. 4 About the sacrament of this our most faithful observance, to speak more fully now neither reason nor place demands, so that we may seem both to have reserved it for those who inquire and not to have imposed it upon the negligent. But to have faithfully commemorated this was fitting for this reason, in order that in every respect the empire of Caesar may be proved to have been prepared by the grace of the Christ who was to come.
5 Nam cum primum, C. Caesare auunculo suo interfecto, ex Apollonia rediens urbem ingrederetur, hora circiter tertia repente liquido ac puro sereno circulus ad speciem caelestis arcus orbem solis ambiit, quasi eum unum ac potissimum in hoc mundo solumque clarissimum in orbe monstraret, cuius tempore uenturus esset, qui ipsum solem solus mundumque totum et fecisset et regeret.
5 For when at first, with his uncle Gaius Caesar slain, he was returning from Apollonia and entering the city, at about the 3rd hour, suddenly, in a limpid and pure serenity, a circle in the likeness of a celestial arc encircled the orb of the sun, as if it were pointing him out as the one and most preeminent in this world and the only most brilliant in the world, in whose time there would come one who alone would both have made and would govern the sun itself and the whole world.
6 Deinde cum secundo, in Sicilia receptis a Pompeio et Lepido legionibus, XXX milia seruorum dominis restituisset et quadraginta et quattuor legiones solus imperio suo ad tutamen orbis terrarum distribuisset ouansque urbem ingressus omnia superiora populi Romani debita donanda, litterarum etiam monumentis abolitis, censuisset: in diebus ipsis fons olei largissimus, sicut superius expressi, de taberna meritoria per totum diem fluxit. quo signo quid euidentius quam in diebus Caesaris toto orbe regnantis futura Christi natiuitas declarata est? Christus enim lingua gentis eius, in qua et ex qua natus est, unctus interpretatur.
6 Then when, a second time, in Sicily, after legions had been received from Pompey and Lepidus, he had restored 30 thousand slaves to their masters and had by his sole command distributed 44 legions for the safeguarding of the orb of the lands, and, entering the city in ovation, had decreed that all the former debts of the Roman people were to be remitted, the documentary records even being abolished: in those very days a most abundant spring of oil, as I have expressed above, flowed for the whole day from a lodging-house for hire. By which sign, what more evident than that in the days of Caesar reigning over the whole orb the future Nativity of Christ was declared? For “Christ,” in the tongue of his nation, in which and from which he was born, is interpreted “Anointed.”
and so, when at that time, at which for Caesar perpetual tribunician power was decreed, at Rome a spring of oil flowed through the whole day: under the principate of Caesar and the Roman imperium through the whole day, that is, through the whole time of the Roman imperium, that Christ and from him Christians, that is, the Anointed and from him the anointed ones, from the meritoria tavern, that is, from the hospitable and bountiful Church, would go forth affluently and incessantly; and that all slaves would be restored through Caesar—those, however, who would recognize their lord—and the rest, who would be found without a lord, to be handed over to death and punishment; and that under Caesar the debts of sins were to be remitted in that city in which the oil had flowed spontaneously—most evident signs in heaven and portents on earth proclaimed these things to those who were not hearing the voices of the prophets.
8 Tertio autem, cum urbem triumphans quintum consul ingressus est, eo scilicet die, quem supra nominauimus, cum et Ianum post ducentos annos primum ipse clausit et clarissimum illud Augusti nomen adsumpsit, quid fidelius ac uerius credi aut cognosci potest, concurrentibus ad tantam manifestationem pace nomine die, quam hunc occulto quidem gestorum ordine ad obsequium praeparationis eius praedestinatum fuisse, qui eo die, quo ille manifestandus mundo post paululum erat, et pacis signum praetulit et potestatis nomen adsumpsit?
8 Thirdly, however, when, triumphing, he entered the city as consul for the 5th time—on that very day, namely, which we have named above—since he himself for the first time in 200 years closed Janus and assumed that most illustrious name Augustus, what can be more trustworthy and truer to be believed or known, with the day—Peace by name—converging upon so great a manifestation, than that this man was predestined, by a hidden order of deeds, for the obedience of His preparation, he who on that day, on which He was shortly thereafter to be manifested to the world, both bore the sign of peace and assumed the name of power?
[21] Anno ab urbe condita DCCXXVI imperatore Augusto Caesare sexies et bis M. Agrippa consulibus Caesar parum in Hispania per ducentos annos actum intellegens, si Cantabros atque Astures, duas fortissimas Hispaniae gentes, suis uti legibus sineret, aperuit Iani portas atque in Hispanias ipse cum exercitu profectus est.2 Cantabri et Astures Gallaeciae prouinciae portio sunt, qua extentum Pyrenaei iugum haud procul secundo Oceano sub septentrione deducitur. 3 hi non solum propriam libertatem tueri parati uerum etiam finitimorum praeripere ausi, Vaccaeos et Turmogos et Autrigonas adsiduis eruptionibus populabantur.
[21] In the year from the founding of the City 726, with Emperor Augustus Caesar and M. Agrippa as consuls—Augustus for the 6th time and Agrippa for the 2nd—Caesar, understanding that too little had been effected in Spain over two hundred years, if he should allow the Cantabri and the Astures, two very brave peoples of Spain, to use their own laws, opened the gates of Janus and set out himself with the army into the Spains.2 The Cantabri and Astures are a portion of the province of Gallaecia, where the stretched ridge of the Pyrenees is drawn down under the north, not far along the Ocean. 3 These people not only were prepared to guard their own liberty, but even, having dared to snatch that of their neighbors, were ravaging the Vaccaei and the Turmogi and the Autrigones by continual eruptions.
therefore Caesar pitched camp at Segisama, having encompassed nearly all Cantabria with three columns. 4 with the army long wearied to no avail and often led into danger, at last he orders the fleet to be brought up from the Aquitanian bay along the Ocean against the incautious enemies and the troops to be disembarked. 5 then at length the Cantabri, having engaged in a very great battle beneath the walls of Attica and defeated, fled to Mount Vinnius, safest by nature, where by the hunger of a siege they were almost consumed to the last.
Racilium then, a town long resisting with great force, was at last captured and razed. 6 Moreover, the farther parts of Gallaecia, which, thick-set with mountains and forests, are bounded by the Ocean, the legates Antistius and Firmius thoroughly subdued by great and grievous wars. 7 For they also encircled with a siege Mount Medullium, overhanging the river Minio, on which a great multitude of men were defending themselves, enclosed all around by a ditch for 15 miles.
8 and so, when the people, savage by nature and ferocious, understood themselves to be neither sufficient for enduring a siege nor equal to undertaking war, they resorted, from fear of servitude, to voluntary death. For almost all of them, vying with one another, killed themselves by fire, iron, and poison. 9 But the Astures, having pitched camp by the Astura River, would have overwhelmed the Romans with great counsels and forces, had they not been betrayed and forestalled.
they attempted suddenly to overwhelm three legates, with their legions, divided into three camps, by three equally matched columns; but they were exposed by the treachery of their own men. 10 these men thereafter Carisius, having intercepted them in war, overcame, with no small loss to the Romans as well. a part of them, having slipped from the battle, fled for refuge to Lancham.
and when the soldiers were preparing to assault the surrounded city with fire, the commander Carisius both obtained from his own men a cessation of the burning and exacted from the barbarians the will for surrender. For he was zealously striving to leave the city entire and unharmed as a witness of his victory. 11 To the Cantabrian victory Caesar conferred this honor: that then too he ordered the gates of war to be restrained by a bar.
12 Post hoc Claudius Drusus, priuignus Caesaris, Galliam Raetiamque sortitus maximas fortissimasque gentes Germaniae armis subegit. 13 nam tunc, ueluti ad constitutum pacis diem festinarent, ita omnes ad experientiam belli decisionemue foederis undatim gentes commouebantur aut suscepturae condiciones pacis, si uincerentur, aut usurae quieta libertate, si uincerent. 14 Norici Illyrii Pannonii Dalmatae Moesi Thraces et Daci Sarmatae plurimique et maximi Germaniae populi per diuersos duces uel superati uel repressi uel etiam obiectu maximorum fluminum, Rheni Danuuiique, seclusi sunt.
12 After this, Claudius Drusus, the stepson of Caesar, having been allotted Gaul and Rhaetia, subdued by arms the greatest and bravest nations of Germany. 13 For then, as if they were hastening to an appointed day of peace, so all the nations were being stirred in waves to the experience of war or the decision of a treaty, either about to accept terms of peace if they were conquered, or to enjoy quiet liberty if they should conquer. 14 The Noricans, Illyrians, Pannonians, Dalmatians, Moesians, Thracians, and Dacians, the Sarmatians, and very many and the greatest peoples of Germany, under diverse commanders, were either overcome or repressed, or even, by the interposition of the greatest rivers, the Rhine and the Danube, were cut off.
15 Drusus in Germany first thoroughly subdued the Usipetes, then the Tencteri and the Chatti. He struck down the Marcomanni almost to extermination. 16 Afterwards he likewise overcame in a single war the bravest nations—and to whom nature gave strength and custom the experience of strength—the Cherusci, the Suebi, and the Sygambri, yet in a battle harsh even for his own men.
17 of whom from this their valor and ferity can be considered, that even their women, whenever by the preemption of the Romans they were shut in among their wagons, with missiles being deficient, or with any thing which frenzy could use as if a weapon, would hurl their little sons, dashed on the ground, into the faces of the enemies—being, in each single killing of their sons, parricides two times over.
19 Interea Caesarem apud Tarraconem citerioris Hispaniae urbem legati Indorum et Scytharum toto orbe transmisso tandem ibi inuenerunt, ultra quod iam quaerere non possent, refuderuntque in Caesarem Alexandri Magni gloriam: 20 quem sicut Hispanorum Gallorumque legatio in medio oriente apud Babylonam contemplatione pacis adiit, ita hunc apud Hispaniam in occidentis ultimo supplex cum gentilicio munere eous Indus et Scytha boreus orauit. 21 Cantabrico bello per quinque annos acto totaque Hispania in aeternam pacem cum quadam respiratione lassitudinis reclinata ac reposita, Caesar Romam rediit.
19 Meanwhile, envoys of the Indians and the Scythians, with the whole world traversed, at last found Caesar at Tarraco, a city of Hither Spain—beyond which they now could not seek farther—and they returned upon Caesar the glory of Alexander the Great: 20 just as an embassy of Spaniards and Gauls approached that one in the Middle Orient at Babylon for a contemplation of peace, so this one, in Spain at the furthest of the Occident, was as a suppliant besought by an eastern Indian and a boreal Scythian with a gentilic gift. 21 The Cantabrian war having been waged for five years, and all Spain laid back and restored into eternal peace with a certain breathing-space of weariness, Caesar returned to Rome.
22 Quibus etiam diebus multa per se multaque per duces et legatos bella gessit. nam inter ceteros et Piso aduersum Vindelicos missus est; quibus subactis uictor ad Caesarem Lugdunum uenit. 23 Pannonios nouo motu intumescentes Tiberius priuignus Caesaris cruentissima caede deleuit.
22 In those same days he waged many wars by himself and many through his commanders and legates. For, among others, even Piso was sent against the Vindelici; and they having been subjugated, victorious he came to Caesar at Lugdunum. 23 The Pannonians, swelling with a new uprising, Tiberius, Caesar’s stepson, obliterated with most bloody slaughter.
24 and he likewise immediately took up war against the Germans, from whom, as victor, he led away forty thousand captives. 25 which indeed was a very great and most formidable war, waged with 15 legions for three years, nor was there scarcely any greater war, as Suetonius attests, after the Punic War.
26 Sub eodem uero tempore Quintilius Varus cum tribus legionibus a Germanis rebellantibus, mira superbia atque auaritia in subiectos agens, funditus deletus est. 27 quam reipublicae cladem Caesar Augustus adeo grauiter tulit, ut saepe per uim doloris caput parieti conlidens clamaret Quintili Vare, redde legiones.
26 At this same time Quintilius Varus, with three legions, by the rebelling Germans—acting toward the subjects with astonishing arrogance and avarice—was utterly destroyed. 27 This disaster to the republic Caesar Augustus took so gravely that, often, dashing his head against the wall by the force of grief, he would cry out, “Quintilius Varus, give back the legions.”
29 Parthi, quasi toto terrarum orbe uel domito uel pacato omnium oculis signarentur atque in se solos omnis uigor Romani imperii uertendus esset, quippe quos pristina ulciscendae Crassianae caedis conscientia mordebat, ultro signa, quae Crasso interfecto abstulerant, ad Caesarem remiserunt regiisque obsidibus traditis firmum foedus fideli supplicatione meruerunt.
29 The Parthians, as if, with the whole orb of lands either subdued or pacified, they were being marked out before the eyes of all, and as if the whole vigor of the Roman imperium had to be turned upon themselves alone—since their former conscience of avenging the Crassian slaughter was biting them—of their own accord sent back to Caesar the standards which, when Crassus had been slain, they had carried off, and, royal hostages having been handed over, by faithful supplication they earned a firm treaty.
[22] Itaque anno ab urbe condita DCCLII Caesar Augustus ab oriente in occidentem, a septentrione in meridiem ac per totum Oceani circulum cunctis gentibus una pace conpositis, Iani portas tertio ipse tunc clausit.2 quas ex eo per duodecim fere annos quietissimo semper obseratas otio ipsa etiam robigo signauit, nec prius umquam nisi sub extrema senectute Augusti pulsatae Atheniensium seditione et Dacorum commotione patuerunt. 3 clausis igitur Iani portis rempublicam, quam bello quaesiuerat, pace enutrire atque amplificare studens leges plurimas statuit, per quas humanum genus libera reuerentia disciplinae morem gereret.
[22] And so, in the year from the founding of the City 752, Caesar Augustus, with all nations composed into a single peace from east to west, from north to south, and around the entire circuit of Ocean, then himself closed the gates of Janus for the 3rd time.2 Which from that point for almost twelve years, always kept shut in most tranquil leisure, even rust itself marked; nor earlier ever, except in the extreme old age of Augustus, when stirred by a sedition of the Athenians and a commotion of the Dacians, were they opened. 3 Therefore, with the gates of Janus closed, striving to nourish and amplify by peace the republic which he had sought by war, he established very many laws, through which the human race might conduct itself with free reverence for discipline.
4 the appellation of “lord” he, as a man, declined. For when, with the same man watching the games, there had been pronounced in a mime “a just and good lord,” and everyone, as if it had been said about himself, exultant, had approved, he immediately with hand and countenance repressed the unseemly adulations, and on the following day he rebuked them with a most severe edict; and thereafter he did not allow himself to be called “lord,” not even by his own children or grandchildren, either in earnest or in jest.
5 Igitur eo tempore, id est eo anno quo firmissimam uerissimamque pacem ordinatione Dei Caesar conposuit, natus est Christus, cuius aduentui pax ista famulata est, in cuius ortu audientibus hominibus exultantes angeli cecinerunt Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae uoluntatis. eodemque tempore hic, ad quem rerum omnium summa concesserat, dominum se hominum appellari non passus est, immo non ausus, quo uerus dominus totius generis humani inter homines natus est. 6 eodem quoque anno tunc primum idem Caesar, quem his tantis mysteriis praedestinauerat Deus, censum agi singularum ubique prouinciarum et censeri omnes homines iussit, quando et Deus homo uideri et esse dignatus est.
5 Therefore at that time, that is, in that year in which by the ordination of God Caesar composed the most firm and most true peace, Christ was born, for whose advent that peace did service; at whose birth, with men listening, exultant angels sang, “Glory in the highest to God, and on earth peace to men of good will.” And at the same time this man, to whom the sum of all affairs had been conceded, did not allow himself to be called lord of men—nay, did not dare to—when the true lord of the whole human race was born among men. 6 In the same year then for the first time the same Caesar, whom God had predestined for such great mysteries, ordered a census to be held of the several provinces everywhere and that all men be registered, when God too deigned to appear and to be a man.
then therefore Christ was born, immediately upon being born enrolled to the Roman census. 7 this is that first and most most-illustrious profession, which, by the promulgation of the adscription of all men individually, marked Caesar as princeps of all and the Romans as lords of affairs, in which even he himself, who made all men, willed to be found a man and to be adscribed among men: a thing which from the founding of the world and from the beginning of the human race was never at all granted in this manner not even to the Babylonian or the Macedonian, not to say to any lesser kingdom. 8 nor is it doubtful, but that it lies open to the cognition, faith, and inspection of all, that our Lord Jesus Christ by his nod has increased and defended this city and has advanced it to this apex of affairs, the city to which he especially wished to belong when he came, to be called, assuredly, a Roman citizen by the profession of the Roman census.
9 Quamobrem quia ad id temporis peruentum est, quo et Dominus Christus hunc mundum primum aduentu suo inlustrauit regnumque Caesari tranquillissimum dedit, hunc quoque sextum libellum hoc fine concluserim: 10 ut germinantia tempora Christiana magisque inter reprimentum manus crescentia et quae adhuc in prouectu posita horum ipsorum, quibus haec respondere cogimur, insectatione mordentur, septimo libello, si tamen adiuuante Domino suffecero, conprehendam, 11 ut, quoniam ab initio et peccare homines et puniri propter peccata non tacui, nunc quoque, quae persecutiones Christianorum actae sint et quae ultiones secutae sint, absque eo quod omnes ad peccandum generaliter proni sunt atque ideo singillatim corripiuntur, expediam.
9 Wherefore, since it has come to that time at which both the Lord Christ illumined this world by his first Advent and granted to Caesar a most tranquil reign, I will likewise close this sixth little book with this conclusion: 10 that I may comprehend in the seventh little book—if, however, with the Lord helping I shall suffice—the germinating Christian times, and, more, the things growing amid the hands of the repressors, and those matters which, still set in progress, are bitten by the insectation of these very men to whom we are compelled to respond to these things; 11 so that, since from the beginning I have not kept silence that men both sin and are punished on account of sins, now also I may set forth what persecutions of the Christians were carried out and what vengeances followed, apart from the fact that all are generally prone to sin and therefore are individually corrected.