Richerus: HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR

1. Gallorum deliberatio de rege creando. Post cujus exequias, principes in diversa ducebantur, finemque petebant varium. Galli namque Celtae cum Aquitanis, Hugonem Rotberti regis filium, Belgae vero Ludovicum Karoli sequebantur.

1. The Gauls' deliberation about creating a king. After his funeral rites the princes were led in different directions and sought diverse ends. For the Gauls — the Celts together with the Aquitani — followed Hugo, the son of King Rotbert; the Belgae, however, followed Louis, son of Charles.

Quorum neutri commoditas aderat regnandi, cum Hugo patrem ob insolentiam periisse reminiscebatur, et ob hoc regnare formidaret, et Ludovicus in partibus Anglicae moraretur, eo quod illuc delatus infans ad avunculum Adelstanum regem fuerit, ob Hugonis et Heriberti insectationem, eo quod ipsi patrem ejus comprehendissent, ac carceri trusissent. Galli itaque in regis promotione liberiores videri laborantes, sub Hugone duce deliberaturi de rege creando collecti sunt.

Neither of them had the advantage of ruling, Hugo remembering that his father had perished through insolence and for this reason fearing to reign, and Ludovic lingering in the regions of England, because the infant, having been carried thither, was with his uncle King Adelstan, on account of the pursuit by Hugo and Heribert, in that they had apprehended his father and thrust him into prison. The Gauls therefore, laboring to seem freer in the promotion of a king, gathered under Hugo as leader to deliberate about creating a king.

2. Oratio Hugonis ducis ad Gallos pro Ludovico. Quorum medius dux post multam consultationem ad multam benivolentiam animum intendens, sic praelocutus ait: Karolo rege miserabili fortuna defuncto, sive id eo promerente, sive nostris flagiciis ipsa Divinitate indignante, si quid a patribus et nobis ipsis admissum est, quo Divinitatis majestas laesa sit, multo conatu imprimis id erit abolendum, atque ab oculis amovendum. Discordiarum itaque molimina absint, et communi omnium conibentia de praeferendo principe deliberemus.

2. The speech of Duke Hugo to the Gauls for Louis. Their middle leader, after much consultation and directing his mind toward great goodwill, thus spoke beforehand: Charles the king having died by miserable fortune, whether by that which he deserved, or by Divine displeasure at our outrages, if anything has been committed by the fathers and by ourselves whereby the majesty of Divinity has been offended, it must be abolished with the greatest exertion and removed from sight. Let therefore the engines of discord be absent, and let us deliberate, with a common striving of all, about preferring a prince.

Pater meus vestra quondam omnium voluntate rex creatus, non sine magno regnavit facinore, cum is cui soli jura regnandi debebantur, viveret, et vivens carcere clauderetur. Quod credite Deo non acceptum fuisse. Unde et absit, ut ego patris loco restituar.

My father, once by the will of you all created king, reigned not without a great crime, since he to whom alone the rights of ruling were due was alive, and, while yet living, was shut in prison. Believe that this was not acceptable to God. Wherefore far be it that I should be restored to my father's place.

Nec vero alieni generis quemquam post divae memoriae Rodulfum arbitror promovendum, cum ejus tempore visum sit, quid nunc innasci possit, contemptus videlicet regis, ac per hoc principum dissensus. Repetatur ergo interrupta paululum regiae generationis linea, ac Karoli filium Ludovicum a transmarinis partibus revocantes, regem vobis decenter create. Sicque fiet, ut et antiqua nobilitas regiae stirpis servetur, et fautores a querimoniis quiescant.

Nor indeed do I think that any man of foreign stock should be advanced after the memory of the divine Rodulfus, since in his time it was seen what now might be born — namely the contempt of the king, and thereby the princes’ dissension. Let, therefore, the interrupted line of the royal generation be resumed a little, and recalling Charles’s son Ludovicus from overseas parts, let him be fittingly created king for you. Thus it will happen that both the ancient nobility of the royal stock is preserved, and the partisans rest from complaints.

Jam quod potius est sequentes, a maritimis horis adolescentem revocemus. Quibus dictis Gallorum principes mira benivolentia cedunt. Dux itaque legatos oratores trans mare ad accersiendum Ludovicum dirigit, qui ei a duce Galliarum aliisque principibus reditum suadeant, ac de itineris securitate, fidem sacramenti jure faciant, principum adventum usque ad ipsas litoreas arenas denuntient.

Now, what is more proper: following that, let us recall the youth from the maritime quarters. With these words the princes of the Gauls yield with wondrous benevolence. The duke therefore directs envoy-orators across the sea to summon Ludovicum, that they may persuade him to return at the urging of the duke of the Gauls and other princes, and, concerning the security of the journey, bind him by a sacramental oath, and proclaim the arrival of the princes even to the very shore-sands.

Qui mox digressi Morinum devenerunt. Cujus in portu naves ingressi, velis tumentibus prosperis, ventis, raptim ad terram devexi sunt. Adelstanus rex in urbem quae dicitur Eurvich, regnorum negotia cum nepote Ludovico apud suos disponebat.

Who soon, having departed, came to Morinum. Into whose port their ships having entered, with sails swelling by prosperous winds, they were swiftly carried to the shore. King Adelstan in the town which is called Eurvich was arranging the affairs of the kingdoms with his grandson Ludovic among his own people.

Huc legati devenientes, regem adeunt, ac a duce magnatibusque Gallorum decenter salutantur.

To this place the legates having arrived, they approach the king, and are courteously greeted by the duke and the magnates of the Franks.

3. Legatio Gallorum ad Adelstanum regem pro Ludovico. Legationem etiam promulgantes: Ducis, inquiunt, benivolentia, atque omnium qui in Galliis potiores sunt, huc per undas ignoti maris devenimus; tanta est omnium voluntas, omniumque consensus. Divae memoriae Rodulfo orbi subtracto, dux Ludovicum succedere procuravit, cum id multi inviti concederent, eo quod de patris captione filium adeo suspectum haberent.

3. The legation of the Gauls to King Adelstan on behalf of Ludovic. And announcing the legation they say: By the goodwill of the duke, and of all those who are foremost in the Gauls, we have come hither across the waves of an unknown sea; so great is the will of all, and the unanimous consent of all. With Rodulf of divine memory removed from the world, the duke procured that Ludovic succeed, although many granted this unwillingly, because they held the son so greatly suspect for his father's capture.

Attamen duci elaboranti, id ab omnibus jocundissime concessum est. Ludovico ergo omnes bene per omnia optant. Nec sibi quicquam majus aut carius est ejus salute.

However, to the duke exerting himself, that was most gladly granted by all. Therefore all wish well to Ludovicus in every respect. Nor is anything greater or more dear to them than his safety.

Illum itaque omnes reddi petunt, quem in Galliis utiliter regnare cupiunt. Tempus constitui volunt, quo regnaturo ad ipsa maris litora dux cum princibus occurrat. Adelstanus rex ac si barbaris non satis credens, ab eis fidem per sacramenta super hoc quaerit, et ad votum accipit.

They therefore all ask that he be restored, whom they desire to reign usefully in the Gauls. They wish a time to be appointed, at which the one about to reign the duke, with the princes, shall meet at the very shores of the sea. King Adelstan, as if not trusting the barbarians sufficiently, exacts from them a pledge by oaths concerning this, and accepts it as a vow.

Tempus quoque colloquii habendi statuitur. Legati ab rege munerati atque digressi, in Gallias mari remenso redeunt, ab rege gratias duci referentes, ac pro regis creandi advocatione multam ejus amicitiam pollicentes. Dux itaque cum Galliarum principibus domnum regem excepturi, Bononiam veniunt, ac secus ipsas litoreas arenas collecti, tuguriorum incendio presentiam suam, iis qui in altero litore erant ostendebant.

A time for holding the conference was also appointed. The envoys, having been rewarded by the king and departed, return to Gaul after crossing the sea, reporting thanks from the king to the duke, and promising much of the king’s friendship for the duke’s being made king. Therefore the duke, about to receive the lord king with the princes of the Franks, came to Boulogne, and, gathered along the very seashore sands, by burning huts they made their presence known to those who were on the other shore.

Ibi enim Adelstanus rex cum regio equitatu nepotem praestolantibus Gallis missurus aderat. Cujus jussu domus aliquot succensae sese advenisse trans positis demonstrabant.

For there King Adelstanus was present, about to send his nephew (or grandson) with the royal cavalry, the Franks awaiting him. At his command several houses were set alight, to demonstrate that they had arrived, their goods having been transferred.

4. Hugo et reliqui Galliarum principes Ludovicum ab exilio revocant ejusque fiunt, eumque regem creant. Rex ergo Odonem episcopum, post Canthorbricensium metropolitanum, Gallis ex adverso positis, legatum dirigit, magnae aequitatis ac eloquentiae virum, Ludovicum sese libenter missurum mandans, si tanto illum in Galliis honore proveant, quanto ipse a suis provectus est, cum illi etiam non minus id facere valeant; idque jurejurando se acturos confirment. Quod si nolint, sese ei daturum suorum aliquod regnorum; quo contentus et suis gaudeat, et alienis non sollicitetur.

4. Hugo and the other princes of the Gauls recall Ludovicus from exile and make him their own, and they create him king. The king therefore directs as legate Odo the bishop, formerly metropolitan of Cantorbricum, to the Franks placed opposite, a man of great equity and eloquence, charging him to declare that he would willingly send Louis if they would advance him in the Gauls to as great an honor as he himself has been advanced to by his own people, since they too are by no means less able to do this; and they confirm that they will do it by oath. But if they will not, that he would give to him some one of his own kingdoms; wherewith being content he may rejoice in his own and not be anxious about another’s.

Dux cum reliquis Galliarum magnatibus id sese facturum asserit, si rex creatus a suis consiliis non absistat. Prosecutusque jurisjurandi sacramentum non abnuit. Legatus itaque rediens, regi praestolanti haec omnia refert.

The duke, together with the other magnates of Gaul, asserts that he will do this, if the king created does not withdraw from his own counsels. And having taken the oath he did not refuse. Therefore the legate, returning, reports all these things to the king who is awaiting.

Unde et securus nepotem cum iis qui apud se potiores erant, multa insignium ambitione navibus dirigit. Velisque aura commoda turgentibus pelagus ingressi, per quietum spumantibus remis ad terram feruntur. Firmatis vero tergo arenae navibus Ludovicus egreditur, ac ducem cum reliquis occurrentibus excipiens, jure sacramenti sibi adcopulat.

From there, secure, he dispatches his grandson by ships with those who were of higher rank about him, full of great ambition of the notable. And with the sails swollen by a favourable breeze they put to sea, and, the oars foaming over the calm, are borne to land. But with the strand of sand fixed astern of the ships, Ludovicus lands, and receiving the duke and the others who meet him, binds the duke to himself by the oath of the sacrament.

Dux inde accelerans, equum insignibus regiis adornatum adducit. Quem cum ascensui aptare vellet, et ille impatiens in diversa sese tolleret, Ludovicus agili exilitione prosiliens, equo strepenti neglecta stapha repentinus insedit. Quod etiam fuit omnibus gratum, ac multae gratulationis provocatio.

Then the duke hastening, brought forward a horse adorned with royal insignia. When he wished to make it ready for mounting, and it, impatient, lifted itself in sundry directions, Ludovicus, springing forward with a nimble leap, suddenly seated himself on the neighing horse, the stirrup-strap having been neglected. Which thing was pleasing to all, and a provocation of much congratulation.

Cujus arma dux suscipiens, armiger praecedebat, donec jussus magnatibus Galliarum contulit. Quibus militantibus cum multa ambitione et obsequio Laudunum deductus est. Ubi etiam et regnandi jura quindennis accipiens, omnibus faventibus per domnum metropolitanum Artoldum cum episcopis 20 rex creatus est (Jun.

Receiving his arms, the duke took them up, the armiger going before, until, being ordered, he presented them to the magnates of the Gauls. With those serving him, amid much ambition and deference, he was led to Laudunum. There also, receiving the five-year (quinquennial) rights of ruling, and with all favoring, he was made king by the metropolitan lord Artoldus with 20 bishops (Jun.

19). Inde quoque deductus, in vicinis urbibus gratulanter excipitur. Universi ei applaudunt. Omnes letantur.

19). Thence likewise led down, he is received with congratulation in the neighboring towns. All applaud him. All rejoice.

Tanta omnium fuit et eadem mens.

So great was the consent of all, and the same mind.

5. Rex cum duce Burgundiam petit, ac urbem Lingonicam bello repetit capitque. Nec minus et Burgundiam petere, ac urbes sedesque regias lustrare a duce monetur. Rex hortanti consentiens, Burgundiam duce comitante ingreditur.

5. The king, with the duke, seeks Burgundy and again attacks and takes the city Lingonica by war. Nor is he less urged by the duke to seek Burgundy and to traverse the royal cities and seats. The king, consenting to the duke’s exhortation, enters Burgundy with the duke accompanying him.

Ad quem urbium principes benigniter confluentes, magnifice exceperunt. Ac rogati fidem jure sacramenti dederunt. Hugo tantum Rodulfi regis frater Lingonicam urbem possidens, regi occurrere distulit, qui occurrerunt admodum iratus.

To whom the city-princes, gathering benignly, gave him a magnificent reception. And, when asked, they pledged fidelity by the oath of the sacrament. Hugo alone, brother of King Rodulfus, holding the city of Lingonica, delayed to go to meet the king, who, when they met, was exceedingly angry.

Rex dum per aliquot ebdomadas sua lustraret, inimici invidiam advertit. Proponens itaque ante discessum nullam praeterire urbem, legatos Hugoni dirigit, qui a pertinatia eum revocent, ac ei de fide sibi servanda persuadeant. Qui apud eum perorantes, nihil pacis, nihil regii honoris acceperunt.

While the king was traversing his domains for several weeks, he perceived the envy of the enemy. Therefore, proposing before departure to leave no city unpassed, he sent envoys to Hugh to recall him from his pertinacity and to persuade him to observe the faith due to him. Those pleading before him won nothing—neither peace nor regal honour.

Unde et digressi, audita regi referunt. Hugo praeter jus se egisse dinoscens, urbi copias deputat. Ipse in partes regni exteriores usque ad tempus secedens.

From there, having departed, they reported to the king what they had heard. Hugo, perceiving that he had acted beyond the law, assigned troops to the city. He himself withdrew into the outer parts of the kingdom for a time.

Rex vero pertinaci indignans, exercitum urbi applicat, a parte qua planiciem praefert, pugnam acriter ingerens. Altera enim parte, latere montis educto, pene inaccessibilis est. In parte ergo quae obsidioni aptior est, milites urbi rex cum duce adhibet.

The king, indignant at the pertinacious one, brings his army up against the city from the side which presents the plain, pressing the fight fiercely. For the other side, the mountain’s flank jutting forth, is almost inaccessible. Therefore on the side which is more fit for the siege, the king deploys soldiers against the city with the duke.

Quibus inpugnantibus hostes vehementissime resistunt, telisque ac lapidibus aerem densant, atque impetentes atterunt. Non tamen usque ad effectum repulsionis perstare potuerunt. Nam regii equitatus infestationem non ferentes, a parte praerupta, quae obsidione non premebatur, nocte egressi aufugerunt.

As they attacked, the enemies resisted most vehemently, and with missiles and stones they thickened the air, and by charging they wore them down. Yet they could not persevere to the effect of a full repulse. For the royal cavalry, not bearing the infestation, from the precipitous side, which the siege did not press, went out by night and fled.

Cives vero qui remanserunt, regi mox portas aperuere, eum cum suis absque refragatione in urbe gratulabundi excipientes. Qua rex potitus, ab ejus episcopo aliisque regni proceribus obsides accepit, atque sic cum duce Parisium iter retorsit.

But the citizens who had remained soon opened the gates to the king, welcoming him and his men into the city rejoicing and without resistance. When the king had thus taken possession, he received hostages from its bishop and other magnates of the kingdom, and so with the duke he turned his journey back toward Paris.

6. (937.) Rex ducis procurationem a se amovit. Rex felicium rerum successu elatus, praeter ducis procurationem res suas ordinari posse cogitabat. Unde et rei militaris administrationem absque eo jam disponebat.

6. (937.) The king removed the duke’s procuration from him. The king, exalted by the success of fortunate affairs, thought that his affairs could be ordered apart from the duke’s procuration. Whence he already arranged the administration of military matters without him.

Laudunum itaque tendit, ibique matrem suam Ethgivam reginam ad urbis custodiam deputat. Ac exinde quaecumque praeter ducem adoriebatur. Quod etiam fuit non minimae labis seminarium.

He therefore made for Laudunum, and there deputed his mother Ethgivam, the queen, to the custody of the city. And thence he set upon whatever things besides the duke. Which likewise was the seedbed of no small fall.

Dux etenim regem suae procurationis dispositionem reppulisse advertens, Heribertum comitem sibi asciscit, plurima apud eum in regis contumeliam pertractans. Amicitiam inter sese mutuam conditionibus utrimque confirmant.

For when the duke perceived that the king had rejected the disposition of his procuration, he took to himself Count Heribert, negotiating very many matters with him in contumely of the king. They confirm a mutual friendship between themselves, made firm by conditions on either side.

7. Heribertus castrum Teodericium dolo capit, ac proditorem in vincula conjicit. Heribertus itaque Walonem regis fidelem qui castro quod Theoderici dicitur praeerat, in dolo adiit, ac de transfugio illum alloquitur. Nec diu moratus, decepto persuadet, majora pollicens, ac plura promittens.

7. Heribertus seized the castrum Teodericium by guile, and cast the traitor into chains. Heribertus therefore approached Walon, the king’s faithful man who was in command of the castle called that of Theoderic, in deceit, and addressed him about the transfuge. Nor long delayed, having deceived him he persuades him, promising greater things and promising more.

Ille mox de pollicitis jusjurandum postulat, postulata a sese sic facturum spondens. Tirannus libenter annuit. Nec minus et transfuga juratus, tempus patrando facinori demonstrat.

He soon demanded an oath regarding the promises, pledging that he would so perform what was asked of him. The tyrant willingly assented. No less did the sworn defector point out the time for accomplishing the deed.

Immo et tiranni manibus sese exinde militaturum committit, ac ex militia fidem accommodat. Quo peracto in sua discedunt. Tempus advenit, Walo simulatis negotiis milites regios qui secum praeerant in diversa, ac si regis causam facturos disponit.

Indeed he commits himself thence into the tyrant’s hands to serve as a soldier, and from the militia he adjusts his fidelity. When this was accomplished they withdraw to their own quarters. The time arrives: Walo, with negotiations simulated, disperses the royal soldiers who had been placed under him into various directions, arranging matters as if they were to act for the king’s cause.

Ipse castro evacuato solus cum famulis relinquitur. Nec defuit cum cohorte tirannus. Qui a transfuga susceptus, castrum ingreditur atque occupat.

He himself, the camp having been evacuated, is left alone with his famuli. Nor was the tyrant lacking with a cohort. Who, received by the turncoat, enters and occupies the camp.

Intuitusque transfugam: Putasne, inquit, tuae curae oppidum hoc reservandum? captumque mox in vincula conjicit, suisque castri custodiam donat. Et nocte diei succedente, caeli pars prodigiose flammis erumpentibus in septentrione ardere visa est.

And having gazed at the transfuge: "Do you think," he said, "this town should be reserved for your care?" and soon he flings the captured man into chains, and entrusts the custody of the camp to his own men. And with night succeeding day, a portion of the sky was seen, prodigiously, to burn in the north as flames burst forth.

Qua etiam mox prosequitur et Hungarorum per Gallias repentina persecutio. Qui nimium saevientes, municipia aliquot, villasque et agros depopulati sunt; basilicas quoque quamplures combusserunt; ac indempnes redire ob principum dissidentiam permissi sunt, cum magna captivorum multitudine. Rex enim copias non habens, ignominiam pertulit, et utpote a suis desertus, sevientibus cessit.

Whereupon presently follows also a sudden incursion of the Hungarians through the Gauls. They, raging excessively, laid waste some municipia, villas and fields; they also set fire to very many basilicas; and the unharmed were permitted to return on account of the princes’ dissension, together with a great multitude of captives. For the king, having no forces, endured the ignominy, and, as being deserted by his own, yielded to those who were raging.

8. (938.) Oppidum Montiniacum rex per cohortem expugnat ejusque principem capit. Quibus digressis rex ad oppidum Montiniacum cohortem mittit, quae illud occupet, captumque diruat, eo quod Serlus quidam latrocinia exercens, illic receptui sese habebat. Cohors ergo oppidum appetens, latrones impugnat.

8. (938.) The king takes the town of Montiniacum by a cohort and captures its prince. When they having departed, the king sends a cohort to the town of Montiniacum to occupy it and to raze what had been captured, because a certain Serlus, practising robberies, was holding himself there for refuge. Therefore the cohort, attacking the town, assaults the robbers.

Nec morata vi capit, comburit, ac subruit. Latronem principem comprehensum dimissis minoribus regi deducit. Qui cum jussu regio gladiatori decollandus traderetur, Artoldi Remorum metropolitani interventu gratiam ab rege obtinuit, ac sese ulterius non latrocinaturum juratus, abire permissus est.

And not delaying, he took it by force, burned it, and razed it. The captured chief of the bandits, the lesser men having been dismissed, he led down to the king. Who, when by royal command he was to be delivered to a gladiator to be beheaded, by the intervention of Artoldus, metropolitan of the Remi, obtained mercy from the king, and, having sworn that he would no longer practise banditry, was permitted to depart.

His ita gestis, rex in partes Belgicae mari contiguas concessit, oppidum in ipso maris portu exstruere nisus. Cui etiam loco Guiso est nomen. Exceptusque ab Arnulfo regionis illius principe, apud eum de oppidi erectione agebat.

These things thus done, the king retired into the parts of Belgica contiguous to the sea, attempting to erect a town in the very harbour; to that place also the name Guiso belongs. And having been received by Arnulf, prince of that region, he was negotiating with him about the erection of the town.

Ubi dum in agendo moras faceret, castrum Remensis aecclesiae nomine Causostem secus fluvium Matronam situm ab Artoldo praesule editum, Heribertus proditione ingreditur ac capit, Castrensesque invadens, eorum potiores abducit. Rura circumquaque depopulatur, ac ingentibus praedis oppidum implet, et cum armis milites ibi deponit, aliorsum ipse secedens.

When, while delaying in his undertaking, he came upon and seized by treachery the castle of the Church of Reims called Causostem, situated beside the river Matrona and erected by the prelate Artold, Heribertus, invading the garrison, carried off their principal men. He lays waste the surrounding lands everywhere, and fills the town with vast spoils, and stations armed soldiers there, himself retiring elsewhere.

9. Rex Lauduni arcem capit. Interea regi ab metropolitano per legatos ista suggeruntur. Qui mox coeptum negotium intermittens, suo auxiliaturus regreditur.

9. The king of Laon seizes the citadel. Meanwhile those matters are urged upon the king by the metropolitan through legates. Who, soon interrupting the enterprise begun, returns to bring his aid.

Milites colligit, ac exercitum parat. Cum quo Laudunum veniens, arcem ab Heriberto nuper ibi exstructam et a suis adhuc detentam obsidet. At qui in arce erant, rebellioni sese parant.

He gathers soldiers and readies an army. With these he coming to Laudunum besieges the citadel recently raised there by Heribertus and still held by his own men. But those who were in the citadel prepare themselves for rebellion.

Rex ergo circumcirca sagittarios adhibens, missilibus evincere instabat. In quo tumultu hinc inde quam plures sauciati fuere, cum non minus qui in arce erant, sagittis aliisque missilibus uterentur. Rex ergo cum finem oppugnandi viribus non fecisset, ingeniose eos capere cogitabat.

The king therefore, employing archers all around, pressed to defeat them with missiles. In that tumult many were wounded here and there, since no less those who were in the fortress made use of arrows and other missiles. Therefore the king, when he had not brought the assault to an end by force, was devising cunningly to capture them.

10. Machinae compositio. Fecit itaque ex vehementissimis lignis compactis, machinam, instar longilaterae domus, duodecim virorum capacem, humani corporis staturae in alto aequalem, cujus parietes de ingenti lignorum robore, tectum vero de duris ac intextis cratibus exstruxit. Cui etiam intrinsecus rotas quatuor adhibuit, unde machina ab iis qui intrinsecus laterent, usque ad arcem impelleretur.

10. Construction of the machine. He therefore made a machine of very hard compacted timbers, in the likeness of a longilateral house, capable of 12 men, equal in height to the stature of a human body; the walls of it he built from the great robustness of the timbers, and the roof indeed from hard and woven wickerwork. He also fitted four wheels within it, by which the machine could be driven by those who lay inside up to the citadel.

At tectum non aeque stratum fuit, verum ab acumine dextra levaque dependebat, ut jactis lapidibus facilius lapsum praeberet. Quae exstructa, tironibus mox impleta est, ac ad arcem rotis mobilibus impulsa. Quam cum a superioribus hostes rupibus opprimere conarentur, a sagittariis undique dispositis, contumeliose repulsi sunt.

But the roof was not evenly laid; rather it hung down from the apex to the right and to the left, so that, when stones were hurled, it would more easily present a collapse. Which, once built up, was soon filled with recruits and driven toward the citadel on movable wheels. When the enemies above tried to crush it with rocks from the cliffs, they were contemptuously driven back by archers posted on every side.

Ad arcem itaque machina deducta, murus ex parte suffosus atque eversus est. Hostes multitudinem armatorum per hunc hiatum possibile introduci formidantes, arma deponunt, ac regiam clementiam implorant. Rex ergo amplius tumultuari prohibens, intactos pene comprehendit, praeter hos qui in militari tumultu sauciati fuere, suosque ad urbis tutelam in arce deposuit.

Thus, the machine having been brought down to the citadel, the wall was in part undermined and overthrown. The enemies, fearing that a multitude of armed men might possibly be introduced through this breach, laid down their arms and implored the royal clemency. Therefore the king, forbidding further tumult, seized almost all uninjured, except those who had been wounded in the military tumult, and placed his own men on the citadel for the protection of the city.

11. (939.) Dolus Arnulfi atque, oppidi Monasterioli captio. Haec dum gererentur, Arnulfus praedictus Morinorum princeps, Erluini oppidum secus mare situm Monasteriolum nomine, suae parti addere cogitans, eo quod ex navium advectationibus inde plures questus proveniant, adipiscendi insidias componebat. Dirigit itaque quosdam suorum callidos in veste abjecta, dolos dissimulans, ad quendam ejusdem oppidi custodem, quem etiam in proditione non diffidebat facillimum.

11. (939.) The stratagem of Arnulf and the capture of the town Monasteriolum. While these things were being carried out, Arnulf aforesaid, prince of the Morini, thinking to add the town called Monasteriolum, situated by the sea, to his domain, because from the arrivals of ships there more supplies came, was plotting ambushes to obtain it. He therefore directs certain of his men, sly in discarded garb, concealing their deceits, to a certain guardian of that same town, whom he did not distrust even in treachery, judging him most easily won.

Qui ingressi, eum a domino salutant, ac loquendi opportunitatem petunt. Secedunt ergo. Illi tantum esse negotium propter quod venerant simulantes, ut a quo exordiri possent, penitus ignorarent, aliquantisper herebant.

Who, having entered, greet him as lord and ask for an opportunitas of speaking. They withdraw therefore. They feigned that the only business was that for which they had come, so that they were wholly ignorant from whom they might begin, and they hesitated for some time.

Et tandem suspirantes: Eia te, inquiunt, Rotberte! eia te Rotberte! sic enim vocabatur quantis malis elapsus, quantis periculis exemptus es, et quanti insuper secundarum rerum tibi debentur successus!

And at length, sighing: “Eia te,” they say, “Rotbert! eia te, Rotbert! for thus you are called — by how many evils you have escaped, by how many dangers delivered, and how great, moreover, the successes of prosperous affairs are owed to you!”

Et statim protulerunt duos anulos, alter aureum, alter vero ferreum. Et vide inquiunt, quid in his perpendi valeat. Quo quid esset ignorante, illi prosecuntur: In auro dona egregia, in ferro vincula carceris puta.

And immediately they produced two rings, one of gold, the other of iron. "And see," they say, "what may be weighed by these." While he was ignorant of what this meant, they proceeded: "In the gold, imagine outstanding gifts; in the iron, reckon the bonds of a prison."

Instat etenim tempus, quo et oppidum hoc in jus alterius concedat. Tacenda haec tuae fidei committimus. Res vobis nesciis disposita est.

The time presses, for in it this town too will yield to the jurisdiction of another. We commit these things, to be kept silent, to your faith. The affair has been arranged for you, the unaware.

Nos quoque id ipsum penitus ignoramus. At rei summam scire non negamus. Mortem loquimur aut exilium.

We too are wholly ignorant of that very thing. But we do not deny knowing the sum of the matter. We speak of death or of exile.

Unde et tibi Arnulfus comes consulens, futurae cladis calamitatem per sua indicia significavit; hortans ut ad sese transeas, et ab eo auri et argenti insignia, terrarumque copiam ac militum multitudinem accipias, cum dono regis. In manus Nortmannorum, qua arte nescimus, in proximo sitis deventuri. Et quid super his tibi visum fuerit, amico per nos respondere ne differas.

Whereupon Count Arnulf, advising you, signified by his indications the calamity of the coming disaster; urging that you repair to him, and that from him you receive insignia of gold and silver, and a supply of lands and a multitude of soldiers, together with the king’s gift. You are about to be delivered into the hands of the Northmen, by some craft we do not know, in the near future. And whatever besides these matters seems to you, do not delay to reply to our friend through us.

Ille cupiditate ductus, proditionem addubitat. Herebat ergo stupens. Proponit sibi tandem proditionis dedecus, ea posse necessitate purgari, quod omnes oppidanos in proximo aut exulaturos aut morituros sibi innotuit.

He, led by desire, doubts the treachery. He therefore stood stupefied. At length he sets before himself the disgrace of treason, that it can be purged by that necessity, since it was made known to him that all the townsmen nearby would either go into exile or die.

Proditionem ergo spondet, ac juratus fidem dat. Nec minus et illi de pollicitis jurant. Tempus facinori datur, ac sacramento firmatur.

He therefore pledges the treachery, and, having sworn, gives his faith. Nor are those men less — they also swear concerning the promises. Time is granted for the crime, and it is confirmed by the sacrament.

Legati digressi, sese persuasisse referunt.

Legates, having departed, report that they have persuaded him.

12. Ingressus Arnulfi in Monasteriolum. Arnulfus itaque militum electorum copiam colligit, facinus quaesitum patraturus. Iterque carpens cum duabus cohortibus usque oppidum pene devenit.

12. The entry of Arnulf into the little monastery. Arnulf therefore gathers a force of chosen soldiers, about to perpetrate the crime he had sought. And taking the road with two cohorts he came almost up to the town.

Sol jam occiderat. Proditor per portam quosdam emiserat, acsi aliqua utilia curaturos. Unde et ipse in muro stans, facem ardentissimam praetendebat, veluti famulis emissis lumen ministraturus, quo etiam luminis signo per legatos aditum significaverat.

The sun had already set. The traitor had sent some men out through the gate, as if to look after some useful matters. Wherefore he himself, standing on the wall, held forth a most blazing torch, as if, the servants having been sent, he were to minister light, and by this sign of light he had also signified the approach through envoys.

Huc Arnulfus cum equitatu irruens, per portam patentem oppidum ingressus est. Eoque potitus, Erluini uxorem cum filiis capit, ac ejus thesauros diripit. Erluinus vero habitu immutato, e medio hostium elapsus est.

Here Arnulf, rushing in with his cavalry, entered the town through the open gate. And having thus taken possession, he seized Erluin’s wife with her children and plundered his treasures. Erluin, however, with his garb changed, slipped out from among the enemy.

Arnulfus quoque omnibus pervasis, oppido suos deputat, Erluini uxorem cum natis Aedelstano regi Anglorum servandos trans mare deportat. Sicque ad sua oppido suis munito rediit.

Arnulfus also, with everything having been taken, assigns his men to the town and transports across the sea Erluinus’s wife with her children to King Aedelstan of the English to be kept. And thus he returned to his own, the town secured for his people.

13. Conquestio Erluini apud Wilelmum ducem de castri uxorisque et natorum amissione. Erluinus vero vix mortis periculo liber, ad Wilelmum principem Nortmannorum sese contulit, plurimam de suis casibus quaerimoniam apud eum agitans, sese inquiens infeliciorem, cum opido et militibus privatus, ac uxore filiisque orbatus, nihil praeter corpus possideat. De oppidi amissione non se adeo affici, cum id sine spe aliqua recuperandi non sit, eo quod terra immobilis, ac oppidum intransitivum sit.

13. Erluin’s complaint before Duke William concerning the loss of his castle, his wife, and his sons. Erluin, however, hardly freed from the peril of death, repaired to William, prince of the Nortmanni, bringing a very great lamentation about his fortunes to him, saying that he was the more unhappy, being deprived of his town and his soldiers, and bereft of his wife and children, possessing nothing except his body. He declared that the loss of the town affected him not so much, since it is not to be recovered with any hope, because the land is immovable and the town is intransitable.

Uxoris vero ac filiorum privatio, calamitatem interminabilem praetendere videntur, cum illis consumptis ipse doloribus assiduis urgeatur, et non consumptis, at sub aliena dominatione detentis, ipse vana seducatur exspectatione. Quare quoque ad petenda solatia se venisse memorabat, ac gemebundus haec indesinenter petebat.

The deprivation of his wife and sons, however, seems to present an interminable calamity, since with them consumed by death he is pressed by continual sorrow, and with them not consumed but held under foreign domination, he is himself misled by vain expectation. Wherefore he also recalled that he had come to seek consolations, and, lamenting, he sought these without ceasing.

14. Erluinus oppidum expugnat ac capit. Princeps his quaerimoniis motus, auxilium annuit, ac militum copiam ei committit. Erluinus itaque ad oppidum properat, ac tempestivius cum copiis appetit, circumque vallat terra marique.

14. Erluinus assaults and captures the town. The prince, moved by these complaints, grants aid and entrusts to him a force of soldiers. Erluinus therefore hastens to the town, and, promptly with his troops, attacks, and surrounds it by land and by sea.

Instat itaque atque acriter adurget. Tandem vero multa expugnatione attritum, ingreditur, totumque pervadit. Arnulfi milites omnes comprehendit.

He presses on therefore and urges on fiercely. At last, worn down by much assault, he enters and sweeps through the whole place. He seizes all of Arnulf’s soldiers.

Quorum alios gladio enecat, alios uxori natisque repetendis conservat.

Of whom he kills some with the sword, he spares others to be reclaimed by their wife and children.

15. Congressus Erluini cum militibus Arnulfi. Arnulfus tanta suorum calamitate confectus, milites colligit, eosque in Erluinum mittit, qui ejus terram usque ad oppidum depopulentur. Directique, incendiis circumquaque ac rapinis admodum deseviunt, multaque rerum praeda abducta, festinabant, cum legati ab Erluino affuerunt, qui indicarent, quod nisi totam praedam sine mora redderent, sine mora eis esse congrediendum.

15. The meeting of Erluin with Arnulf’s soldiers. Arnulf, spent by so great a calamity of his men, gathers soldiers and sends them to Erluin, that they plunder his land as far as the town. And having set forth, they lay waste all around with fires and pillage most wildly, and with much booty of things carried off they hastened, when envoys from Erluin arrived, who declared that unless they returned all the plunder without delay, without delay they must be engaged (confronted) in battle.

Hostes legationem spernentes, capta abducere accelerabant. Legati regressi, sese abjectos referunt. Erluinus cum quadringentis armatorum mox processit, ac festinantibus supervenit.

The enemies, spurning the legation, hastened to carry off the captives. The legates returned and reported themselves as having been cast down. Erluinus, with four hundred armed men, soon advanced and overtook them as they were hurrying.

Illi vero praeda relicta conversi irruentibus obvertuntur. Signisque collatis, acriter dimicatum est. Praedones fere omnes gladio occubuere, praeter hos quos fuga belli violentiae exemit.

They, however, the booty left behind, having turned, were overwhelmed by those rushing in. With the standards having been brought together, there was fierce fighting. Almost all the plunderers fell by the sword, except those whom flight delivered from the violence of the battle.

Et tamen ii, cum fuga eos exagitaret, ab Erluino post insectante atrociter fusi sunt. Erluinus praedis receptis cum ingentibus hostium manubiis ad sua feliciter remeavit.

And yet those men, when flight drove them on, were cruelly routed after Erluinus pursued them closely. Erluinus, the plunder recovered, with the great booty of the enemies happily returned to his own.

16. Belgicorum querimonia ad regem super ejus levitate. Quo tempore Belgicorum principes ad regem conveniunt, ac Lauduni apud eum gravissime conqueruntur, eo quod inconsultus omnia appetat. Si eorum quoque consiliis adquiescat, in bonum exitum res suas deventuras memorant.

16. The Belgians' complaints to the king concerning his levity. At that time the princes of the Belgae assemble before the king, and in his presence they complain most gravely about Laudunus, because he seeks all things inconsultly. They observe that if he were also to acquiesce to their counsels, their affairs would turn to a good outcome.

Ad hoc etiam sese convenisse, ut quid velit eis injungat, quod cupit ingerat. Si velit, consilio et armis, terra marique, contra hostes sese congressuros. Rex ab eis fide suscepta, cum multa benivolentia redire permisit, si fortuna quandoque postulet, redire jubens.

They likewise agreed moreover that he should enjoin upon them what he wished, and should press upon them what he desired. If he wished, with counsel and arms, by land and sea, they would set themselves against the enemies. The king, their fidelity received, permitted them to return with much goodwill, ordering them to return should fortune at any time demand it.

Nec multo post et ab Aedelstano Anglorum rege classis regi cum copiis missa est. Audierat enim, illum ab iis qui maritima incolebant loca, exagitari; contra quos classis dimicaret, regique nepoti auxilium ferret. Comperto vero contra regem, illorum neminem stare, ipsumque regem in partes Germaniae prosperum secessisse, mari remenso ad propria remeat.

And not long after a fleet, with forces, was also sent by Æthelstan, king of the English, to the king. For he had heard that he was being harried by those who dwell in maritime places; against whom the fleet would fight, and would bring aid to the king’s nephew. But when it was discovered that none of them stood against the king, and that the king himself had withdrawn prosperously to parts of Germany, the fleet, its voyage resumed, returned to its own shores.

17. Rex in Belgica suos sibi sociat et Ottonis fautores ultra Rhenum fugat. Rex in pago Elisatio cum Hugone Cisalpino principe locutus, Belgicos exteriores qui ad se nondum venerant, sibi asciscebat. Et qui partibus Ottonis favebant, ultra Rhenum fugere compulit.

17. The king in Belgica allied his own to himself and drove Otto’s partisans beyond the Rhine. The king, in the pagus Elisatio, having spoken with Hugh the Cisalpine prince, was receiving to himself the Belgians from abroad who had not yet come to him. And he forced those who favoured Otto’s faction to flee across the Rhine.

Presenserat enim Ottonem velle in suum jus Belgicam transfundere. Unde et equo ei non ferebatur animo. Truculentius ergo contra illum agitans, suos de regno exturbavit.

For he had perceived that Otto wished to transfuse Belgica into his own jurisdiction. Hence he was not favorably disposed toward him. Therefore, acting more truculently against him, he expelled his own followers from the kingdom.

Qui vero sibi consentiebant asciscens, Gislebertum videlicet Belgicorum ducem, Theodericum quoque atque Isaac comites, cum eis consilium confert, ac pro fide habenda jusjurandum ab eis accipit, post haec Laudunum rediens. Ibique ejusdem urbis episcopum Rodulfum, proditionis evidentissime insimulatum, ab urbe pellit, suosque simul ejicit. Quorum etiam res suis contulit.

He, taking to himself those who consented to him — namely Giselbert, duke of the Belgians, Theoderic also, and the count Isaac — conferred with them and exacted from them an oath to be held for fidelity; after these things he returned to Laudunum. There he expelled from the city Bishop Rodulf, most plainly accused of treason, and at the same time drove out his own adherents. He likewise transferred their possessions to his men.

18. Otto Belgicam devastat. Otto interea Belgicos comperiens regis partes sustentare, et a se penitus defecisse, Rheno transmisso Belgicam ingressus, ejus loca plurima incendiis ac ingentibus praedis devastat, eo quod ex collatione paterna princeps fieri Belgicis dedignantibus contenderet, cum ejus pater Saxoniae solum propter Sclavorum improbitatem rex creatus sit, eo quod Karolus cui rerum summa debebatur, adhuc in cunis vagiebat. Multam itaque praedam abducens, Rhenum transmeat.

18. Otto devastates Belgica. Otto, meanwhile, finding the Belgians to be supporting the king’s party and to have utterly deserted him, having crossed the Rhine and entered Belgica, laid waste very many of its places with fires and vast spoils, because he strove to become prince by paternal succession while the Belgians scorned this, since his father had been made king of Saxony alone on account of the Sclavs’ wickedness, Charles, to whom the supreme authority was owed, still crying in his cradle. Therefore, taking much booty, he crosses the Rhine.

19. Impetus Gisleberti in Germaniam, ejusque ac suorum fusio. At Gislebertus dux dedecoris injuriam ultum ire volens, omnem Belgicam lustrat, ac tirones lectissimos in unum cogit, senes tantum emeritos patriae linquens. Factoque exercitu, Rhenum transmeat, ac patriam solotenus incendiis ingentibus vastat.

19. The attack of Gislebert into Germany, and the rout of him and his men. But Gislebert the duke, wishing to avenge the outrage of dishonor, scours all Belgica and gathers the choicest recruits into one body, leaving only the aged veterans to the fatherland. And with an army thus made he crosses the Rhine and lays waste the country, solely by vast conflagrations.

Armentorum etiam pecudumque praedam nimiam exercitus congregat abducitque. Jam vero flumen ingredi parabat, cum Otto exercitum accelerantibus induxit. Belgici renitentes, cum Germanis secus fluvium congressi sunt, atque in parte utraque nimium fusi.

He gathers up and carries off an excessive booty of herds and cattle for the army. Now indeed he was preparing to enter the river, when Otto, urging the army forward, led them on. The Belgici, resisting, when they met the Germans along the riverbank, were routed on both sides and were too greatly scattered in every quarter.

Qua die Germanorum victoria aegre sustentata est, et licet innumerabilibus suorum stratis tamen enituit. Nam Gislebertus dux suorum fusione exercitum defecisse advertens, fuga periculum evadere nitebatur. In fluentum itaque cum equo prosilit.

On that day the Germans’ victory was scarcely maintained, and although with innumerable of his men slain he nevertheless strove. For Gislebert the duke, perceiving that the army had failed through the rout of his followers, tried to escape danger by flight. Accordingly he sprang with his horse into the river.

Qui cum fluminis pelagus enatare non posset, vi undarum victus periit, atque sessorem inmersit. Belgicorum vero alii fluvio enecati, alii ferro caesi, alii capti, nonnulli vero profugio erepti sunt. Ludovicus rex Gislebertum extinctum comperiens, multam in ejus casu commiserationem habuit.

He, since he could not swim the river’s breadth, overcome by the might of the waves, perished, and plunged his rider beneath the surface. Of the Belgians, moreover, some were drowned in the river, others cut down by the sword, others taken captive, while a number were snatched away by flight. King Ludovicus, finding that Gislebertus was dead, felt great commiseration for his case.

Atque in Belgicam profectus, ejus uxorem Gerbergam Ottonis sororem conjugio duxit, eamque secum reginam in regnum coronavit.

And having set out into Belgica, he took as his wife Gerberga, sister of Otto, in marriage, and with him crowned her queen in the kingdom.

20. (940.) Wilelmus dux piratarum regi contra omnes fidem jurat. Dum haec Lauduni gererentur, Wilelmus piratarum dux, legatos regi dirigit, qui sese satis ei fidelem indicent: quo rex jubeat, sese occursurum, fidemque contra omnes polliciturum. Quorum legationem rex multa benivolentia excipiens in pagum Ambianensem sibi occurrendum constituit, eo quod ibi specialiter utilia quaedam per illos determinanda forent.

20. (940.) William, duke of the pirates, swears fealty to the king against all. While these things were being done at Laon, William, leader of the pirates, dispatches envoys to the king to show themselves sufficiently loyal to him: requesting that the king command that he should come to meet him and promise fidelity against all. The king, receiving their legation with much benevolence, resolved to meet them in the Ambian district, because there certain matters especially useful were to be determined by them.

Legatis itaque abductis, rex ad locum condictum tempore statuto devenit. Cui etiam dux praedictus obvius venit. Exceptusque a rege decenter, provinciam quam ei pater Karolus rex contulerat, ab eo etiam accepit.

With the legates therefore having been taken away, the king came to the appointed place at the set time. To him the aforesaid duke likewise came to meet him. And, having been handsomely received by the king, he also received from him the province which King Charles his father had bestowed upon him.

Unde et regis factus, tanto ei consensu alligatus est, ut jam jamque aut sese moriturum, aut regi imperii summam restituturum proponeret.

Wherefore, having likewise been made king, he was bound to him by so great a consensus that at any moment he would declare that he would either die himself or restore to the king the supreme authority of the empire.

21. Artoldus archiep. Causostem munitionem expugnat et capit. Hujusque rei negotio utiliter peracto, rex in Burgundiam secessit.

21. Archbishop Artoldus storms and captures the fortification of Causostem. And with this affair usefully brought to an end, the king retired into Burgundy.

In cujus absentia Artoldus metropolitanus, ne suae rei putaretur inopia, absque regiis copiis Causostem munitionem appetit, eique obsidionem circumquaque adhibet. Quam continua oppugnatione exagitans, quinto tandem die ingreditur, capitque. Illos quoque qui sibi surripuerant comprehendit.

In his absence Artoldus the metropolitan, lest he be thought deficient in his office, without royal forces attacks the fortification called Causostem and places a siege all around it. Urging it with continuous assault, he at last on the fifth day enters and captures it. He also seized those who had stolen away what belonged to him.

Sed utpote vir bonus, nulliusque vitae aemulus, indempnes abire permisit. Oppidum etiam funditus subruit, sicque ad sua rediit.

But as a good man, and no emulous rival of anyone’s life, he permitted the unharmed to depart. He also razed the town utterly to its foundations, and thus returned to his own.

22. Heribertus et Hugo Remos obsident et capiunt, praesulemque pellunt. Heribertus malorum occasionem nactus, acsi suorum oppidum dirutum dolens, apud Hugonem ducem qualiter Remos invadat, atque episcopum expungat, vehementissime agit. Cui mox Hugo utpote tiranno tirannus consentiens, sese auxiliaturum pollicetur.

22. Heribertus and Hugo besiege and capture the Remi, and drive out the prelate. Heribertus, having seized the occasion of evils, and grieving as if his own town had been ruined, deals very vehemently at Duke Hugo about how he should invade the Remi and expel the bishop. To whom shortly Hugo, a tyrant consenting as a tyrant, promises that he will lend his aid.

Collecto itaque agmine ambo in urbem feruntur, multa eam circum obsidione vallantes. Urbani Heriberto faventes, eo quod regio jussu ejus filium ante Artoldum delegissent, bello cedunt, praesulemque relinquunt, atque ad suae poenae cumulum desertores ad tirannos transeunt. Apertis vero portis sexta obsidionis die, tirannos in urbem excipiunt.

With the host therefore gathered, both are borne into the city, surrounding it with many circumvallations. The townsmen, favoring Heribertus because by the royal command they had sent his son before Artoldus, yield in war and abandon the bishop, and the deserters pass over to the tyrants, adding to the heap of their own punishment. But with the gates opened on the sixth day of the siege, they receive the tyrants into the city.

Artoldus pulsus, ad coenobium sancti Remigii proficiscitur, suam ibi Deo conspectori omnium querimoniam fundens. Ubi mox episcoporum aliquibus ac quibusdam magnatibus stipatus, rogabatur ut Avenniacensi abbatia sanctique Basoli rebus contentus, episcopii dignitate sese abdicaret. Atque multis minarum terroribus affectus consentit, juratus etiam ut fertur repudiavit; et tandem canibus satisfaciens, ad sanctum Basolum ibi moraturus abscessit.

Artoldus, having been expelled, sets out for the monastic house of Saint Remigius, there pouring forth his complaint to God, the beholder of all. Where soon, hemmed in by certain bishops and some magnates, he was asked that, content with the abbey of Avenniacum and with Saint Basolus, he resign the episcopal dignity. And, assailed by the terror of many threats, he consented, and—so it is said—even repudiated his oath; and finally, having appeased the dogs, he withdrew to dwell at Saint Basolus.

23. Hugo ac Heribertus in regis absentia Laudunum inpugnant. Hugone ergo diacono, tiranni filio, Remis relicto, jampridem etiam ad episcopatum urbis ipsius evocato, ipse Heribertus atque Hugo, Laudunum cum copiis aggrediuntur, obsidionem undique adhibentes, urbem militibus vacuam rati, eo quod rex in partibus Burgundiae exterioribus alia curaret. Et qua poterant oppugnantes, ingredi conabantur.

23. Hugo and Heribert attack Laudunum in the king’s absence. Hugo the deacon, the tyrant’s son, Remis having been left behind, and long since even summoned to the episcopate of that very city, Heribert himself and Hugo assault Laudunum with forces, raising a siege on all sides, thinking the city empty of soldiers because the king was attending to other matters in the outer parts of Burgundy. And, attacking as best they could, they strove to gain entrance.

At montis eminentia superioribus impares, non semel cedere coacti sunt. Instabant tamen, ac regi ingressum praeripere conabantur.

But on the mountain's eminence, being unequal to those above, they were forced to yield more than once. They pressed on nevertheless, and strove to forestall the king's entry.

24. Rege adveniente obsidio solvitur. Jamque ebdomadas septem obpugnaverant, cum rex hujus rei accitus nuntio, in Campania Remensi tempestivus affuit. Et licet cum paucis, fluvium tamen Axonam permeat, et sic in hostes fertur.

24. With the king’s arrival the siege is raised. And now they had been attacking for seven weeks, when the king, summoned by a message about this matter, arrived seasonably in the Rheims countryside. And although with few (men), he nevertheless crossed the river Axona (Aisne), and thus was borne against the enemies.

Quo comperto tiranni, regis quoque animum simulque et aequitatem perpendentes, ab obsidione discedunt. Rex vero ingressus, victus necessaria suis paravit, ac quaeque commoda ordinavit. Sicque alia dispositurus, Burgundiam repetit.

When the tyrants learned this, and weighing at the same time the king’s mind and his equity, they withdrew from the siege. The king, however, having entered, provided necessities for his men and arranged every convenience. And so, about to set other matters in order, he returned to Burgundy.

In cujus discessu, Wido Suessorum episcopus a desertoribus suasus, eo quod et ipse eorum partes latenter tueretur, Remos veniens, Heriberti filium Hugonem, presbiterum ordinavit. Unde et eum pater sacerdotali dignitate ampliare cupiens, ut Artoldus pontificatus apice legaliter privaretur, instanter quaerebat. Cujus rei rationem cum Hugone duce contulit, ac in effectum redigi admodum petiit.

On whose departure, Wido, bishop of the Suessones, persuaded the deserters, because he himself was secretly favoring their party; coming to Remos, he ordained Heribert’s son Hugo as a presbyter. Whence also his father, desiring to enlarge him with sacerdotal dignity, and that Artold be legally deprived of the apex of the pontificate, was urgently seeking this. He conferred the plan of the matter with Hugo as leader, and earnestly sought that it be brought into effect.

25. (941.) Artoldus a comprovincialibus episcopis repudiatur et pro eo Hugo eligitur. Disposita ergo rationum summa, Remensis dioceseos episcopos convocant, qui inter Artoldum et Hugonem, controversiam determinent, objectorumque finem constituant. Collecti ergo apud urbem Suessonicam, in basilica sanctorum martirum Crispini et Crispiniani, civium Remensium querelam excipiunt, dicentium sese diutissime pastore destitutos: cui subdantur et obsequantur, suppliciter expetere.

25. (941.) Artoldus is rejected by the fellow-provincial bishops and in his place Hugo is elected. Having therefore arranged the sum of the matters, they summon the bishops of the diocese of Remensis, that they may determine the controversy between Artoldus and Hugo, and settle the end of the objections. Having therefore gathered near the city Suessonicam, in the basilica of the holy martyrs Crispin and Crispinian, they receive the complaint of the citizens of Remensis, saying that they have for a very long time been forsaken by a pastor; that they be placed under him and obey him, they humbly request.

Artoldum jam se nolle, eo quod sacramento episcopium repudiaverit; at Hugonem, quod omnium unione electus, omnibusque acceptissimus sit. Quorum quaerimoniis episcopi annuentes, sacerdotio dignum Hugonem asserunt, eo quod non solum carnis nobilitas, set et animi mores pudici plurimum eum commendarent. Ratum etiam fore, si tanti honoris culmen, personae nobilitate adornetur.

They now declared that they did not want Artoldus, because he had repudiated the episcopal sacrament; but Hugo, because he had been elected by the union of all and was accepted by everybody. Assenting to these complaints, the bishops affirmed Hugo worthy of the sacerdotal office, on the grounds that not only the nobility of his flesh (birth) but also the chaste mores of his mind commended him greatly. It was likewise held that it would be ratified if the summit of so great an honor were adorned by nobility of person.

Hugonem itaque pene omnium conibentia attollunt, ac Remos deductum, in coenobio monachorum sancti Remigii metropolitanum sollempniter consecrant, atque in urbe decenter exceptum, multo obsequio ac reverentia honorant. Rex in partibus Burgundiae viatorum relatu, patratum negotium advertens, mox Laudunum rediit. Arnoldum quoque ac ejus fratrem Landricum proditionis insimulatos, nec tamen penitus convictos, cum in hac re promptissimi viderentur, ab urbe expulit.

They therefore, by the assent of almost all, exalt Hugonem, and, brought to Reims, solemnly consecrate him metropolitan in the monastery of the monks of Saint Remigius; and, being decently received in the city, they honor him with much obedience and reverence. The king, in the regions of Burgundy, hearing the report of travelers and perceiving the affair accomplished, soon returned to Laudunum. He likewise expelled Arnold and his brother Landricus, jointly charged with treason—though not wholly convicted—since they appeared most forward in this matter, from the city.

26. Rex in partibus Burgundiae exercitum contra tirannos colligit. Rex cum rei militaris inopia contra tirannos nihil moliri valeret, Burgundiam repetiit, ut exercitum inde sumeret, Remisque induceret. Admodum etenim id attemptabat, ut Heribertum ab urbe pervasa pelleret.

26. The king in the regions of Burgundy collects an army against the tyrants. The king, since by a lack of military means he could effect nothing against the tyrants, returned to Burgundy to raise an army there and to lead it to Reims. For he was very much attempting this, that he might drive Heribert from the city once it had been overrun.

Dum ergo in colligendis militibus moram faceret, tiranni multo equitatu Laudunum appetunt, atque circumdant, spem proditionis in quibusdam habentes. Haec dum aguntur, ad regis aures tempestive feruntur. Qui sumptis quos undecumque colligere valuit, in pagum Porcensem devenit.

While therefore he delayed in collecting soldiers, the tyrants, with much cavalry, set themselves against Laudunum and surround it, having hope of treachery in certain men. While these things are being done they are timely brought to the king’s ears. He, having mustered those whom he could gather from wherever, came into the district of Porcensem.

Ubi cum rem militarem ordinaret, ac hostibus bellum inferre pararet, tiranni Lauduni obsidione relicta, in regem vadunt, ac insperatum invadentes ejus exercitum, nonnullos sternunt, reliquos vero in fugam cogunt. Rex a suis eductus, vix cum duobus comitibus, vim mortis evasit, oppido quod Altus mons dicitur sese recipiens. Tiranni spe proditionis frustrati, obsidionem solvunt, atque in sua concedunt.

When he was organizing the military affair and preparing to wage war on the enemies, the tyrants, the siege of Laudunum having been left behind, advance upon the king and, attacking his army unexpectedly, strike down some and drive the rest into flight. The king, led away by his own, with difficulty and with only two companions, escaped the violence of death, withdrawing to the town called Altus Mons. The tyrants, their hope of treachery frustrated, raised the siege and retreated to their own country.

27. (942.) Tiranni a papa monentur, ne regem suum persequantur. Interea a domno Stephano papa vir clarus nomine Damasus legatus in Gallias directus est, apostolicae sedis litteras afferens, jussionem apostolicam continentes, ut principes provinciarum regem suum Ludovicum recipere non differrent, nec gladio ultra hostili eum insectarentur. Et ni cessent, anathematis telo omnes esse figendos.

27. (942.) The tyrants are warned by the pope not to persecute their king. Meanwhile, by Lord Pope Stephen a famous man named Damasus was sent as legate into Gaul, bearing letters of the apostolic see containing an apostolic injunction that the princes of the provinces should not delay to receive their king Louis, nor pursue him further with hostile sword. And if they do not cease, that all are to be struck with the weapon of anathema.

Quo episcopi cognito Remorum dioceseos, in unum mox coacti, de anathemate in sese habendo nisi resipiscant vehementer pertractant. Mittendum enim ad Heribertum disponunt, et ab eo suppliciter petendum, quatinus ipse ducem adeat, atque apud eum pro regis receptione agat, ostendentes anathematis periculum, et quanta iis debeatur ruina, qui dominorum contemptores ac persecutores esse non formidant. Quae suasio nullum effectum habuit.

When this was made known, the bishops of the Remorum diocese, soon gathered together, debated vigorously that an anathema should be held against them unless they repent vehemently. For they decide that a man be sent to Heribert, and that by him a suppliant request be made, so that he himself may approach the duke and plead with him for the king’s reception, demonstrating the danger of anathema and how great a ruin is due to those who do not fear to be contemners and persecutors of their lords. This exhortation had no effect.

A praedicto etiam papa mox alia legatio directa est, per Remensis ecclesiae legatos, qui a papa eodem sacerdotale pallium Hugoni metropolitano detulere, dicentes apostolicae jussionis hanc esse sententiam, ut Galliarum principes, regem suum persequi parcant, et insuper illum magnifice attollant. Quod nisi intra praescriptum diem officiant, horribili anathemate hujus factionis auctores ac cooperatores sive fautores gravissime esse multandos. Si vero apostolicae jussioni gratanter oboediant, legatos Romam dirigant, qui suam benevolentiam erga regem suum papae referant.

From the aforesaid pope moreover another legation was soon sent, by the legates of the church of Reims, who from the same pope bore the sacerdotal pallium to Hugh the metropolitan, saying that this was the sentence of the apostolic command: that the princes of the Gauls desist from persecuting their king, and moreover raise him up magnificently. Which, if they do not perform within the prescribed day, the authors and cooperators or supporters of this faction shall be most grievously punished with the dreadful anathema. But if they willingly obey the apostolic command, let them dispatch legates to Rome who may report their goodwill toward their king to the pope.

Et nec sic quidem tirannis quicquam persuasum est. A quibus cum regi incessanter quaereretur ruina, in contrarium res eorum tota relapsa est.

And not even thus was anything gained with the tyrants. From whom, when ruin was incessantly sought by the king, the whole of their affair relapsed into the contrary.

28. Rex per Rotgerum comitem Wilelmum ducem sibi conciliat. Etenim rex bonorum usus consilio, Rotgarium virum clarum Wilelmo pyratarum principi pro se locuturum direxit. Qui apud eum pro rege optime functus legatione, ibi rebus humanis excessit.

28. The king, through Count Rotger, won Duke William to himself. For the king, making use of good counsel, appointed Rotgarius, a renowned man, to speak for him to William, prince of the pirates. He, having performed the embassy excellently on behalf of the king in his presence, there departed from human affairs.

Ante tamen principi usque ad effectum suasit. Nam non multo post suorum legatione regem fideliter accersit, exceptumque Rodomi, ingentibus donis dignissime accumulat. Unde et factum est, ut alii hinc formidantes, ad regem tempestivius sese contulerint.

Yet beforehand he pressed the prince persistently until the matter was effected. For not long after, by a legation of his own men, he faithfully summoned the king, and having received Rodomus he most worthily heaped upon him vast gifts. Whence it came about that others, fearing from this, betook themselves to the king more promptly.

Wilelmus itaque Aquitanorum dux, Brittanorumque Alanus, piratas regiam rem curare comperientes, accessum maturant, regem adeunt, atque fide pacti miliciam jurant. His itaque rex collectis, praedictis tirannis secus fluvium Isara locuturus procedit. Tiranni regium equitatum suspectum habentes, praevenerunt, atque pontes praecipitaverunt, naves circumquaque in aliud litus abducentes.

Wilelmus therefore, duke of the Aquitanians, and Alan of the Britons, learning that the pirates were managing the royal affairs, hasten their approach, go to the king, and swear fidelity to the militia by pact. With these men thus assembled, the king proceeds to speak with the aforesaid tyrants beside the river Isara. The tyrants, deeming the royal cavalry suspicious, forestalled him, threw down the bridges, and led ships all around to another shore.

Sicque cum suis in adverso fluminis litore consederunt. Duabus tantum naviculis hinc inde cursitantibus, per internuntios controversia inter illos agitata est. Tandem sub pace sequestra obsidum jure a sese discedunt.

And so they sat down with their men on the opposite bank of the river. With only two small boats running hither and thither, by intermediaries a controversy was carried on between them. At last, under a hostage-truce, they separated from one another by the law of hostages.

29. Ludovicus et Otto reges in amiciciam conveniunt, ac per Ottonem Hugo. Rex principibus in pace dimissis, cum paucis iter in Belgicam retorquet, Ottoni cujus sororem conjugem sibi addixerat, ad loquendum obveniens. Quorum consilio multa concordia firmato, amicitiam mutuo conditionibus statuunt.

29. Ludovicus and Otto, kings, come together in amity, and Hugo through Otto. The king, the princes having been dismissed in peace, with a few men turns his journey back into Belgica, coming to speak with Otto, whose sister he had taken as his consort. By their counsel, many things with concord made firm, they establish the friendship on mutual conditions.

Ac fine negotii facto, rex Laudunum rediit. Otto vero Hugonem in regis gratiam reducere satagebat. Quem multis verborum stimulis familiariter ac levi furore redarguens, eo quod regi suo contrairet, dominumque insectari non formidaret, ad regem redire effecit.

And with the business concluded, the king returned to Laudunum. Otto, however, strove to reconcile Hugo to the king’s favour. By many verbal stimuluses, rebuking him familiarly and with a light fury because he opposed his king and did not fear to assail his lord, he brought him back to the king.

Et tempore oportuno, prudentium legationibus praemissis, regi ducem reducit, sibique conciliat.

And at an opportune time, the legations of the prudent having been sent forward, he restores the duke to the king and reconciles him to himself.

30. Principum apud regem conventus, ac Wilelmi in eorum contione tumultuatio. Duce ergo in pristinam gratiam revocato, cum ipse virtute et copiis antecelleret, alii consequenter reducti sunt. Omnibus itaque ad regem reversis, in fisco regio Atiniaco principibus ab rege post dies triginta colloquium habendum indicitur.

30. The assembly of the princes at the king’s court, and William’s tumult in their meeting. Therefore the duke, recalled to his former favor, since he excelled in virtue and forces, had others consequently restored. Thus, all having returned to the king, it is announced that a conference with the princes shall be held by the king at the royal fisc Atiniac after thirty days.

Et die constituta rex ibi cum provinciarum principibus affuit, Hugone videlicet cognomento Magno, Arnulfo Morinorum, Wilelmo piratarum ducibus, ac Heriberto tiranno. Nec defuit Saxoniae rex Otto. Ludovicus rex cum in conclavi sese cum Ottone rege ac principibus recepisset, consilio incertum an fortuitu, solus Wilelmus dux admissus non est.

And on the appointed day the king was present there with the princes of the provinces, namely Hugh by the surname the Great, Arnulf of the Morini, William, leaders of the pirates, and Heribert the tyrant. Nor was Otto, king of Saxony, absent. King Louis, when he had withdrawn into the chamber with King Otto and the princes—whether by counsel or by chance is uncertain—alone William the duke was not admitted.

Diucius ergo afforis exspectans, cum non vocaretur, rem animo irato ferebat. Tandem in iram versus utpote manu et audatia nimius, foribus clausis vim intulit, ac retrorsum vibrabundus adegit. Ingressusque lectum conspicatur gestatorium.

Diucius therefore, waiting at the doors and not being called, bore the matter with an angry spirit. At last, turned to rage as one excessive in hand and audacity, he forced his way in with the doors shut, and, waving his arm backward, drove them off. And having entered he caught sight of the litter-bed.

In quo etiam a parte cervicalis Otto editiore, rex vero in parte extrema humilior residebat. In quorum prospectu Hugo et Arnulfus duabus residentes sellis, consilii ordinem exspectabant. Wilelmus regis injuriam non passus: An inquit his interesse non debui?

In which also on the cervical side Otto sat higher, the king however sat more humbly at the far extremity. In their sight Hugo and Arnulfus, seated on two chairs, awaited the order of counsel. William, not enduring the king’s injury, said: "Should I not have been due to take part in these things?"

Desertorisne dedecore aliquando sordui? Fervidusque propinquans: Surge inquit paululum rex! Quo mox surgente, ipse resedit.

By the deserter’s disgrace have I ever been sullied? And, fervent and drawing near: “Rise a little,” says the king! When he soon rose, he himself reseated.

Dixitque indecens esse regem inferiorem, alium vero quemlibet superiorem videri. Quapropter oportere Ottonem inde amoliri, regique cedere. Otto pudore affectus surgit, ac regi cedit.

And he said that it was indecent for the king to be the inferior, and for any other to appear the superior. Therefore Otto ought to be removed from that place, and yield to the king. Otto, moved by shame, rose and yielded to the king.

Rex itaque superior, at Wilelmus inferior consederunt.

Therefore the superior king, and Wilelmus the inferior, sat down.

31. Otto injuriam sub specie fidei habendae dissimulat, ejusque conquestio. Otto penitus injuriam dissimulans, baculo innixus coepto negotio finem dare stando satagebat. Ac rationibus determinatis, rex cum consultoribus surgens egreditur.

31. Otto conceals the injury under the guise of a faith to be shown, and his complaint. Otto, wholly hiding the injury, leaning on a staff strove to bring the enterprise begun to an end by standing. And with the matters determined, the king, rising with his counselors, departs.

Otto injuriam Wilelmi vehementissime dissimulans, apud eum de fidei constantia inter sese servanda plurimum consultat. Unde et conceptum facinus, variis verborum coloribus obvelat. Quibus peractis, rex cum Wilelmo ad sua remeat, Otto vero cum Hugone et Arnulfo consilium conferens, de injuria irrogata apud illos amplius conquerebatur; ultra aequum et jus sese spretum memorans, ac coram amicis a sedibus amotum.

Otto, most strongly dissembling William’s injury, consults with him very much about the constancy of faith to be kept between them. Whence he also veils the conceived offense with various hues of words. These things accomplished, the king returns to his own with William; Otto, however, conferring counsel with Hugh and Arnulf, bewailed before them further the injury inflicted, recalling himself as scorned beyond equity and law, and driven from his seats in the presence of his friends.

Amicos ergo compati oportere, et amici injuriam suam debere arbitrari. Ab eis quoque tantam insolentiam summopere repellendam aiebat, cum ea facilius ad eos pervenire valeat. Nam qui sibi regi non indulsit, minus illis indulturum.

Therefore one ought to sympathize with friends, and to judge a friend's injury as his own. He said too that so great an insolence must be earnestly repelled by them, since it can reach them the more easily. For he who did not permit himself to be ruled would be less indulgent toward them.

Quae oratio, plurimam invidiam paravit, ac amicos in odium Wilelmi incitavit, cum et ipsi quamvis latenter ei admodum inviderent. Otto rex ad sua rediit.

Which speech brought about very great envy, and stirred the friends into hatred of William, since they themselves, although secretly, envied him exceedingly. King Otto returned to his own affairs.

32. Deliberatio Hugonis et Arnulfi de morte Wilelmi. Hugo et Arnulfus quid facturi Wilelmo essent deliberabant. Si eum gladio occidant, ad omnia sese fieri expeditiores aiebant.

32. The deliberation of Hugo and Arnulf concerning the death of Wilelmi. Hugo and Arnulfus deliberated what they should do to Wilelmi. If they should kill him with the sword, they said they would become more expeditious for all things.

Regem etiam ad quodcumque volent facilius inflexuros, si is solum pereat, quo rex fretus ad quaeque flecti nequeat. Si autem non occidant, discordias atque lites sine dubio proventuras, ac his occasione emersa, multorum stragem futuram. At horum utrumque perniciosum censebant, cum in occisione homicidii rectus redundaret, et in reservatione tirannis futura appareret.

They also judged that the king would be more easily bent to whatever they wished, if he alone should perish, on whom, the king relying, he could not be turned to anything. But if they do not kill him, discord and quarrels will without doubt arise, and with these opportunity disclosed there would be a slaughter of many. Yet they deemed each course pernicious, since in the killing the stigma of homicide would redound as righteous, and in sparing him a tyranny would appear to be forthcoming.

De occisione tandem persuasi, patraturos facinus accersiunt, vim negotii explicantes, atque in Wilelmum conjurare faciunt. Cujus interfectionis series mox apud conjuratos ita disponitur, ut ab Arnulfo legati mitterentur, qui pro colloquio multa necessitate in proximo habendo apud Wilelmum idonee legatione fungerentur. De tempore quaererent, quando sibi obveniendum foret.

Finally persuaded concerning the killing, they summon those who were to accomplish the facinus, explaining the force of the business, and compel them to conspire against Wilelm. The sequence of his interfection was soon arranged among the conspirators so that envoys would be sent by Arnulf, who, for the sake of a colloquy of great necessity to be held nearby with Wilelm, would suitably serve in legation. They inquired about the time when they would have to encounter him.

Locum vero secus fluvium Summam peterent. Quo ipse a terra sua egredi et collocuturis obvenire dignaretur. Qui postquam adveniret, et ab amicis exceptus esset, de amicitia plurimum, multum etiam de fide proponerent.

They sought a place, however, beside the river Summam. To which he himself might deign to go forth from his land and to meet the conversants. And when he arrived, and had been received by friends, they proposed much about friendship, and also much about fidelity.

Et quia tunc suis stipatus pervadi non posset, ictus differrentur, donec navim repeteret, si forte navigo eum advenisse contingeret. Cumque jam navigaret per pelagus, per conjuratos multo clamore revocaretur, acsi aliquid praecipuum oblivione praetermissum auditurus. Navicula ergo advectus cum paucis, aliis in pelago expectantibus, conjurati gladiis eductis incautum adorirentur.

And because then, hemmed in by his own men, he could not be reached, the blows were deferred until he should return to the ship, if perhaps it should happen that he had arrived by sea. And when he was now sailing over the sea, he was recalled by the conspirators with much clamor, as if about to be told that something principal had been omitted in forgetfulness. Therefore, having been brought in a little boat with a few others waiting on the deep, the conspirators, with swords drawn, attacked him unawares.

Si vero equester adveniret, post consilii finem Arnulfo digresso, illoque recedente, conjurati identidem eum repeterent, magnum quiddam sese afferre simulantes, quibusdam etiam scriis accitum detinerent, donec cunctis praeeuntibus extremus retrorsum incederet. Quem adorsi gladiis non minus transverberarent. Insurgentium vero piratarum vim evaderent, si equis velocibus rapti, ad dominum cum copiis praestolantem transfugere tempestivius accelerarent.

If, however, a mounted man arrived after the council's end, with Arnulf gone and he withdrawing, the conspirators repeatedly demanded him back, pretending they were bringing some great matter, and even detained some, summoned by cries, until the last of them, who had gone ahead of all, marched back. Whom, having attacked with swords, they no less pierced through. They would have escaped the force of the rising pirates, if, once seized, they had more promptly hastened on swift horses to flee to the lord waiting with his forces.

Piratas etiam tunc nihil aliud quam aut fugam acceleraturos, aut domini exsequias procuraturos. Sicque factum esset, ut Arnulfo ignorante eo quod absens esset, tantum facinus patratum videretur.

The pirates then would do nothing else but either accelerate their flight or procure their master's exsequies. And so it came to pass that, Arnulf ignorant of the fact that he was absent, so great a facinus appeared to have been perpetrated.

33. (943.) Wilelmi ducis interfectio. Legati itaque directi, colloquium petunt et obtinent. Tempus post dies 30 datur.

33. (943.) the killing of Duke William. The envoys therefore being sent ask for and obtain a conference. A period of 30 days is granted thereafter.

Locus quoque in pago Ambianensi secus fluvium Summam, ubi est insula Pinchinea conceditur. Negotioque peracto, legati redeunt. Tempore ergo constituto, Arnulfus terra, Wilelmus aqua in locum destinatum conveniunt.

A place likewise in the pagus of the Ambiani beside the river Somme, where the island Pinchinea lies, is granted. The business having been completed, the legates return. Therefore, the time being appointed, Arnulfus by land and Wilelmus by water meet in the place appointed.

Ac de amicicia multum, plurimum de fide utrimque servanda collocuti sunt, atque post nonnullos sermones a se soluti. Arnulfus reditum simulans, aliquantisper digreditur. Wilelmus vero ad classem rediit.

And about friendship much, and very much about the faith to be kept on both sides, they discoursed, and after several talks they parted from one another. Arnulfus, feigning a return, withdrew for a while. Wilelmus, however, returned to the fleet.

Naviculamque ingressus dum per pelagus navigaret, a conjuratis multo strepitu inclamatus, proram obvertit. Remigansque ad litus, quid vellent sciscitaturus, redit. Illi mox quiddam praeocissimum se deferre asserunt, quod a domino suo oblivione suppressum fuit.

And having boarded the little ship, while he was sailing across the sea, shouted at with great clamor by the conspirators, he turned the prow. And, with the rowers toward the shore, intending to ask what they wanted, he returned. They soon asserted that they brought forward something most urgent, which had been suppressed into oblivion by their lord.

Dux navicula litori apulsa, illos excipit, a quibus etiam mox gladiis eductis interimitur. Duobus quoque puberibus qui cum eo inermes aderant, et nauta sauciatis, a navicula facinorosi exiliunt, ac post conscium dominum in fugam feruntur. Qui autem jam per pelagus navigabant, conversi litus relictum repetunt, ac dominum interemptum, duosque puberes et nautam sauciatos inveniunt.

The captain, his little ship driven ashore, takes them aboard; by them, with swords soon drawn, he is slain. The criminals also hurl from the boat the two youths who had been with him unarmed, and the wounded sailor, and afterwards, with their master complicitly aware, they are carried off in flight. But those who had been sailing on the sea, having turned back, make for the deserted shore and find the master killed and the two youths and the sailor wounded.

Sumptumque domini corpus lamentabili obsequio sepulturae deportant.

And they carry off the master's seized body to burial with lamentable obsequies.

34. Rex filio Wilelmi Richardo terram patris concedit. Nec multo post et ejus filium de Brittanna concubina, nomine Richardum, regi deducunt, gesti negotii ordinem pandentes. Rex adolescentis elegantiam advertens, liberaliter excipit, provinciam a patre pridem possessam, ei largiens.

34. The king grants to William’s son Richard the father’s land. And not long after they also bring his son by a Breton concubine, named Richard, before the king, showing eagerness to lay out the order of the affair. The king, noting the youth’s elegance, receives him liberally, generously bestowing upon him the province long before possessed by his father.

Potiores quoque qui cum adolescentulo accesserant, per manus et sacramentum regis fiunt. Multaque regis liberalitate jocundati, recedunt Rodomum. Alii vero Nortmannorum Richardum ad regem transisse indignantes, ad Hugonem ducem concedunt.

The more prominent men who had come with the young man are sworn in by the king’s hands and oath. And, by much of the king’s liberality, they, delighted, withdraw to Rodomus. But others, indignant that Richard of the Northmen had gone over to the king, deliver him to Duke Hugh.

35. Rex a suis Rodomum accersitur, ac cum piratis dimicat. Qui autem regis partes tuebantur, per legatos eum accersitum, Rodomi decenter suscipiunt. Ubi cum ei referretur, regem piratarum Setrich cum classe copiosa fluvium Sequanam ingressum, ac ejus ducem Thurmodum consequenter navalibus copiis advenisse, ut absque regis dono omnia pervadant, atque defuncti ducis filium ad idololatriam suadeant, ritumque gentilem inducant, rex copias unde congrediatur colligit.

35. The king is summoned by his men to Rodomus, and there fights the pirates. But those who defended the king’s interests, when he was summoned by legates, received Rodomus with proper courtesy. When it was reported to him that the pirate king Setrich, with a copious fleet, had entered the river Sequana, and that his leader Thurmod had accordingly arrived with naval forces, so as to ravage everything without the king’s grant and to persuade the son of the deceased duke into idolatry and introduce the gentile rite, the king gathered forces from where he could engage.

Deumque propitiaturum confisus, alienigenis cum 800 occurrit. Et quia cum paucis erat, ad hostes concludendos acies in diversa disponere nequivit. Suis itaque stipatus, erectis signis ac densato agmine procedit.

And, confident that he would propitiate God, he met the foreigners with 800. And because he was with few, he could not arrange his battle‑lines in different directions to enclose the enemies. Therefore, pressed in by his own men, with standards raised and the column compacted, he advanced.

Gentiles quoque ordine pedestri incedebant. Propinquantesque patrio more in primo tumultu enses jaciunt. Quorum densitate equites territos ac sauciatos rati, cum clipeis et telis prosecuntur.

Gentiles also advanced in foot-order. And approaching in the ancestral manner, in the first tumult they cast their swords. The cavalry, deeming them terrified and wounded by their density, pursue with shields and missiles.

At regius equitatus, ensium nube dilapsa, clipeorum objectione tuti in pedites feruntur. Ac densati acies sternendo atque interimendo indivisi penetrant egrediunturque. Rursusque regressi penetrant, ac disrumpunt.

But the royal cavalry, the cloud of swords having dissolved, protected by the bulwark of shields, are borne onto the footsoldiers. And the packed ranks, by laying low and slaughtering, penetrate indivisibly and issue forth. And again, having returned, they press in and break them apart.

Regem quoque Setrich cum violentia belli in fugam cogeret, in dumeto mox repertus, tribus lanceis a palantibus transfixus est. Thurmodus vero cum adhuc in certamine totis viribus ageretur, ab Ludovico equi impetentis pectore est dejectus. Quem cum rex impetu praeteriret, nec eum dinosceret, et ab hostibus impetitus in loco staret, comminusque confligeret, Thurmodus suis stipatus, regem a tergo appetit, factusque ei dexter, per loricae manicam pene usque ad sinistri lateris ypocundriam, lancea sauciat.

King Setrich also, whom the violence of the battle had driven to flight, was soon found in a thicket and transfixed by three lances from the palantines. Thurmodus, however, while still striving in the contest with all his might, was thrown from his horse by the charging steed of Ludovico. When the king, passing by in his charge, did not recognize him, and, having been assailed by enemies, stood his ground in that place and fought at close quarters, Thurmodus, pressed on by his men, attacked the king from the rear; and coming to his right side, he wounded him with a lance through the sleeve of his cuirass almost to the hypochondrium of the left flank.

Rex multa cede ab eo impetu paulisper dimotus, sauciantem respicit. Ictuque in dextram obliquato, provocantis caput cum humero sinistro obtruncat. Tanta quoque caede gentiles fusi sunt, ut eorum novem milia cesa ibi referrentur.

The king, for a short while driven back by that assault of many strokes, looks upon the wounded man. And with a blow slanting to the right he lops off the challenger’s head with his left shoulder. So great also was the slaughter of the gentiles that nine thousand of them were reported slain there.

Reliqui vero, paucissimi tamen, navali profugio erepti sunt. Rex a Deo victoria potitus est, suorum tamen paucis fusis, nonnullis vero sauciatis. Post quorum curam redire disponens, Rodomum Erluino commisit.

The remainder, however—very few indeed—were rescued by a naval refuge. The king won victory from God, yet with a few of his men slain and several indeed wounded. Having arranged to return for the care of these, he entrusted Rodomus to Erluinus.

Ipse Compendium rediens.

He himself, returning to Compendium.

36. Artoldus archiepiscopus tirannos dimittit, et ad regem transit. Quo eum advenisse dinoscens, Artoldus qui in coenobio sancti Basoli confessoris ab urbe pulsus morabatur, mox quicquid a tiranno sibi relictum erat abjiciens, ad regem sese contulit, mallens apud eum parvo contentus morari, quam insociabilis tiranni beneficiis detineri. Rex metropolitanum quo ipse rex consecratus fuit injuste praecipitatum dolens, ne diffidat hortatur, summum sacerdotium sese ei redditurum pollicens.

36. Archbishop Artoldus abandons the tyrants and goes over to the king. When the king learned that he had arrived there, Artoldus, who, having been driven from the city, had been staying in the monastery of Saint Basolus the Confessor, soon casting away whatever had been left him by the tyrant, betook himself to the king, preferring to be content with little at his court rather than to be detained by the tyrant’s benefits in an unfree association. The king, grieved that the metropolitan by whom he himself had been consecrated had been unjustly deposed, urges him not to despair, promising that the highest priesthood will be restored to him.

37. Interitus Heriberti. His ita sese habentibus, cum Heribertus quaeque pernitiosa pertractaret, ac de quorundam calamitate multa disponeret, cum inter, suos in veste praeciosa sederet, atque apud illos extensa manu concionaretur, majore apoplexia ob superfluitatem humorum captus, in ipsa rerum ordinatione constrictis manibus nervisque contractis, ore etiam in aurem distorto, cum multo horrore et horripilatione coram suis inconsultus exspiravit. Susceptusque a suis, apud sanctum Quintinum sepultus est.

37. The death of Heribert. While these matters were thus, and Heribert was handling pernicious affairs and arranging many things concerning the calamity of certain men, when meanwhile he sat among his own in precious vestments, and was addressing them with his hand outstretched, being seized by a greater apoplexy from an excess of humors, in the very ordering of affairs his hands were constricted and his sinews contracted, and his mouth also twisted toward his ear; with much horror and trembling he expired suddenly before his men. And having been taken up by his own, he was buried at Saint Quintin.

Quo sepulto, ejus filii mox regem adeuntes, ab eo benigne excepti sunt. Patris injuriarum nihil sibi reducens. Excipitur et Hugo episcopus, ea tamen conditione, ut tempore congruo ratiocinari pro se de episcopatus adeptione non differat.

When he was buried, his sons, soon approaching the king, were kindly received by him. They made no claim for their father's injuries. Bishop Hugo was also received, on the condition, however, that at a fitting time he not delay to plead for himself concerning the acquisition of the episcopacy.

Cum quibus quoque rex Ambianum digressus est. Ubi cum non sine suorum potioribus quaeque praecipua disponere vellet, Erluinum Rodomi morantem per legatum accersit.

With whom also the king departed to Ambianum. There, since he wished to arrange certain principal matters not without the more eminent of his own, he summoned Erluin, who was lingering at Rodom, by a legate.

38. Congressio Arnulfi et Erluini. Quod cum malivolorum relatione Arnulfus comperisset, insidias praetendit, obvenientique rege ignorante cohortem inducit. Quod Erluinus mox dinoscens, signis collatis congreditur.

38. The meeting of Arnulf and Erluin. When Arnulf had learned this from the report of malicious men, he pretended an ambush and brought in a cohort while the arriving king was ignorant. Which Erluin, soon discerning, with standards joined, confronted him.

Congressus utrimque non modicus. Arnulfus suis fusis, profugiens, vix urgentem evasit. Erluinus victoria potitus, alios enecat, alios capit, alios in fugam cogit.

A not small engagement on both sides. Arnulf, his men routed, fleeing, scarcely escaped while hard-pressed. Erluinus, having gained the victory, slays some, captures others, drives others into flight.

In quo etiam certamine, interfectorem Wilelmi qui cum Arnulfo sibi vim intulerat militari insectatione comprehendit. Cujus manus obtruncans, in ultionem amici Rodomum misit. Ac cesorum ereptis manubiis, ad regem concessit.

In that very contest he captured, by military pursuit, the murderer of William, who with Arnulf had inflicted violence upon him. Having cut off his hand, he sent Rodomus to exact vengeance for his friend. And with the spoils of the slain seized, he granted them to the king.

39. Quo tempore Hugo dux in magna gratia regi habitus, ejus filiam ex sacro lavacro suscepit. Unde et eum rex omnium Galliarum ducem constituit. Quo duce rex equitatum parans, cum Gerberga regina in Aquitaniam proficiscitur (944). Ac urbem Nivernicam deveniens, Gothorum ducem Ragemundum Aquitanorumque praecipuos illic obvios excepit.

39. At that time Hugo, duke, being held in great favour by the king, received his daughter from the sacred laver. Whence the king of all the Gauls appointed him duke. With that duke the king, preparing cavalry, set out when Queen Gerberga proceeded into Aquitaine (944). And arriving at the city of Nivernica, he received there the Gothic duke Ragemundus and the principal men of the Aquitanians who happened to meet him.

Apud quos de provinciarum cura pertractans, ut illorum omnia sui juris viderentur, ab eis provincias recepit. Nec distulit earum administrationem eis credere. Commisit itaque ac suo dono illos principari constituit, regia hilaritate hilares redire permittens; ac cum duce iter ipse in Galliam retorquens, Lauduni sese recepit.

Among them, handling the care of the provinces so that all their matters might appear under their own jurisdiction, he received the provinces from them. Nor did he delay to entrust their administration to them. He therefore committed them and by his gift established them to rule as princes, permitting them to return cheerful with royal hilarity; and when he himself, turning the journey back into Gaul with the duke, withdrew to Laudun.

40. Arnulfus et Erluinus regis suasione in amiciciam redeunt. Ubi suorum praecipuos praeter ducem colligens, apud eos agebat quatinus viri illustres Arnulfus atque Erluinus, factarum injuriarum inmemores fierent, ac in benivolentia unirentur; suis rebus prosperiorem eventum deberi ratus, suorum concordia. Convocatis itaque de amicicia suadet; sese inter eos judicem, penitus aequitatem utrique parti facturum pollicens.

40. By the king’s persuasion Arnulf and Erluin returned to friendship. Having gathered the foremost of his men there, besides the leader, he set about urging that the illustrious men Arnulf and Erluin, forgetful of injuries done, be joined in goodwill; thinking that a more prosperous outcome for his affairs was owed to the concord of his followers. Therefore, having summoned them he counsels on friendship; promising that he himself will be judge between them and will render equity thoroughly to each party.

Concedunt itaque ac jussis regiis parent. Datisque vadibus, equitatis jura exsecuntur. Rex cum utrisque faveret, quamlibet utrique liberalitatem conferre meditabatur.

They therefore agree and obey the royal commands. And with pledges given, they perform the equestrian rights. Since the king favored both, he was pondering to confer whatever liberality upon each.

Qui cum Arnulfum de recompensatione rerum ereptarum nutare, ac Erluinum instantius amissa repetere adverteret, Arnulfum quoque majora restituturum, eo quod ipse ampliore rerum dispendio Erluinum affecerit, Erluino Ambianum in recompensatione amissorum pro Arnulfo concessit. Sicque factum est, ut Erluino sua restituerentur, et Arnulfo sua non minuerentur. Regis itaque industria in amiciciam revocati, regia negotia exinde curabant.

When he perceived that Arnulf was negotiating about the recompensation of things robbed, and that Erluin was urging more insistently to demand back what was lost, and that Arnulf too would restore greater things because he himself had caused Erluin a larger loss of goods, he granted Ambianus to Erluin in recompensation of the losses on behalf of Arnulf. And so it came about that Erluin had his own restored, and Arnulf’s were not diminished. Therefore, by the king’s industry they were recalled into friendship, and thenceforth attended to royal affairs.

41. Prodigiosa demonstratio cladis Brittannorum. Quo tempore ferebatur Parisii turbo repente exortus, tanta vi discucurrisse, ut parietes multa lapidum mole fundati, in monte Martirum funditus eversi fuerint. Demones quoque equitum specie visos, basilicam quandam non procul sitam, evertisse, ejusque trabes memoratis parietibus tam valide incussisse, ut eos subruerint; evulsisse etiam ejusdem montis vineta, ac sata devastasse.

41. A prodigious demonstration of the Britons’ disaster. At that time it was reported that at Paris a whirlwind suddenly arose, and with such force ran its course that walls founded with a great mass of stones were utterly overturned on the Mount of Martyrs. Demons also, seen in the guise of horsemen, overthrew a certain basilica not far away, and struck its beams so violently against the aforesaid walls that they brought them down; they even tore up the vineyards of that same hill and devastated the planted land.

Mox viso prodigio, Brittannorum pernicies subsecuta est. Qui Berengarii atque Alani principum dissidentia discordes, a Nortmannis cum quibus pactum egerant, pervasi, multaque cede attriti sunt. Necnon et civitas Namtarum capta est.

Soon after the portent was seen, the ruin of the Britons ensued. Those, discordant through the dissension of the chiefs Berengarii and Alani, were overrun by the Northmen with whom they had made a pact, and were worn down by much surrender. Likewise the city of Namtarum was captured.

Cujus episcopus cum supervenientium hostium metu territus, in aecclesiam fugere cogeretur, suorum densitate oppressus ac suffocatus est. Brittanni in ipso impetu viribus resumptis, hostes ab urbe vehementi conamine reppulerunt. Illosque adorsi gravi caede fuderunt.

Whose bishop, terrified by the fear of the arriving enemies, was forced to flee into the church, and was crushed and suffocated by the crowd of his own people. The Britons, in that very onset, having recovered their strength, drove the enemies from the city with a vehement effort. And having fallen upon them they routed them with grievous slaughter.

At Brittanni prosperiore fortunae successu confortati, tertia itidem die classem pervadunt, congrediunturque. In parte utraque innumeri fusi. Brittanni vero adversariorum copias non passi, in fugam feruntur.

Buoyed by the Britons’ more prosperous fortune, they likewise on the third day come upon the fleet and engage. On both sides innumerable men are routed. The Britons, however, unable to endure the enemy’s forces, are driven into flight.

Nortmanni autem victoria potiti, Brittannorum alios gladio occidunt, alios in fluctus cogunt, alios vero a Brittaniae finibus eliminant, praeter hos qui servitutis jugo subdi non recusavere.

But the Nortmanni, having gained the victory, kill some of the Britons with the sword, drive others into the waves, and expel others from the boundaries of Britain, except those who did not refuse to be subjected to the yoke of servitude.

42. Rex terram Nortmannorum pervadit capitque Quo ad regis aures perlato, Arnulfum ac Erluinum comites, simulque et Burgundiae episcopos aliquot, rex accersit. Praesenserat etenim eorum nonnullos a fide defecisse, Hugonique cessisse. Ac cum exercitu in eos fertur.

42. The king traversed the land of the Northmen and took it; and when this was carried to the king’s ears, he summoned the counts Arnulf and Erluin, and likewise certain bishops of Burgundy. For he had forefelt that some of them had fallen away from the faith and had yielded to Hugh. And with an army he marched against them.

Arnulfus cum suis regem praecedens, Nortmannos, qui custodias observabant, utiliter congressus apud Arcas fudit ac regi incessum expedivit. Rex Rhodomum veniens, ab iis qui fidei servatores fuere exceptus est. Desertores vero mare petentes, amoliti sunt.

Arnulf, preceding the king with his men, profitably engaged the Northmen who were maintaining the watches at Arcas, routed them, and opened the way for the king’s advance. The king, coming to Rhodum, was received by those who had been guardians of the faith. The deserters, however, seeking the sea, were seized and carried off.

Municipia vero copiis munita reliquere. Rex malorum nimias esse copias considerans, ab Hugone duce suppetias congrediendi per legatos postulat. Et ut ipse cum sufficientibus copiis veniat, Baiocarum urbem ita, si eam cum reliquis expugnet, accommodat.

The municipia, however, fortified with forces, were abandoned. The king, considering the enemy’s troops too numerous, demanded by envoys from Duke Hugo reinforcements for joining battle. And so that he himself might come with sufficient forces, he arranged the city of Baiocarum in such a way that, if he should take it along with the others, it would be made ready for use.

Dux donum regium excipiens, suppetias parat, regique subvenit. Cum suis itaque ac quibusdam Cisalpinorum potentibus trans Sequanam fiuvium iter faciens, Baiocas pervenit. Quam aggressus multa obsidione premit.

The duke, receiving the royal gift, readies reinforcements and comes to the king’s aid. So with his own men and with certain powerful Cisalpine nobles, making a journey across the Sequana river, he reached Baiocas. Having assaulted it, he pressed it with a great siege.

Inter haec a regiis stipatoribus persuasi Nortmanni, ad regem redeunt. Dux autem Baiocences urgebat. Rex duci obsidionem solvere per legatos jubet.

Meanwhile, persuaded by the royal attendants, the Northmen return to the king. But the duke was pressing the Baiocenses. The king orders legates to lift the siege for the duke.

Ille autem utpote ab rege datum, amplius oppugnat. Rex quoque iterum mandat, quod nisi cito discedat, sese in eum cum copiis iturum. Dux regiis jussis contraire non valens, ab obsidione coactus discedit.

He, however, being as it were bestowed by the king, attacks more fiercely. The king again orders that, unless he departs quickly, he will go against him with forces. The duke, not able to oppose the royal commands, compelled by the siege, withdraws.

Rex urbem consequenter ingreditur. Cujus ad se civibus revocatis, Ebrocas petit ac nullo resistente ingreditur. Nec minus et ab Ebrocensibus acceptis obsidibus, reliqua absque contradictione obtinuit (945).

The king accordingly enters the city. After recalling its citizens to him, he seeks Ebrocas and enters with no one resisting. Nor less, having received hostages from the Ebrocenses, he secured the remaining things without contradiction (945).

43. Dux suos in regis injuriam hortatur. Dux apud suos hanc injuriam sepissime memorans, de regis pernicie petractabat; fideles et amicos hortans, ut hoc ultum iri accelerent. Quod etiam multis querimoniis amplificans, suos in regem provocat.

43. The duke exhorts his men to vengeance for the king’s injury. The duke, among his own most often recalling this wrong, discoursed concerning the king’s ruin; exhorting the faithful and friends that they hasten this to be avenged. And, amplifying it with many complaints, he provokes his men against the king.

Bernardus itaque Silletensis atque Teutboldus Turonicus conquerenti satisfacientes, Montiniacum regis oppidum in ipsis Paschae diebus pervadentes, capiunt diruuntque. Compendium quoque regiae sedis aulam repentini penetrant, ac quaeque regalia insignia diripientes asportant. Nec multo post et idem Bernardus regis venatores canesque capiens, cum equis ac venabulis abduxit.

Bernard of Sillet and Teutbold of Tours, appeasing the complainant, passing through Montiniacum, the king’s town, in the very days of Easter, seized and laid it waste. They likewise suddenly forced their way into the hall, the principal chamber of the royal seat, and tearing away the royal insignia carried them off. And not long after the same Bernard, seizing the king’s huntsmen and dogs, led them away with their horses and spears.

44. Rex urbem Remorum obsidione premit. Rex Rhodomi talia comperiens, Nortmannorum exercitum colligit copiosum, ac collecto, redit, pagum Veromandensem ingrediens, penitusque depopulans. Accitis quoque Arnulfo, Erluino, Bernardo alio, Theoderico comitibus, in urbem Remorum fertur.

44. The king presses the city of the Remi with a siege. King Rhodomus, discovering these things, gathers a copious army of Northmen, and when assembled returns, entering the pagus Veromandensis and plundering it utterly. Moreover, Arnulf, Erluin, another Bernard, and Count Theoderic having been summoned as companions, he is borne into the city of the Remi.

Eamque disposita circumquaque obsidione cingit, eo quod Hugo ejusdem urbis episcopus quia ducis partibus favebat, regi ingressum negabat. Primo ergo impetu, graviter dimicatum est. Nam sagittariis hinc inde dispositis, qui in muro resistebant missilibus sauciantur.

And he girds it round about with a arranged siege, because Hugo, bishop of the same city, since he favored the duke’s faction, refused the king entrance. Therefore at the first assault a severe fight took place. For archers placed here and there, who stood resisting on the wall, were wounded by missiles.

Quibus amotis alii intacti succedunt, vices pugnae ingerentes. Sed et extra telis ac lapidibus jactis, nonnulli afficiuntur, ceduntque. Sepe tumultus reparantur, sepe ad portas, sepe ad murum comminus congressi.

With those driven back, others intact succeed them, bringing on the vicissitudes of the fight. But even beyond, with missiles and stones hurled, some are struck and retire. Often the tumult is renewed, often they engage at the gates, often hand-to-hand at the wall.

Animo utrimque feroces, nullo modo cedere parant; numquam sibi usque ad internetionem cessuri, nisi intercedentium supplicationibus obsidio soluta discessisset.

Fierce in spirit on both sides, they in no wise meant to yield; they would never have yielded even unto their own destruction, had not the siege been loosened and they departed at the supplications of those interceding.

45. Dux regi per legatos, suadet ut ab obsidione discedat. Dux namque in ipsa obsidione per legatos petiit, ut Ragenaldus comes sumptis a sese obsidibus locuturus sibi occurrat. Quod et fieri ab rege concessum est.

45. The duke, through legates, urges the king to withdraw from the siege. For the duke, indeed, in the very siege asked by legates that Count Ragenaldus, having taken hostages with him, should come to meet him to speak with him. This was granted and carried out by the king.

Directus itaque sub obsidum jure ad ducem venit. Apud quem dux diu deliberans, tandem agit, ut rex ab episcopo et urbanis obsides accipiens, ab urbis oppugnatione discedat, quatinus quocumque et quando rex velit, idem episcopus rationem redditurus accedat. Ragenaldus ducis animum regi perferens, ac consilium approbans, id fieri suadebat.

Thus conducted under the law of hostages, he came to the duke. Before him the duke, deliberating long, at last proposed that the king, taking hostages from the bishop and from the townspeople, withdraw from the assault on the city, provided that whenever and wherever the king wishes the same bishop shall come to render an account. Ragenaldus, conveying the duke’s mind to the king and approving the counsel, urged that this be done.

Obsidibusque sumptis idoneis, rex obsidionem decima quinta die solvit, tempusque audiendae rationis post dies 40 sub ipsa Kalendarum Juliarum die constituit. Aliis ergo interim curatis, dies habendi colloquii advenit. Et dux de superiore negotio locuturus, obvius regi affuit.

And with suitable hostages taken, the king raised the siege on the fifteenth day, and fixed the time for the hearing of the account to be after 40 days, on the very day of the Kalends of July. Therefore, other matters meanwhile being attended to, the day of holding the colloquy arrived. And the duke, about to speak of the foregoing business, came forward to meet the king.

Declamatis autem eorum causis, vix sibi consentiebant. Rationibusque non satis utiliter procedentibus, nihil paci commodum est, praeter quod sub pace sequestra usque ad medium Augusti rationem distulere.

But with their causes declaimed, they scarcely agreed among themselves. And with the pleadings not proceeding sufficiently usefully, nothing is advantageous for the peace, except that, under the sequestrate peace, they deferred the accounting until the middle of August.

46. Obitus Theotilonis Turonensium episcopi. Quo tempore cum beatae memoriae Theotilo Turonicae urbis praesul de renovanda inter principes pace vehementissime certaret, atque his admodum occupatus studiis, Lauduno discederet, peripleumonia in ipso itinere corripitur. Quae cum pulmonibus tumorem ac fervorem incuteret, die quarta nati morbi hac vita migravit.

46. The death of Theotilo, bishop of the Turones. At that time, when Theotilus of blessed memory, bishop of the city of Tours, was contending very vehemently among the princes for the restoration of peace, and, greatly occupied with these studies, set out for Loudun, he was seized on the very journey by peripneumonia. Which disease, as it inflicted swelling and fever upon the lungs, on the fourth day from the birth of the sickness he departed this life.

Cumque adhuc in noctis tempesta spiritum efflaret, mox luminis globus per aera ut fertur emicans, vigilantibus visus est. Cujus lumine ad noctis depellendas caligines sufficienter usi, qui ejus corpus exanime deferebant, per 150 miliaria usque urbem Turonicam hujus lucis solamine, corpus beatissimum detulere, in basilica sancti Juliani martiris, quod idem vir sanctus summa instruxerat religione, multa reverentia deponentes.

And while still in the tempest of night he breathed forth his spirit, soon a globe of light, as is reported, shining through the air, was seen by the watchful. By whose light, having been used sufficiently to drive off the darkness of night, those who bore his lifeless body, for the consolation of this light, carried the most blessed body for 150 miles to the city of Turonicum, and, depositing it with much reverence in the basilica of Saint Julian the Martyr, which the same holy man had endowed with the highest religion.

47. Captio regis a Nortmannis. Quo sepulto, cum adhuc inter regem ducemque pax nulla composita esset, atque rex dolos simulaturum nondum perpenderet, Erluino suisque aliis sumptis, Rhodomum rediit; nil veritus cum paucis illic immorari, cum idem consueverit. Dolus apud ducem a transfugis paratus, qui ante latuerat, orta oportunitate ex raritate militum, in apertum erupit.

47. The capture of the king by the Norsemen. When he was buried, although yet no peace had been composed between the king and the duke, and the king had not yet weighed that he would devise treachery, Erluin, with his own and others’ baggage, returned to Rhodomum; fearing nothing, he tarried there with a few, as he was wont. A deceit prepared against the duke by deserters, who had previously lain hidden, at an opportunity arisen from the scarcity of soldiers, burst forth into the open.

Nam dum tempestivus adveniret, ab Hagroldo qui Bajocensibus praeerat, per legationem suasoriam accersitus, Bajocas cum paucis ad accersientem, utpote ad fidelem quem in nullo suspectum habuerat, securus accessit. Barbarus vero militum inopiam intuitus, cum multitudine armatorum regem incautum aggreditur. Cujus satellitum alios saucians, alios interimens, regem in fugam cogit.

For while he was arriving seasonably, having been summoned by Hagrold who presided over the Bajocenses by a persuasive embassy, Bajocas, with a few men, approached the summoner — as to a faithful man whom he in no wise suspected — and came secure. But the barbarian, seeing the scarcity of soldiers, with a multitude of armed men attacked the unwary king. Wounding some of his satellites, killing others, he drove the king into flight.

Et forte cepisset, nisi ab ejus armigero resistente ibi mox interfecto, aliquantisper detentus esset. Qua mora rex equi velocitate per devia raptus, Rhodomum solus pervenit. Urbemque ingressus, a civibus, eo quod cum Bajocensibus conspirassent, captus ac tentus est (Jul.

And he might indeed have been taken, had he not been for his armiger resisting, who was soon killed there, and he had been detained for a short while. By that delay the king, snatched up by the speed of his horse along byways, reached Rhodomum alone. And having entered the city, he was captured and seized by the citizens, because they had conspired with the Bajocenses (Jul.

13).

48. Rex a Nortmannis per obsides dimittitur, et iterum dolo a duce capitur. Hugo dux regem Rhodomi captum comperiens, Bajocas devenit; pro regis captione gratias redditurus, ac ut sibi captus commitatur ratiocinarurus. Nortmanni vero justis conditionibus id agendum respondent, ut si dux regem excipiat, ipsi regis filios omnes, sub jure obsidum accipiant, nec sub alia lege regem sese dimissuros.

48. The king is released by the Northmen upon hostages, and again is captured by the duke through guile. Hugo the duke, learning that the king of Rhodomi had been taken, came to Bayeux, intending to give thanks for the king’s capture and to consider that the captive be entrusted to him. The Northmen, however, answer that this must be done on fair conditions: that if the duke receives the king, they themselves shall take all the king’s sons as hostages under oath, and they will not release the king under any other law.

Dux captionem dissimulans, acsi regis causa rem ordinaturus, ad reginam Gerbergam, pro filiis regis legatos mittit. At regina rem necessariam cognoscens, sub sacramento minorem dirigit, majorem mittere evinci non valens. Nam duo tantum erant.

The duke, feigning the capture and as if about to arrange the matter for the king’s sake, sends envoys to Queen Gerberga on behalf of the king’s sons. But the queen, perceiving the necessary matter, under oath sends the younger, not being able to be prevailed upon to send the elder. For there were only two.

Minore ergo obside oblato, Nortmannis non satis fuit; majorem admodum petentes. Sed quia iis quibus fidelior mens inerat, visum est regiae stirpis nobilitatem posse penitus absumi, si desertoribus omnes filii cum patre teneantur, id sese non facturos responderunt; minorem tantum daturos, et pro majore ex se ipsis quemcumque petant dimissuros. Widonem ergo Suessorum episcopum, quem inter omnes potissimum videbant, expetunt, ac pro obside cum regis filio recipiunt.

Therefore, with the lesser hostage offered, it was not enough for the Northmen; they were very much demanding a greater. But because those in whom a more faithful mind dwelt thought that the nobility of the royal stock might be utterly consumed if all the sons together with the father were held for the deserters, they answered that they would not do that; they would give only the lesser, and in place of the greater would dismiss from among themselves whomever they might demand. They therefore sought Widon, bishop of the Suessians, whom above all they preferred, and received him as a hostage along with the king’s son.

Rex itaque dimissus, cum a duce in sua deduci putaretur, ab eodem detentus est, ac Teutboldo Turonico custodiendus deputatur. Unde et manifestatum fuit, regiae lineae decus, in absumptione patris et filiorum penitus abolere tirannum voluisse. Re autem in contrarium ducta, unus tantum regis filius a captione superfuit.

The king therefore, dismissed, since he thought he would be led back to his own by the duke, was detained by that same man, and assigned to be guarded by Teutbold of Tours. Whence it was also made plain that the honor of the royal line wished, in the destruction of the father and sons, to abolish the tyrant utterly. But the affair turned the other way, and only one of the king’s sons survived the capture.

49. (946.) Otto, et Edmundus reges., Germanorum et Anglorum, in ducem pro rege moventur. Cujus rei ordinem regina mox per legatos oratores Edmundo Anglorum Ottonique Transrhenensium regibus indicat, ac super hoc gravissimam querimoniam litteris habitam mittit. Otto regis ac sororis casum dolens, pro restitutione regis, Hugoni mox legationem delegat, plurima postulans, aliqua etiam intentans.

49. (946.) Otto and Edmund, kings of the Germans and of the English, are moved to set up a duke in place of the king. The queen shortly declared the order of this affair by legate-ambassadors to Edmund, king of the English, and to Otto, king of the men beyond the Rhine, and sent a very grave complaint in letters about it. Otto, grieving the fate of the king and of his sister, for the restitution of the king soon delegated a legation to Hugh, requesting very many things, and even pressing certain others.

Edmundus quoque rex de sobrini miseriis adeo conquestus, eidem duci multam animi indignationem suorum legatione demonstrat; plurimum si non reddat contra illum sese facturum intendens, insuper et hostes ei terra marique inducturum, ac terram ejus penitus depopulaturum. Quod si quolibet claudatur municipio, obsidionem vehementi conamine adhibiturum; atque amplius duce, se a Gallis accepturum suppetias. Et nisi regem in proximo reddat, eum terra marique in proximo appetendum.

King Edmund also, so moved by the miseries of his sobrino, displayed to that same duke by his legation much of the indignation of his people; earnestly declaring that, if he does not restore him, he intends above all to act against him, moreover to bring enemies upon him by land and sea, and to ravage his land utterly. And if he be shut up in any municipality, he will employ a siege with vehement exertion; and furthermore, with the duke, that he will receive succours from the Franks. And unless he restores the king in the near future, he will seek him by land and sea without delay.

50. Indignatio ducis in Edmundum regem. Dux gravi legatione confectus, Ottoni pro parte dissentit, pro parte favet. Regis vero Edmundi legatis, id nec in proximo, nec praeter rationem agendum respondet.

50. The duke’s indignation against King Edmund. The duke, worn out by the harsh legation, on the one hand dissents from Otto, on the other hand favors him. To the envoys of King Edmund he replies that this is to be done neither immediately nor beyond reason.

Ob minas Anglorum nil sese facturum. Ipsos si veniant, quid in armis Galli valeant, promtissime experturos. Quod si formidine tacti non veniant, pro arrogantiae tamen illatione, Gallorum vires quandoque cognituros, et insuper poenam luituros.

He declared that he would do nothing on account of the threats of the English. If they themselves come, they will most readily prove by experience what the Gauls are able in arms. But if, struck by fear, they do not come, yet for the imposition of their arrogance they will at some time learn the strength of the Gauls, and moreover will suffer the penalty.

Iratus itaque legatos expulit. Consultumque se conferens, apud suos partibus utitur deliberationis. Et post consultum, Ottonem expetit.

Therefore enraged he expelled the legates. Consulting, and conferring himself to a consultation, he employs his own as parts of the deliberation. And after the consultation, he seeks Otto.

Qui cum per legatos colloquendi oportunitatem quereret, infensus ei loqui non optinuit. Nimiumque iratus, in sua discessit, ac suorum usus consilio, regem adit, sicque alloquitur:

He, although seeking opportunity to converse by means of envoys, being hostile toward him did not succeed in speaking. And excessively angry, he withdrew to his own men, and by the counsel of his followers approached the king, and thus addressed him:

51. Proloquutio Hugonis ad regem. Parvum te o rex adversariorum insectatio in partes transmarinas olim compulit. Meo vero ingenio et consilio inde revocatus regnis restitutus es. Post dum meis usus fuisti consiliis, rerum secundarum prosperis floruisti.

51. Hugo’s address to the king. A slight pursuit, O king, by your adversaries once drove you into overseas parts. But by my ingenuity and counsel you were recalled from there and restored to your kingdoms. Afterwards, while you made use of my counsels, you flourished in prosperous, favorable affairs.

Numquam nisi tui furoris pertinatia a te defeci. Infimorum ac imprudentium hominum dispositione usus, a sapientium consiliis plurimum oberrasti. Unde et rerum calamitas digne consecuta est.

I never deserted you except by the pertinacity of your fury. Making use of the disposition of the lowest and most imprudent men, you very greatly strayed from the counsels of the wise. Whence also the calamity of affairs duly followed.

Quomodo enim praeter me necessaria tibi ac gloriosa provenire arbitrare? Multum inquam tibi in hoc derogatum est. Jam memineris te virum esse.

For how, then, do you reckon that necessary and glorious things will come to you apart from me? Much, I say, has in this been derogated from you. Now remember that you are a man.

Consideres quoque, quid tuae rationi commodum sit. Sicque virtus redeat, ut in benivolentiam nos revocet, te imperantem, et me militantem, per me etiam reliquos militatum tibi reducat. Et quia rex a me creatus, nihil mihi largitus es, Laudunum saltem militaturo liberaliter accommoda.

Also consider what is fitting for your reason. And so let virtue return, that it may召 recall us to benevolence, restoring you as commander and me as soldier, and through me may it bring the remaining soldiery back to you. And since the king was created by me, you have bestowed nothing upon me; at least liberally assign Laudunum for garrisoning.

Quod etiam causa erit fidei servandae. Rex utpote captus, dictis proloquentis cessit. Unde et dimissus, data Lauduno, Compendii sese recepit.

Which will also be a cause for the preservation of faith. The king, as one captured, yielded to persuasive words. Whence, dismissed and handed over to Laudunus, he withdrew to Compendius.

Adest Gerberga regina multa virtute memorabilis; adsunt quoque aliquot ex Belgica coepiscopi; confluunt etiam viri illustres nonnulli.

Queen Gerberga is present, memorable for many virtues; also present are several co-bishops from Belgica; likewise some illustrious men convene.

52. Querimonia regis apud privatos de Hugonis persecutione. Apud quos etiam rex his verbis conquestus est. Et: Eia tu, inquiens, Hugo!

52. The king’s complaint before private individuals concerning Hugh’s persecution. Among whom the king likewise bewailed himself with these words. And: “Eia tu,” saying, “Hugh!”

Eia tu Hugo! quantis bonis a te privatus, quantis malis affectus, quanto etiam merore nunc detineor! Urbem Remorum pervasisti.

Ah you, Hugo! by how many goods am I deprived by you, by how many evils afflicted, and by how great a sorrow am I now detained! You have overrun the city of the Remi.

Laudunum surripuisti. His tantum duobus recipiebar, his duobus claudebar. Pater meus captus atque in carcerem trusus, has quae me premunt aerumnas cum anima simul amisit.

You stole Laudunum. By these two alone I was received, by these two I was shut in. My father, seized and thrust into prison, lost these hardships that press upon me at the same time as his life.

Ego vero in eadem praecipitatus, ex regno paterno nihil nisi spectaculum praebeo. Jam nec vivere libet, nec emori licet. Quo me itaque conferam?

I, then, hurled headlong into the same plight, from my paternal kingdom show nothing but a spectacle. Now I neither care to live, nor am I allowed to die. Whither, then, shall I betake myself?

Paransque amplius conqueri, ab indignantibus inhibitus est. Deinde animum temperans, consilium cum suis confert.

And, preparing to complain further, he was restrained by the indignant. Then, tempering his spirit, he takes counsel with his own.

53. Quo collato, Ottoni regi per legatos ereptionem suam demonstrat. Antea sese captum, nunc antem omnibus bonis privatum memorans. Unde et amico auxilium conferat.

53. With this having been laid before him, he shows King Otto by envoys his ereption, his seizure. He recalling that formerly he had been taken, and now moreover deprived of all goods. Whence he also seeks aid from a friend.

Urbes amissas repetere juvet. Si id faciat, gratiam multam sese inde recompensaturum. Otto benignissime legationem excipiens, cum copiis in regis auxilium se iturum spondet, ac tempus edicit.

He is pleased to recover the lost cities. If he does this, he promises that he will recompense him therewith with great gratitude. Otto, most benignly receiving the legation, vows that he will go with forces to the king’s aid, and proclaims the time.

Legati redeunt, ac mandata referunt. Nec minus et ab rege Genanuorum Conrado, copias petit, et accipit.

The envoys return and report the mandates. No less, from Conrad, king of the Genani, he requests forces and receives them.

54. Interea Otto rex cum Rheno transmisso, exercitum per Belgicam duceret, obviat regi Conrhado, qui tunc ab Alpibus egressus, cum multa expeditione Ludovico succurrere accelerabat. Juncti ergo ambo, cum multo equitatu gradiebantur. Quorum accessum Ludovicus dinoscens, ocius occurrit.

54. Meanwhile King Otto, having crossed the Rhine, was leading his army through Belgica, when he encountered King Conrad, who then, having come down from the Alps, was hurrying with a great expedition to succor Louis. Joined therefore together, both were advancing with much cavalry. Louis, discerning their approach, promptly went out to meet them.

Tres itaque reges, in unum collecti, primi certaminis laborem Lauduno inferendum decernunt. Et sine mora, illo exercitum ducunt. Cum ergo ex adverso montis eminentiam viderent, et omni parte urbis situm explorarent, cognito incassum sese ibi certaturos, ab ea urbe discedunt, et Remos adoriuntur.

Three kings, then, gathered into one, decide that the first labor of the contest must be inflicted on Lauduno. And without delay they lead the army thither. So when they saw from opposite the eminence of the hill and explored the city's situation on every side, and having learned that they would endeavor there in vain, they depart from that city and fall upon the Remi.

Ubi quia planicies commoditatem exercitibus parabat, obsidio circumquaque disposita est. Et primo certamine comminus pugnatum est. In quo tela ac lapides tam dense ferebantur, quam densa grando quandoque dilabitur.

Where, because the plain afforded convenience to the armies, a siege was arranged all around. And in the first contest fighting took place hand to hand. In which missiles and stones were hurled so densely as dense hail sometimes falls.

Per integram ergo diem, continuis motibus urbs impugnata est. Post vero comminus septies dimicatum, atque hoc fere per dies sex.

Therefore the city was attacked the whole day through with continuous motions. Afterwards, moreover, hand-to-hand fighting was fought seven times, and this for nearly six days.

55. Nec tamen cives assiduis tumultibus victi, ullo modo cedebant, cum eorum praesul Hugo, quosdam principum qui sibi quadam cognatione conveniebant, extra urbem allocutus est, quaerens ab eis rationem, ut scilicet quid agendum, quid vitandum, sibi dicerent. Si aliquorum intercessione id medendum videretur, si opus foret precibus, si etiam pugnae instandum esset. Illi mox regum animositatem demonstrantes, fixum in eis, asserunt, nullorum interventibus sese concessuros, at obsidioni usque ad effectum operam daturos.

55. Yet the citizens, not conquered by continual tumults, yielded in no way, when their prelate Hugo addressed certain princes who in a sort of kinship were connected to him outside the city, asking from them an account, that is, to tell him what was to be done, what avoided — whether by the intercession of any this should be remedied, whether prayers were needed, whether even insistence upon battle was to be pressed. They at once, demonstrating the kingly courage fixed in them, declared that they would not yield to anyone’s interventions, but would devote their labour to the siege until its effect.

Quod si urbem vi capi contingat, ipsi praesuli oculos effossuros, et hoc ita ordinatum fixumque. Unde et accelerandum ut egrediatur, suosque ab regum indignatione eripiat. His praesul territus, suis hoc monstrat.

But if it should happen that the city be taken by force, they themselves would gouge out the eyes of the prelate, and this was so ordained and fixed. Whence it must be hastened that he go forth, and that he snatch his own from the kings' indignation. Terrified by these things, the prelate shows this to his men.

Et consilio habito, die obsidionis sexta, cum suis egreditur. Portae regibus panduntur.

And after a council was held, on the sixth day of the siege, he went out with his men. The gates were opened to the kings.

56. Reges vero Artoldum resumentes, urbem consequenter introducunt. Duorumque metropolitanorum medius, Friderici Maguntini, ac Rotberti Treverensis, ab eis per manus pristinae sedi restitutus est. Ubi etiam mox Gerbergam reginam cum aliquot illustribus custodiae deputantes, ipsi tres reges in Hugonem ducem cum exercitu feruntur.

56. The kings, however, recovering Artoldus, accordingly lead him into the city. The middle of the two metropolitans, Frederick of Mainz and Robert of Trier, was by them restored to his former see through their hands. Where also shortly they assign Queen Gerberga with some nobles to custody, and the three kings themselves advance against Duke Hugh with an army.

Silletum quoque vi irrumpere nitentes, considerato oppidi firmamento, inde amoliuntur, non tamen sine suburbii combustione, et aliquorum nece; sicque ad fluvium Sequanam contendunt.

They likewise, striving to burst in by force upon the Silletum, after considering the town’s fortifications, are driven off from there, not however without the burning of a suburb and the killing of some; and so they make for the river Sequana.

57. Quomodo pauci juvenes naves a duce subductas per astutiam repetitas exercitui adduxerint. Dux vero eorum impetum praesentiens, a litore hostibus contiguo per 20 miliaria omnes naves abduci praeceperat, ne adversariis transeundi commoditas pararetur. At frustrato ejus consilio, multo aliter provenisse notum est.

57. How a few young men, by craft recovering the ships taken aside by the duke, brought them to the army. The duke, however, foreseeing their assault, had ordered that all the ships be removed from the shore contiguous to the enemy for 20 miles, so that no convenience of crossing might be afforded to the adversaries. Yet with his plan frustrated, it is known that events turned out very much otherwise.

Nam decem numero juvenes quibus constanti mente fixum erat omne periculum subire, habitum militarem in peregrinum transformantes, reges prevenerant, obsecrationum vota simulantes. Sportulis itaque ab humero dependentibus, ferratis baculis procedunt. Habitumque mentiti peregrinum, urbem Parisium cum Sequana pontibus pertranseunt.

For ten youths, in whom by steadfast mind it was settled to undergo every peril, transforming their military dress into a pilgrim’s garb, had anticipated the kings, simulating the vows of supplication. Therefore with little purses hanging from their shoulders and bearing iron staffs they advanced. And having feigned the pilgrim’s habit, they passed through the city of the Parisians with the Sequana by the bridges.

Nullus eis molestus extitit. Ac litora exteriora quibus naves tenebantur petunt. Sicque in hospitium farinarii cujusdam divertentes, sese gratia visendi sanctorum loca ex citeriore litore advenisse referunt.

No one proved troublesome to them. And they make for the outer shores where the ships were moored. And so, diverting into the lodging of a certain miller, they, for the sake of visiting, reported that they had come to the saints’ places from the nearer shore.

Farinarius juvenes formosos in habitu licet abjecto considerans, hospitium gratanter accommodat, et insuper eos mitius curat. Qui fraudem meditati, nummos dant, vinumque mercati hospitem inebriant. Et sic totam diem convivii jocunditate consumunt.

The miller, deeming the youths handsome though in a cast‑off dress, gladly provides lodging and moreover cares for them kindly. They, having devised a fraud, give money, and having bought wine make the host drunk. And thus they consume the whole day in the merriment of the feast.

Juvenes hospitem vino faciliorem advertentes, quod ei sit officium percunctantur. Ille farinarium sese memorat. At illi prosecuti, si quid amplius possit, interrogant.

The young men, noting that the host had been made more tractable by the wine, inquire what his office is. He replies that he is a miller. But they, pressing him further, ask whether he can do anything more.

Ille etiam piscatorum ducis magistrum se asserit, et ex navium accommodatione questum aliquem sibi adesse. Illi vero: Quoniam, inquiunt, humanissimum nobis te invenimus, ampliora etiam optamus. Unde et si quiddam nobis facias, 10 solidos nos allegaturos pollicemur, ut videlicet trans fluvium nos evehas, eo quod ulterius procedere oratum nequeamus, itineris longitudine fatigati.

He also asserts himself to be the master of the fishermen‑leader, and that from the accommodation of the ships some profit was coming to him. They, however: “Since,” they say, “we find you most humane to us, we desire greater things also. Wherefore, if you do somewhat for us, we promise to bring 10 solidi, so that, namely, you may convey us across the river, because we cannot proceed farther, fatigued by the length of the itinerary.”

At hospite respondente ducis edicto naves ad interiora litora raptas, ne Germanis irrumpentibus pateat accessus, illi tempore nocturno absque calumnia id fieri posse prosecuntur. Ille pecuniae cupidus, naulum accipit, ac de patrando negotio fidem dat. Nox affuit.

But the host answering the duke’s edict that the ships be dragged to the inner shores, so that access might not be open to the Germans bursting in, they urge that this can be done at night-time without blame. He, eager for money, accepts the freight, and gives his faith concerning the procuring of the business. Night came.

Juvenes promissum fieri postulant. Ille mox assumpto puero privigno, cum juvenibus in noctis tempesta ad naves properat. Comitantur et juvenes.

The young men demand that the promise be kept. He soon, the boy taken as a stepson, with the young men in the tempest of night hastens to the ships. The young men accompany him as well.

Qui solitudinem videntes, puerum raptum in fluentum demergunt. Hospitem vero clamare nitentem, gutture invadunt. Atque mortem ni quod volunt efficiat, interminantur, ut videlicet naves solvat.

Those seeing the solitude plunge the abducted boy into the stream. But they seize upon the guest, who strives to cry out, at the throat. And unless he accomplishes what they desire, they put him to death without delay, namely so that, clearly, he may loose the ships.

Pervasus ergo ac territus, naves solvit. Consilioque inito, vinctum navi conjiciunt, ac naves singuli singulas ad litus deducunt. Ejecto vero hospite vincto, navim unam omnes ingressi, alias repetunt, ac novem iterum deducunt.

So, persuaded and terrified, he set the ships adrift. And with a plan formed, they cast the bound man into a ship, and each man led the ships one by one to the shore. The bound guest having been put ashore, all having embarked in one ship, they went back for the others, and once more brought nine to shore.

Octiesque fluvium remensi, naves numero 72 abduxerunt.

And eight times having traversed the river, they led away 72 ships.

58. Dum haec gererentur, regum exercitus in ipsa diei orientis aurora fluvio affuit, navesque paratas cum remis invenit, quas tirones cum armis ingressi, navigant ac exaquantur. Tum circumquaque palantes, nullo prohibente a diversis portibus alias rapiunt, et exercitibus deducunt. Nam qui ruri degebant, irruentium metu omnes auffugerant.

58. While these things were being done, the king’s army arrived at the river at the very dawn of day, and found the ships prepared with oars, which the recruits, having embarked with arms, manned and rowed out. Then, wandering about on every side, they, no one preventing them, seize others from the various harbors and bring them down to the armies. For those who lived in the countryside had all fled, through fear of the raiders.

Dux vero Aurelianis sese receperat. Unde et qui resisteret aberat. Navibus itaque conexis, ac multo robore compactis, liburnas solidant.

The commander, however, had withdrawn to the Aurelian forces. Hence even anyone who might have resisted was absent. Therefore, with the ships joined together and bound with much strength, they secure the liburnae.

Quas ingressus exercitus, fluvium transit. Dein terra recepti, incendiis praedisque vehementibus totam regionem usque Ligerim depopulati sunt. Post haec feruntur in terram pyratarum ac solotenus devastant.

Having entered these, the army crossed the river. Then, having taken to land, with violent burnings and plundering of estates they despoiled the whole region as far as the Liger. After these things they moved into the land of the pirates and utterly devastated it.

Sicque regis injuriam atrociter ulti, iter ad sua retorquent. Ludovicus vero rex Remos redit.

Thus, having atrociously avenged the king’s injury, they turn their march back to their own. Ludovicus, however, the king, returns to Reims.

59. Qualiter Deroldus a quodam medico deceptus sit eumque deceperit. Quo tempore Ambianensium episcopus Deroldus ab hac vita decessit, vir spectabilis ac palatinus, et quondam et regi admodum dilectus, in arte medicinae peritissimus. De quo etiam fertur, quod cum adhuc in palatio regi serviret, a quodam Salernitano medico deceptus sit, eumque deceperit.

59. How Deroldus was deceived by a certain physician and how he deceived him. At the time when Deroldus, bishop of the Ambiani, departed from this life — a man venerable and palatine, and once greatly beloved of the king, most expert in the art of medicine — it is also reported concerning him that, while he still served the king in the palace, he was deceived by a certain Salernitan physician, and in turn deceived him.

Etenim cum uterque in arte medicinae optime posset, et iste regi potior, Salernitanus vero reginae peritior videretur, commento regis repertum est quis eorum rerum naturas magis dinosceret. Jussit etenim coram se illos consedere convivas, causam rei penitus dissimulans, ac sepe eis questiones proponens. Quisque ut poterat proposita solvebat.

For since both excelled in the art of medicine, and this one was more pleasing to the king while the Salernitan seemed more expert for the queen, by the king’s device it was discovered which of them more truly knew the natures of things. For he ordered them to sit before him as guests, wholly disguising the cause of the matter, and often propounding questions to them. Each answered the matters put forth as he could.

Deroldus quidem, utpote litterarum artibus eruditus, probabiliter objecta diffiniebat. Salernitatus vero licet nulla litterarum scientia praeditus, tamen ex ingenio naturae, multam in rebus experientiam habebat. Regio itaque jussu cotidie consident, ac mensa regia continue una potiuntur.

Deroldus indeed, being instructed in the arts of letters, would plausibly define the matters set before him. The Salernitan, although endowed with no learning of letters, nevertheless from the genius of nature had much experience in things. By royal order therefore they sat together daily, and continuously shared the royal table together.

Et die quadam de dinamidiarum differentiis disputatum est; tractatumque uberius quid efficiat farmaceutica, quid vero cirurgica, quid etiam butanica. At Salernitanus, peregrina nomina non advertens, ab eorum interpretatione erubescens quievit. Invidet ergo plurimum, ac in ejus mortem venenum parare meditatur; multam dolose benivolentiam simulans.

And on a certain day they disputed about the differences of the dinamidia; and treated more fully what the pharmaceutica effects, what indeed the chirurgica, and what even the butanica. But Salernitanus, not attending to the foreign names, blushing at their interpretation, was silent. He therefore envies exceedingly, and contemplates preparing poison for his death, all the while feigning much deceitful benevolence.

Parato vero maleficio, cum una in prandio residederent, Salernitanus ungue inpudici toxicato, liquorem piperis quo cibum pariter intinguebant, loetaliter inficit. Quo Deroldus incaute sumpto, mox serpente veneno, deficere coepit. Eductusque a suis, teriaca vim veneni repellit.

With the maleficence prepared, when they were sitting together at a prandium, the Salernitan, with the nail of the impudent poisoned, lethally taints the pepper-liquid in which they were dipping their food together. Deroldus, that having been unwittingly taken, soon, by serpent venom, began to fail. And being led out by his own, a theriac repels the force of the poison.

Et triduo expleto coram rediens, Salernitano consuescebat. Interrogatus vero quid ei accidisset, fleumatis frigdore se leviter tactum respondit; quicquam fraudis se perpendisse dissimulans. Unde et hostem incautum efficit.

And after three days had passed he returned in public and fell into the habit of Salernitanus. When asked truly what had happened to him, he answered that he had been lightly touched by a phlegmatic chill, feigning that he had not regarded any fraud. From this he also made the enemy careless.

Convivae itaque redditi, Deroldus toxicum inter auricularem ac salutarem occultatum, ejus cibo sumendo respersit. Quod mox venis serpens, vitae calorem fugabat. Vexatusque a suis eductus est.

Thus, when the guests had been restored, Deroldus sprinkled the poison, hidden between the auricular and the salutary, over his food as he took it. Which soon, by the serpent’s venom, drove away the warmth of life. And harried by his own men he was led out.

Qui veneno expellendo operam dans, nihil curae agebat. Deroldum itaque magnificans, summumque eum in medicina praedicans, ejus curam vehementissime petebat. Qui regis jussu flexus, antidotis datis a toxico per industriam non ex toto purgavit.

He, applying himself to expelling the poison, took no thought. Therefore extolling Deroldus, and proclaiming him the foremost in medicine, he most vehemently sought his care. Who, bent by the king’s command, with antidotes administered, by diligence did not wholly purge him of the toxin.

Nam sumpta teriaca, vis veneni in pedem sinistrum penitus dilapsa est; in tantum ut apud domesticos eo familiariter agente, venenum ut fertur in modum ciceris a pede per venam surgens, ab antidoto obviante in pedem repelleretur. Quibus diutissime sic repugnantibus, pes in cutis superficie foratur. Factoque morbo, post a cirurgis miserabiliter absciditur.

For when the theriac had been taken, the force of the poison sank thoroughly into the left foot; so much so that, with it acting familiarly among the domestics, the poison, as they say, rising from the foot through the vein in the manner of a chickpea, was by the encountering antidote driven back into the foot. These resisting thus for a very long time, the foot was perforated at the surface of the skin. And with the disease thus made, afterwards it was miserably amputated by the surgeons.

60. (947.) Interea dux Neustriam combustam direptamque dolens, exercitum parat, et in Arnulfum, cum in regem non auderet, truculentus effertur. Oppida quoque illius aliquot impugnat. At cum per dies sex nullum comprehendere posset, voto frustratus sua repetit.

60. (947.) Meanwhile the duke, grieving that Neustria had been burned and plundered, prepares an army, and—since he did not dare attack the king—he is borne forward truculently against Arnulf. He also assaults several of his towns. But when for six days he could seize none, frustrated in his vow he returns to his own.

Quae dum a duce gererentur, rex obsidione Mosomum premebat, eo quod ducis nepos Hugo a pontificatu abjectus ibidem moraretur. Hunc itaque infestabat in ducis contumeliam. At ducem ab obsidione discessisse comperiens, ipse quoque Remos repetit.

While these things were being carried out by the duke, the king was pressing Mosomum with a siege, because Hugo, the duke’s nephew, having been deposed from the pontificate, was staying there. He therefore assailed him in insult to the duke. But, learning that the duke had withdrawn from the siege, he himself likewise returned to Reims.

Qua etiam tempestate Bovo Catalaunensium episcopus, hac vita decessit. Cui etiam mox successit ab rege, Gipuinus totius electione cleri, adolescens egregius, atque a domno Artoldo Remorum metropolitano consecratur episcopus.

At about the same time Bovo, bishop of the Catalauni, departed this life. To him shortly succeeded, by the king, Gipuinus—chosen by the whole election of the clergy, an outstanding youth—and he was consecrated bishop by Domno Artold, metropolitan of the Remi.

61. Post haec vero, rex in Belgicam concessit, ibique ei locuturus, Otto rex obviam venit. Ac quaeque necessaria ordinantes, ambo reges Aquisgrani pascha celebrant, atque multa reverentia sese mutuo honorant, atque hoc ab Ottone amplius; a quo etiam Ludovicus regiis donis liberalissime honoratur.

61. Afterwards indeed the king withdrew into Belgica, and there, intending to speak with him, King Otto came to meet him. And after arranging whatever was necessary, both kings celebrated Easter at Aquisgrani, and honored one another with much reverence, and this especially on Otto’s part; by whom also Ludovicus was most liberally honored with regal gifts.

62. Dux urbem Remensem impugnat. Dum haec ita sese haberent, dux de regis injuria apud suos agitabat, oportunitatem in regis absentia asserens, qua urbem Remorum capiat, cum tunc urbs tam episcopo quam militibus vacua esset, rex etiam ipse alias occupatus alia quereret. Unde et possibile asserebat, facili expugnatione urbem capi.

62. The duke attacks the city of Reims. While these things stood thus, the duke was agitating among his own men about the king’s injury, asserting an opportunity in the king’s absence by which he might seize the city of the Remi, since then the city would be vacant both of bishop and of soldiers, and the king himself, being otherwise occupied, would attend to other matters. Whence he also maintained it possible that the city be taken by an easy expugnation.

Idque attemptare sese plurimum velle. Quibus milites capti in urbem mittendas cohortes censent. Quae collectae, cum duce gradiuntur.

And he very greatly wished to attempt this. The soldiers, seized by these things, decide that cohorts should be sent into the city. These, having been gathered, march forward with their duke.

Urbem appetunt, et circumquaque obsidione premunt. Diffunduntur quoque passim, atque frumentum ex locis contiguis in usum pugnae convectant. Castra fossis muniunt, cratibusque circumdant.

They attack the city, and press it with siege on every side. They likewise spread out everywhere, and bring together grain from neighboring places for the use of the fight. They fortify their camp with ditches, and surround it with wicker hurdles.

Pugnam ergo in dies aut semel, aut bis inferunt. Nec minus et cives vehementissime resistunt. Jamque id diebus numero novem agitabant, cum regem adeo indignatum regredi ab observatoribus nuntiatur.

They therefore engage in battle each day, either once or twice. Nor do the citizens resist any less vehemently. And now this had been carried on for nine days, when it was announced by the sentinels that the king was returning so indignant.

Et mox obsidione soluta, duodecima die ab urbe discedunt.

And soon, the siege having been lifted, on the 12th day they depart from the city.

63. Nec diu moratus rex urbem succurrendo ingreditur. Apud quem mox principes collecti, de ejus ac communi salute consultant. Et quia rerum utilitas Ottonem consiliis interesse exigebat, diriguntur legati, per quos ei necessitas demonstratur, ac colloquium exeunte mense Augusto sibi habendum secus fluvium Karam denuntiatur.

63. Not long delayed, the king enters the city to give succor. Before him soon the princes are gathered, and they deliberate about his and the common safety. And because the usefulness of affairs required Otto to be present at the counsels, envoys are dispatched, by whom the necessity is shown to him, and a conference to be held with him at the end of the month of August beside the river Karam is announced.

64. Cum haec sic sese haberent, dux nepotem ab praesulatu pulsum dolebat. Suadebat itaque ut officio pontificali amplius insisteret, et ne privatus penitus dignitate videretur aliquas ad gradus promoveret personas. Tetbaldum ergo Suessonicae aecclesiae diaconum accersit, presbiterumque ordinat, ac post duce agente aecclesiae Ambianensium episcopum sacrat.

64. While these matters were thus, the duke grieved for his nephew driven from the bishopric. He therefore urged that he persist longer in the pontifical office, and, lest he appear wholly private in dignity, promoted certain persons to grades. He summoned Tetbald, the deacon of the church of Suessonica (Soissons), ordained him a priest, and afterwards, with the duke acting, consecrated him bishop of the church of Ambianenses (Amiens).

In qua re favere visus est Wido tantum Suessorum episcopus. Quem quia post penituit, sequentia demonstrabunt. Sed tempus colloquendi regibus advenit, ac secus fluvium Karam sibi occurrunt.

In this matter only Wido, bishop of the Suessones, seemed to favor. Which he afterwards regretted, as the following will show. But the time came to confer with the kings, and they met by the bank of the river Karam.

Nec defuit dux, qui et ipse apud Duodeciacum vicum castra fixit, ut pro nepote causam apud episcopos ageret.

Nor was there lacking a leader, who himself likewise pitched his camp at the village Duodeciacum, in order to plead the cause for his nephew before the bishops.

65. Dux enititur ut causa pro suo nepote apud episcopos agatur. Regibus itaque rerum negotia agentibus, dux causam nepotis episcopis disponebat, penes quos etiam plurimam habebat indignationem injuste et nullis evidentibus culpis nepotem praecipitatum memorans. Quod cum indicatum regibus esset, Ottone agente decretum est, ut ibi ab episcopis causa Artoldi atque Hugonis discuteretur, ita tamen ut et dux tempore congruo regi satisfaceret.

65. The duke exerts himself so that the case for his nephew be brought before the bishops. And while the kings were thus engaged in governing affairs, the duke was arranging his nephew’s cause with the bishops, before whom he also bore very great indignation, declaring that his nephew had been precipitated unjustly and without any evident faults. When this had been reported to the kings, with Otto acting it was decreed that there the cause of Artoldus and Hugo be examined by the bishops, provided nevertheless that the duke at a suitable time should make satisfaction to the king.

Episcopis itaque rationem excipientibus, cum inter plurima quae ibi explicata sunt illud constantissime refutarent, quod Hugo sacerdotio privatus, contra fas Ambianensium episcopum ordinasset, regum sententia in aliam sinodum hujusmodi rationem transferendam constituit. Videbatur etenim quod non aequitatem satis commode haec altercatio determinari valeret, cum nec sinodus ad hoc convocata fuisset. Et decreto regio 15 Kalend.

The bishops therefore, receiving the account, and since among the many things there explained they most firmly refuted that which alleged that Hugo, deprived of priesthood, had, against the divine right, ordained the bishop of Amiens, by the kings’ sentence resolved that the matter of synods of this kind be transferred elsewhere. For it seemed that this controversy could not conveniently determine equity, since no synod had been convoked for this purpose. And by royal decree 15 Kalend.

Decemb. habenda denuntiatur. Interim vero sedes Remensis Artoldo conceditur, Hugoni vero in castro Mosomensi commorari permititur.

It is announced that it shall be held on 15 December. Meanwhile, however, the see of Reims is granted to Artold, and Hugh is permitted to remain at the castle of Mouzon.

Pax quoque sequestra Ottonis interventu regi ac duci ab alterutro datur, et usque ad tempus habendae sinodi sacramento firmatur.

Also the sequestrated peace, by Otto’s intervention, is granted to the king and to the duke by either party, and is confirmed by sacrament until the time of the synod to be held.

66. Sinodus Virduni habita. Tempus advenit, sinodusque episcoporum Virduni collecta est atque habita praesidente Rotberto metropolitano Treverico, cum Artoldo Remensi, considentibus quoque Adalberone Mettensi, Gauslino Tullensi, Hildebordo Mimegardvurdensi, Israhele Brittigena, assistentibus etiam Brunone viro reverendo et abbate, cum aliis abbatibus et monachis venerandis Agenoldo et Odilone. Ad hanc sinodum Hugo vocatus, missis ad eum deducendum Adalberone et Gauslino episcopis, venire noluit.

66. A synod was held at Verdun. The time came, and a synod of bishops was assembled and held at Verdun, presided over by Rotbert, metropolitan of Trier, with Artold of Reims also sitting, likewise Adalbero of Metz, Gauslin of Toul, Hildebord of Mimegardvurd, Israel the Britton, with Bruno, a reverend man and abbot, also assisting, together with other venerable abbots and monks Agenold and Odilon. To this synod Hugo was summoned; bishops Adalbero and Gauslin were sent to fetch him, but he would not come.

Unde et episcoporum sententia Artoldo tenere concedit episcopium. Sicque nullis rerum determinatis rationibus, sinodus soluta est.

Whereupon, moreover, by the judgment of the bishops it concedes the bishopric to Artold. And thus, with no affairs determined by settled reasons, the synod was dissolved.

67. (948.) Sinodus Mosomi habita. Indicitur vero habenda Idibus Januar. Et evoluto tempore, in basilica sancti Petri apud Mosomense castrum secunda sinodus habita est, praesidente quoque praedicto metropolitano Rotberto Treverico, cum fere omnibus suae dioceseos episcopis, ac aliquibus Remensis; consedente etiam Artoldo, cujus causa discutienda erat.

67. (948.) A synod was held at Mosom. It was proclaimed, indeed, that it should be held on the Ides of January. And when the time had come, in the basilica of Saint Peter at the castle of Mosom a second synod was held, the aforesaid metropolitan Robert of Trier presiding, with almost all the bishops of his diocese and some of Rheims; Artold also sat, whose cause was to be discussed.

Ne abfuit Hugo; at sinodum ingredi noluit. Epistolam vero nomine Agapiti papae signatam per suos sinodo legendam porrexit. Quae cum soluta et lecta esset, nihil canonicae auctoritatis habere videbatur, nihil etiam pro ejus causa significare, nisi ut episcopium ei redderetur.

Hugo was not absent; yet he would not enter the synod. He, however, presented to the synod a letter signed in the name of Pope Agapitus by his own men to be read. When it had been opened and read, it seemed to possess no canonical authority, nor to signify anything in his behalf, except that the episcopate should be restored to him.

Qua perlecta, cum episcopi consulto sese contulissent, cassandam censuerunt, eo quod absque ratione rem quae in lite erat abdicato reddi jubebat. Et quia paulo ante ab ipso papa Agapito delegata erat epistola per Fredericum Maguntinum episcopum, atque data Rotberto metropolitano Treverico, coram regibus ac Galliae et Germaniae episcopis, quae erat continens auctoritatem apostolicae jussionis, partemque praeceptorum ejus jam exsecuti fuerant, communi mox consensu decretum est, ut quod regulariter coeptum erat, rationabiliter atque canonice pertractaretur. Simulque et mox a metropolitano jussum est, ut recitaretur caput 19 concilii Carthaginensis, quod constat de accusato et accusatore.

After this was read, the bishops, having withdrawn to deliberate, judged it to be to be annulled, because it ordered that the thing in dispute be surrendered to the renounced party without reason. And because shortly before a letter had been delegated by Pope Agapitus through Frederick, bishop of Mainz, and given to Rotbert, metropolitan of Trier, in the presence of the kings and the bishops of Gaul and Germany, which contained the authority of an apostolic command, and part of his precepts had already been carried out, it was soon decreed by common consent that what had been begun according to rule should be handled reasonably and canonically. At the same time the metropolitan was immediately ordered to read aloud chapter 19 of the Council of Carthage, which treats of the accused and the accuser.

Et recitato, secundum ipsius capituli sententiam constituere, ut Remensi parroechia Artoldo restituta qui nullius sinodi rationes audire refugit, Hugo qui adduas jam sinodos accersitus venire contempserat, a Remensis episcopii regimine abstineret, donec in tertiam sinodum purgandus de objectis adveniret. Capitulum vero supra dictum, litteris cartae mandatum est, et ab episcopis cautum, ac eidem Hugoni directum. In quo, cum episcoporum cautionem subscriptam Hugo vidisset, motus in iram, Rotberto qui sinodo praeerat contumeliose remisit, episcoporum judicio nihil sese facturum asserens.

And, it having been read, according to the judgment of that very chapter they decreed that the parish of Remensis be restored to Artoldus, who refuses to hear any synodical reasons; and that Hugo, who, though twice already summoned to synods, had scorned to come, should abstain from the government of the Remensian bishopric until he be purged at a third synod of the charges brought against him. Moreover the chapter aforesaid was committed to writing in a charter, and secured by the bishops, and addressed to the same Hugo. In which, when Hugo saw the subscription of the bishops’ caution, moved to anger, he contemptuously dismissed Rotbert, who presided over the synod, asserting before the judgment of the bishops that he would do nothing.

Et sic causa penitus indiscussa, sinodus soluta est. Indicitur vero tercia sinodus Kal. Aug.

And thus, the cause left entirely undiscussed, the synod was dissolved. A third synod is summoned for the Kalends of August.

habenda.

to be held.

68. His ita gestis, Artoldus epistolam ad sedem Romanam dirigit, commodissime continentem, et suarum injuriarum seriem, et regis incommodorum tenorem. Domnus itaque Agapitus papa, ad multam benivolentiam animum intendens, mox accersit venerabilem Ostiensem episcopum Marinum, magnae aequitatis et prudentiae virum, vim epistolae ei explicans, et ad rerum correctionem illum vehementissime hortans. Mittitur ergo venerabilis Marinus, domni papae vicarius, ad Ottonem regem, ob evocandam atque congregandam universalem sinodum.

68. With these things so done, Artoldus directs a letter to the Roman See, containing very conveniently both a series of his own injuries and the tenor of the king’s inconveniences. Therefore lord Agapitus pope, intent on much benevolence of mind, soon summoned the venerable bishop Marinus of Ostia, a man of great equity and prudence, explaining to him the force of the letter and most strongly exhorting him to the correction of matters. Therefore the venerable Marinus, the lord pope’s vicar, was sent to King Otto to summon and to convene a universal synod.

Diriguntur et epistolae specialiter aliquot episcopis tam Germaniae quam Galliae, ad rerum aequitatem suasoriae.

Special letters are likewise sent to several bishops, both of Germany and of Gaul, urging the equitable settlement of affairs.

69. Item sinodus apud Angleheim habita. cf. Legg. II. 24. Interea statuto tempore, sinodus universalis collecta est ex praecepto Agapiti papae, sub Marino ejus vicario, in palatio Angleheim, quod interpretatur angelorum domus, secus fluvium Rhenum, in basilica beati Remigii Francorum apostoli.

69. Likewise a synod was held at Angleheim. cf. Legg. II. 24. Meanwhile, at the appointed time a universal synod was gathered by command of Pope Agapitus, under his vicar Marinus, in the palace of Angleheim, which is interpreted “house of the angels,” beside the river Rhine, in the basilica of Blessed Remigius, apostle of the Franks.

Domno itaque Marino praesidente, episcopi quoque qui ex diversis confluxerant, jure aecclesiastico consederunt, Rotbertus videlicet Trevericus metropolitanus, Artoldus Remensis metropolitanus, Fredericus Maguntinus metropolitanus, Wicfridus Coloniensis metropolitanus, Adaldacchus Hammaburgensis episcopus, Hildeboldus Mimegardvurdensis episcopus, Gauslinus Tullensis episcopus, Adalbero Mettensis episcopus, Berengarius Virdunensis episcopus, Fulbertus Cameracensis episcopus, Rodulfus Laudunensis episcopus, Richoo Warmacensis episcopus, Reimboldus Spirensis episcopus, Boppo Wirzburgensis episcopus, Chounradus Constantiensis episcopus, Odelricus Augustensis episcopus, Thethardus Hildinesheimensis episcopus, Bernardus Alfureestedensis episcopus, Dudo Poderbrunnensis episcopus, Lioptacus Ribunensis episcopus, Michahel Radisponensis episcopus, Farabertus Tungrensis episcopus, Doddo Osnebruggensis episcopus, Evherus Mindensis episcopus, Baldricus Trejectensis episcopus, Heiroldus Salzburgensis episcopus, Adalbertus Pazsoensis episcopus, Starchandus Eistetiensis episcopus, Horath Sleoswicensis episcopus, Wichardus Basiliensis episcopus, Liefdach Ripuensis episcopus.

With Lord Marino therefore presiding, the bishops likewise who had converged from diverse regions sat according to ecclesiastical law, namely Rotbertus, metropolitan of Trier, Artoldus, metropolitan of Reims, Fredericus, metropolitan of Mainz, Wicfridus, metropolitan of Cologne, Adaldacchus, bishop of Hamburg, Hildeboldus, bishop of Mimegardvurd, Gauslinus, bishop of Toul, Adalbero, bishop of Metz, Berengarius, bishop of Verdun, Fulbertus, bishop of Cambrai, Rodulfus, bishop of Laon, Richoo, bishop of Worms, Reimboldus, bishop of Speyer, Boppo, bishop of Würzburg, Chounradus, bishop of Constance, Odelricus, bishop of Augsburg, Thethardus, bishop of Hildesheim, Bernardus, bishop of Alvaredum (Alfureested), Dudo, bishop of Podebrunn, Lioptacus, bishop of Ribeau (Ribun), Michahel, bishop of Radispon, Farabertus, bishop of Tongeren, Doddo, bishop of Osnabrück, Evherus, bishop of Minden, Baldricus, bishop of Utrecht, Heiroldus, bishop of Salzburg, Adalbertus, bishop of Pazso, Starchandus, bishop of Eichstätt, Horath, bishop of Schleswig, Wichardus, bishop of Basel, Liefdach, bishop of Ribe (Ripuensis).

70. De dispositione gerendorum, et habenda juditii praelatura. Horum omnium cuique cum liceret ex canonibus vel decretis proferre quaecumque negotio commoda viderentur, disponendi tamen facultas et rationum interpretatio, domno Rotberto Treverico commissa est, eo quod divinarum et humanarum rerum scientia et eloquentiae efficatia insignissimus haberetur. Judicii vero censura penes domnum Marinum domni papae vicarium mansit.

70. Concerning the disposition of things to be done, and the holding of the prelature of judgment. To each of all these, insofar as by canons or decrees it was permitted to produce whatever seemed expedient for the business, there was nonetheless entrusted to lord Rotbert of Trier the faculty of arranging and the interpretation of reasoned matters, because he was held most outstanding in knowledge of divine and human affairs and in the efficacy of eloquence. The censure of judgment, however, remained with lord Marino, the pope’s vicar.

Et considentibus cunctis, post praemissas secundum ordinem celebrandi concilii preces, postque recitata decretorum sacra capitula, serenissimi reges Ludovicus et Otto, in sacram sinodum admissi sunt. Quibus etiam considentibus, domnus ac venerandus Rotbertus sic orsus cepit:

And with all seated, after the foregoing prayers to be celebrated according to the order of the council, and after the sacred chapters of the decrees had been recited, the most serene kings Louis and Otto were admitted into the sacred synod. With these likewise seated, the lord and venerable Rotbertus thus began:

71. Praelocutio Rotberti Treverici metropolitani in sinodo. Legg. II. 19-21. Multa, inquiens, sunt, patres reverendi, quibus hic apud serenissimos reges, in unum coacti residemus.

71. The opening speech of Rotbert of Trier, metropolitan, in the synod. Legg. II. 19-21. "Many things," he, saying, are, reverend fathers, for which we here, assembled together before the most serene kings, sit.

Plurima etiam quae vestra probitate ordinanda videntur. Totius pene Galliae rem publicam pravorum temeritate turbatam, magnisque subjacere periculis constat. Unde et leges divinae atque humanae indiscrete a malivolis contempnuntur, cum is cui regnorum jura debentur, et imperandi potestas transfusione paterna credita est, suorum insectatione captus, ergastuloque immaniter trusus sit, suorum adhuc gladiis infestetur, Remorum quoque metropolim absque pastore fures atrocissime insectentur, cultus divinus vilescat, religio canonica pro nihilo sit.

Many very many things also seem to require ordering by your probity. It is plain that nearly the whole republic of Gaul is disturbed by the temerity of the wicked and lies subject to great perils. Whence both divine and human laws are indiscriminately despised by the malevolent, since he to whom the rights of kingdoms are due, and to whom the power to command was entrusted by paternal succession, has been seized by the persecutions of his own and cruelly thrust into a prison, and is still harried by the swords of his people; the metropolis of the Remi too, without a pastor, is most atrociously assailed by thieves; divine worship is debased, and canonical religion held for nothing.

His ergo, patres, vehementissime insistendum arbitror, multaque nobis diligentia enitendum, qui gratia sancti Spiritus hic in unum confluximus, quatinus res ante dissolutae sic in foedus redeant, ut et domno ac serenissimo regi libera regnandi reddatur potestas, et per eum ecclesiae Remensi debitus suus restituatur honor.

Therefore on these matters, fathers, I judge that we must insist very vehemently, and exert ourselves with much diligence, we who by the grace of the Holy Spirit have here been gathered into one, so that things formerly dissolved may thus return into a foedus, that both to the lord and most serene king the free power of ruling may be restored, and through him to the church of Reims its due honour be reestablished.

72. Responsio Marini Romanae sedis legati. Ad haec domnus Marinus sanctae Romanae sedis vicarius: Optime, inquit, atque utiliter frater ac coepiscopus Rotbertus, rerum seriem tenuit. Etenim cum divinas leges, humanis praeponendas ipse pernoscat, considerata tamen rerum fortuna, regiae dominationis imperium ante dixit restaurandum, ut ejus vigore firmato, ejusque potentia utiliter restituta, ejus post liberalitate, ecclesiarum Dei honor consequenter recrescat, ejus patrocinio agente, virtus bonis quibusque redeat.

72. Reply of Marinus, legate of the Roman See. To these things the lord Marinus, vicar of the holy Roman see, said: Very well, he continued, and usefully my brother and co‑bishop Rotbertus held the sequence of matters. For although he maintains that divine laws are to be preferred to human, yet, having considered the state of affairs, he first declared that the power of royal domination must be restored, so that, its strength confirmed and its potency usefully re‑established, and thereafter by its liberality, the honor due to the churches of God may consequently grow again, and with its patronage at work, virtue may return to all good men.

Quod ut Deo annuente fieri queat, in primis audienda atque strenuissime disponenda videtur causa domni ac serenissimi regis, si id quoque vestri judicii paciatur censura. Synodus dixit: Audiatur.

So that this may be done with God consenting, the cause of the lord and most serene king should first be heard and most vigorously arranged, provided this also be approved by the judgment of your council. The Synod said: Let it be heard.

73. Conquestio Ludovici regis apud Ottonem regem et sinodum regni. Tunc rex Ludovicus ab Ottonis regis latere surgens, stando conqueri modestissime petebat. At rogatus ab sinodo, hujusmodi residens effudit querelam: Quanto inquiens, Hugonis instinctu, quantoque ejus impulsu conqueri cogor, testis est ille, cujus gratia vos hic congregatos paulo ante relatum est.

73. The complaint of King Louis before King Otto and the synod of the realm. Then King Louis, rising from King Otto’s side, standing, very modestly began to complain. But, having been asked by the synod, thus seated he poured forth this grievance: “By how much, I say, at the instigation of Hugh, and by how great his impulse I am forced to complain; that man is witness, on whose account you were gathered here a little before.”

Pater ejus, ut a principio exordiar, patri meo regnum invidens, dum ei domi militiaeque servitium deberet, regno illum immaniter privavit et usque ad vitae ejus suprema ergastulo inclusum esse rogavit. Me vero parvum in fasciculo farraginis a meis dissimulatum, in partes transmarinas et prope in Rifeos fugere compulit. Patre autem extincto et me in exilium deportato, iste cum reminisceretur sui patris, ob insolentiam interfecti, regni curam suscipere formidabat.

His father, to begin from the beginning, envying my father the kingdom, while he ought to have owed him service at home and in military affairs, cruelly deprived him of the kingdom and begged that he be shut up in an ergastulum until the end of his life. Me, however, a small child, hidden in a bundle of farrago by my people, he forced to flee to overseas parts and almost into the Rif. But when my father was dead and I had been deported into exile, this man, remembering his own father, feared to undertake the care of the kingdom on account of the insolence of the slain man.

Nobis itaque invidens, Rodulfum promovit. Sed Divinitas res illius sicut et cetera determinans, ei quando voluit finem regnandi dedit. Dum item regnum vacaret, consilio bonorum me a partibus peregrinis exulantem revocavit, ac omnium conibentia in regnum promovit, nihil mihi praeter Laudunum relinquens.

So, envying us, he promoted Rodulfus. But Divinity, determining that matter as well as others, gave him an end of ruling when it willed. And when likewise the kingdom lay vacant, by the counsel of the good he recalled me, an exile in foreign parts, and by the unanimous desire of all promoted me to the kingdom, leaving me nothing except Laudunum.

Promotusque cum ea quae regii juris videbantur, repetere niterer, id invidissime ferebat. Factus ergo latenter adversarius, amicos si quos habebam, pecuniis subvertebat, inimicos in odium amplius incitabat. Tandem urgente invidia, apud piratas egit, ut ab eis dolo caperer; regnum in se posse refundi arbitrans, si id fieri contigisset.

And when, having been promoted, I strove to regain those things that seemed of royal right, he endured it most enviously. Therefore made secretly my adversary, he subverted any friends I had with money and stirred my enemies on into greater hatred. At last, envy pressing him, he negotiated with pirates that I be seized by them through treachery, imagining that the kingdom could be restored to him if that should come to pass.

Nec defuit insidiis effectus. Captus fui, carcerique mancipatus. Ille vero me eripere simulans, filios meos jure obsidum dandos petebat.

Nor was he lacking in plots to bring this about. I was seized and confined in prison. He, however, feigning to rescue me, demanded that my sons be handed over as hostages by right.

At iis qui mihi fide adjuncti erant omnes dari reclamantibus, dimisso uno, a piratis me recepit. Jam libertatem sperans, quo animus impelleret ire volebam. Verum aliter provenisse manifestum est.

But when all those who had been entrusted to me by faith were clamoring to be given up, with one having been dismissed he recovered me from the pirates. Now, hoping for liberty, I wished to go whither my spirit impelled me. Yet it is manifest that it turned out otherwise.

Nam captum mox in vincula conjecit, ac annuali carceri mancipavit. Unde cum a cognatis et amicis meis indignantibus sese impetendum adverteret, libertatem spopondit si Laudunum acciperet. Hoc tantum claudebar, hoc solo cum uxore et natis recipiebar.

For, taken, he soon cast me into fetters, and bound me to an annual prison. When he perceived that an attack would be made by my cognates and friends, indignant, he pledged freedom if he could take Laudunum. By this alone I was shut up; by this alone I would be received back with my wife and children.

Quid facerem? Castro vitam praeposui: pro castro libertatem merui. Et en omnibus privatus, omnium opem deposco!

What was I to do? I preferred life to the camp/fortress: in place of the camp I earned freedom. And behold, stripped of all, I demand the aid of everyone!

His si dux contraire audeat, nobis tantum singulariter congrediendum sit.

If the leader dares to oppose these things, we must alone engage him, singularly.

74. Oratio Rotberti pro Ludovico. Quibus palam promulgatis, Rotbertus metropolitanus subinfert: Quoniam, inquiens, domni atque serenissimi regis satis breviter ac dilucide digestam, optime ut arbitror conquestionem percepimus, consequens videtur, ut ejus causam in quantum fas est determinemus. Dux ergo quia omnia pene regni jura, in sese transfudit, eique viribus reniti non valemus, mitius hoc attemptandum arbitror, ut qui Deum non metuit, et hominem non reveretur, multa ratione multaque rerum consideratione, ad normam Deo juvante reducatur.

74. Robert's speech for Louis. With these matters openly promulgated, Robert the metropolitan interposes: Since, he says, we have perceived the lord and most serene king’s business sufficiently briefly and clearly examined, as I judge most excellently, it seems consequent that we should determine his cause as far as right allows. Therefore, because the duke has poured almost all the rights of the kingdom into himself, and we are not able to resist him by force, I judge this ought to be attempted more mildly, so that he who fears not God and reveres not man may, by much reasoning and much consideration of affairs, be reduced to the rule, God assisting.

Igitur juxta patrum decreta, et canonum regulam, inprimis ad satisfactionem fraterne monendus est, verbisque suasoriis ad id modestissime revocandus. Quod si post blandam revocationis ammonitionem resipiscere noluerit, omnium anathemate feriatur, hoc habentes praesidio, quod jam a domno papa correctus sit, jussusque a domini sui insectatione quiescere.

Therefore, according to the decrees of the fathers and the rule of the canons, he must first be admonished to make fraternal satisfaction, and by persuasive words be most modestly recalled to that. But if, after a gentle admonition of recall, he will not repent, let him be struck with the anathema of all, having this safeguard — that he has already been corrected by the lord pope, and has been ordered to cease from the pursuit of his lord.

75. Responsio Marini legati pro eodem. Atque his domnus Marinus subjunxit: Reminiscor, inquiens, domnum papam ante hunc annum anathema in reos misisse qui hunc dominum et regem Francorum insectabantur; epistolam quoque suasoriam ut ab eo non deficiant, bonis quibuslibet delegatam, atque conquestionem de eadem re litteris expressam, iis quibus sanior mens erat delegatam fuisse. Unde et opinor justissime dictum, cum ante a papa vocatus atque correctus sit, nunc quoque caritatis gratia revocandus est, et diligentissima suasione ut a malis quiescat commonendus; et post omnium anathemate dampnandus.

75. The response of Marinus the legate for the same. And to these things Lord Marinus added: I remember, he said, that the lord pope before this year sent anathema upon those guilty who were persecuting this lord and king of the Franks; he likewise sent an admonitory letter, delegated by any good means so that they not fail him, and a formal inquiry concerning the same matter expressed in writing had been entrusted to those whose minds were sound. Wherefore I also think it most justly said, since he was previously summoned and corrected by the pope, that now also for the sake of charity he must be recalled, and by the most diligent persuasion admonished to desist from evils; and afterwards to be condemned by the anathema of all.

Et non solum ille, verum omnes qui ei in malis favere faventque. Sed hanc solum a nobis accipiet opem. Numquid vero ab alio quicquam opis accipiet?

And not only that one, but all who favor and support him in evils. Yet this aid alone will he receive from us. Will he, however, receive any help from another?

Ejus conquestio in sua clausula, opem omnium postulat. Sed si a nobis ei succurritur, a domno Ottone rege quid accipiet? Et decretalia sancta acclamant, postquam tirannis anathema dampnationis ab episcopis injectum est, a bonis quoque potentibus vim inferendam, ut si aecclesiasticis correctionibus ad normam redire nolunt, saltem potentium vehementi violentia ad bonum redire cogantur, ut vel invitis bona praestentur.

His complaint in its closing clause demands the aid of all. But if he is succoured by us, what will he receive from Lord Otto the king? And the sacred decretals proclaim, after an anathema of condemnation against tyrants was hurled by the bishops, that force is likewise to be brought by good potentates, so that if they will not return to the norm by ecclesiastical corrections, at least by the vehement violence of potentates they may be compelled to return to the good, so that even against their will goods may be furnished.

76. Oratio Ottonis regis pro eodem. Ad haec rex Otto: Multa, inquit, sunt patres beneficia, quae a vobis domno ac serenissimo regi Ludovico utiliter accomodari valebunt. Etenim si ejus insectatores armis divinis adoriamini, consequenter aut facili tumultu devicti labascent, aut si quid impetendum relinquetur, facilius nostris armis infirmabitur.

76. Oratio Ottonis regis pro eodem. To this King Otto: “Fathers, there are many benefices which can be usefully allotted by you to the lord and most serene King Ludovicus. For if you attack his pursuers with divine arms, then either, routed by an easy tumult, they will collapse, or if anything remains to be attempted, it will be more easily weakened by our arms.”

Vos ergo jubente domni papae legato, vestri ordinis instrumenta exerite, ac tanti regis adversarios, anathematis gladio transverberate. Contra quae si cervicem postea erigere audeant, et dominicis interdictis resistere non formidant, nostrum exinde erit, quibus commissum est in hac mundi parte sanctam Dei aecclesiam tueri, ut in tales arma sumamus, hujusmodi debellemus. Et si necessitas adurgeat, strictis gladiis usque ad immanissimam caedem perditissimorum hominum deseviamus, habita in illos justissimae indignationis causa, quod illicita aggrediantur, et pro illicitis ammoniti, non corrigantur.

Therefore, by your lord the pope’s legate commanding, put forth the instruments of your order, and transfix with the sword of anathema the adversaries of so great a king. If against these things they afterwards dare to lift up their necks, and do not fear to resist the lordly interdictions, it will be for us, to whom in this part of the world the protection of God’s holy Church has been committed, to take up arms against such and to subdue them. And if necessity presses, with swords drawn let us wreak havoc up to the most implacable slaughter of the most perverse men, holding toward them the cause of most just indignation, because they commit illicit acts, and, having been admonished for illicit deeds, are not corrected.

Vos itaque tantum vestris insistite; et post modestiam vestram virtus nostra sequetur.

Therefore, you press only upon your own; and after your moderation our virtue will follow.

77. Epistola a sinodo ad Hugonem delegata. Quibus dictis, mox sinodi decreto epistola descripta est palamque recitata, hanc verborum seriem tenens : Sancta sinodus in palatio Angleheim sub domnis atque orthodoxis regibus Ludovico et Ottone utiliter habita, Hugoni duci. Quantis malis, quantaque persecutione vexaveris illam venerabilem Remorum metropolim, quanta quoque crudelitate debacchatus sis in dominum tuum regem, ora omnium locuntur, apud omnes agitatur.

77. Letter sent by the synod to Hugh. When these things had been said, soon by the decree of the synod the letter was written and publicly recited, containing this sequence of words: The holy synod, usefully held in the palace of Angleheim under the lords and orthodox kings Louis and Otto, to Duke Hugh. With what evils, with what persecution you have harassed that venerable metropolis of Reims, and with what cruelty you have rioted against your lord the king, these things are spoken by the mouths of all and are discussed among everyone.

Quod quam sceleratum, et quam pernitiosum sit, divinae atque humanae leges copiosissime produnt. Unde et tibi compatientes, ab talibus te quiescere monemus. Et ad dominum tuum, multa mansuetudinis humilitate quantotius reverti hortamur.

How wicked, and how pernicious it is, the divine and human laws most copiously declare. Wherefore, sympathizing with you, we admonish you to desist from such things. And to your lord we exhort you to return as soon as possible with much meekness and humility.

Quod si contempseris, priusquam in diversa referamur, anathemate sine dubio te perstringemus, donec aut satisfacias, aut Romam apud domnum papam ratiocinaturus petas. Cujus litteris jam bis monitus es, et a tanto facinore prohibitus. Unde et nos post illum, tercio jam te ad correctionem revocamus.

But if you despise this, before we are referred to other matters, we will without doubt bind you with anathema, until either you make satisfaction, or you seek Rome to reason before the lord Pope. By whose letters you have already been warned twice, and restrained from so great a crime. Wherefore we also, after him, now for the third time call you back to correction.

Quae totius sinodi auctoritate roborata, duci per legatos mox directa est.

Which, strengthened by the authority of the whole synod, was soon directed to the duke through legates.

78. Causa Artoldi. Post haec surgens Artoldus archiepiscopus, rerum ordinem, sed et ipsius litis initium quae agitabatur inter sese et Hugonem sibi subrogatum episcopum, luculentissime disseruit. Quin et epistolam profert, nuperrime a domno papa sibi directam, per quam episcopatum sibi retinendum significabat.

78. The case of Artold. After this, Artoldus the archbishop, rising, most lucidly discoursed on the order of matters and also on the very beginning of the suit which was being carried on between himself and Hugo, the bishop placed under him. Nay, he even produced a letter very recently sent to him by the lord Pope, by which it was signified that the episcopate was to be retained by him.

Post cujus interpretationem, Sigeboldus quidam praedicti Hugonis clericus, aliam mox epistolam sinodo porrexit, signo domni papae munitam, et ab Urbe a sese delatam. Quae etiam in conspectu episcoporum recitata atque diligentissime discussa est. In cujus textu id solum dicebatur, quod Rodulfus Laudunensis episcopus, Wido etiam Suessonicus, necnon et Hildegarius Belvacensis, ceterique Remensis dioceseos episcopi, ad sedem apostolicam pro restitutione Hugonis, et abdicatione Artoldi, epistolam miserint.

After the reading of which interpretation, a certain Sigeboldus, a cleric of the aforesaid Hugo, forthwith presented another letter to the synod, fortified with the sign of the lord pope and by him brought from the City. Which was likewise read aloud in the sight of the bishops and examined very diligently. In the text of which it was said only that Rodulfus, bishop of Laudun, Wido likewise of Suessonia, and Hildegarius of Belvacum, and the other bishops of the diocese of Remis, had sent a letter to the apostolic see for the restoration of Hugo and the abdication of Artoldus.

Unde et domnum papam ad eorum vota, eorumque petitionem, omnia fieri velle. Post cujus recitationem, praedicti mox consurgentes episcopi, epistolae sententiam penitus confutarunt ac calumniarum injectorem hominem perditissimum adclamarunt. Quibus cum contraire non posset, quibusdam maledictis eos adortus, publice de perfidia criminabatur.

Whereupon the lord pope wished that all things be done according to their votes and their petition. After the reading of this, the aforesaid bishops, immediately rising, utterly refuted the sense of the letter and cried out that the writer was a most depraved man, an instigator of calumnies. When he could not oppose them, having assailed them with certain curses, he publicly accused them of perfidy.

79. Calumniatoris episcoporum reprobatio. Tunc a domno Manino decernitur, ut recitentur capitula de calumniatoribus prolata. Quibus mox lectis, cum calumniator reniti non posset, episcoporum inditio diaconatus quo fungebatur officio privatur, et a conspectu sinodi contumeliose reprobatus, exire compellitur.

79. Reprobation of the slanderer of the bishops. Then by Lord Maninus it is decreed that the chapters concerning slanderers be read aloud. Which, when soon after read, since the slanderer could not deny them, by the bishops’ indictment he is deprived of the diaconate in which he discharged his office, and, contemptuously condemned and rejected from the sight of the synod, he is compelled to depart.

Artoldo vero pontificatus dignitatem secundum canonum instituta, patrumque decreta, sinodus habendam decernit, atque corroborat, eo quod nullius concilii rationibus interesse refugerit. Atque haec prima consessionis die constituta sunt.

But Artoldus decrees that a synod be held to establish the dignity of the pontificate according to the institutes of the canons and the decrees of the fathers, and he corroborates this, in that he had not shunned to participate in the deliberations of any council. And these things were enacted on the first day of the session.

80. Secunda vero die, post recitatas sacrae auctoritatis lectiones, et domni Rotberti allocutionem, a venerabili Marino constituitur, ut quoniam juxta sacrae legis sententiam, pontificalis dignitas Artoldo restituta est, in ipsius pervasorem sinodalis proferatur censura. Recitantur itaque decreta canonum, et sanctorum instituta patrum, Innocentii, Alexandri, Simmachi, Sixti, Celestini, Zozimi, Leonis, Bonefacii, aliorumque sanctae Dei aecclesiae doctorum illustrium. Quorum decretis, unanimiter anathematizant, atque ab totius aecclesiae communione sequestrant, Hugonem Remensis aecclesiae pervasorem, donec resipiscentem peniteat, ac pro facinore offensis satisfaciat.

80. On the second day, moreover, after the readings of sacred authority had been recited, and the allocution of Lord Rotbert, it is decreed by the venerable Marino that, since according to the sentence of the sacred law the pontifical dignity has been restored to Artoldo, a synodal censure be pronounced against its usurper. The decrees of the canons and the institutes of the holy fathers are therefore read — Innocent, Alexander, Symmachus, Sixtus, Celestine, Zosimus, Leo, Boniface, and other illustrious doctors of the holy Church of God. By whose decrees they unanimously anathematize, and sequester from the communion of the whole Church, Hugo, the usurper of the Church of Reims, until he repent and, restored to sense, make satisfaction to those offended for his crime.

81. Cf. Legg. II. 24. l. 55. Reliquis autem diebus decretum est de incestis et illicitis presbiterorum conjugiis, de presbiteris quoque eukaristiam indigne tractantibus, de aecclesiis etiam a laicis indebite usurpatis; aliaque nonnulla ibi prolata fuere, quae diligentissime investigata, atque utiliter diffinita sunt; sicque sinodus soluta est. Indicitur vero post dies 30 iterum habenda Lauduni in basilica sancti Vincentii martiris, ut ibi exeratur anathema in Hugonem tirannum.

Cf. Legg. II. 24. l. 55. In the remaining days a decree was made concerning incestuous and illicit marriages of priests, concerning priests likewise who handle the Eucharist unworthily, concerning churches also unduly usurped by laymen; and other matters were there brought forward, which, having been investigated most diligently and usefully defined, thus the synod was dissolved. It is moreover announced that after 30 days another session shall be held at Lauduni in the basilica of Saint Vincent the martyr, so that there the anathema may be exercised against Hugo the tyrant.

82. Anathema episcoporum iu ducem ejusque fautores. Quibus diligenter ac canonice peractis, Ludovicus rex ab Ottone rege militum copias duce Chonrado, contra Hugonem tirannum accipit. Quae dum per dies 40 colligerentur, episcopi supradicti tricesima die post peractam sinodum in basilica sancti Vincentii martiris apud Laudunum sub rege Ludovico collecti sunt.

82. Anathema of the bishops on the duke and his supporters. When these matters had been carried out diligently and canonically, King Ludovicus received from King Otto a force of soldiers led by Duke Conrad against Hugh the tyrant. While these were being gathered over 40 days, the aforesaid bishops were assembled on the thirtieth day after the synod’s completion in the basilica of Saint Vincent the Martyr at Laudunum, gathered under King Ludovicus.

Et iterum praesidente praedicto Marino, post sacrae Scripturae paginas, quae ibi recitatae et multa consideratione discussae sunt, Hugonem tirannum anathemate damnant, et a sancta aecclesia pellunt, nisi resipiscens domino suo satisfaciat, aut Romam pro sui absolutione apud domnum papam ratiocinaturus petat. In qua etiam sinodo, agitur de episcopis qui cum duce evocati fuere, et distulerunt venire, de iis etiam qui consecrationi Hugonis episcopi jam abdicati illicite interfuerunt, vel qui ab ipso pulso, vel post abdicato, contra fas videbantur promoti. Damnantur itaque duo pseudoepiscopi ab Hugone ordinati, Tetbaldus scilicet et Ivo, quorum prior a pulso sacratus est Ambianensium episcopus, alter vero ab abdicato Silletensium.

And again, with the aforesaid Marino presiding, after the pages of Sacred Scripture were read there and much examined with consideration, they condemn Hugo the tyrant by anathema, and they expel him from the holy aecclesia unless, repenting, he make satisfaction to his lord, or seek Rome to reason for his absolution before the lord pope. In which same synod is also handled the matter of the bishops who had been summoned with the duke and delayed in coming, and of those who illicitly took part in the consecration of Hugo the bishop already abdicating, whether consecrated by him when driven out, or afterwards, upon abdication, who seemed promoted against right. Thus two pseudo-bishops ordained by Hugo are condemned, namely Tetbaldus and Ivo, the former having been consecrated by the expelled one as bishop of Ambianenses, the other by the abdicated as bishop of Silletenses.

Damnatus et Adelelmus Laudunensis aecclesiae diaconus, a Rodulfo suo episcopo insimulatus, eo quod Tetbaldum excommunicatum in aeclesiam temerarius introduxerit. Hi enim in anteriore sinodo cum duce jam evocati, satisfacere contempnebant. Vocatur vero Hildegarius Belvacensium episcopus, domni Marini et episcoporum legatione, ut aut ad eos veniat, aut sedem apostolicam pro suo facinore ratiocinaturus petat, eo quod interfuerit ordinationi supra jam dictorum pseudoepiscoporum.

Also condemned is Adelelmus, deacon of the church of Laudunum, accused together by his bishop Rodulf because he rashly admitted Tetbaldus, who was excommunicated, into the church. For these men, already summoned with the duke to the earlier synod, were refusing to make satisfaction. Hildegarius, bishop of Belvacum, is moreover summoned by the legation of lord Marin and the bishops, that either he come to them or seek the apostolic see to plead for himself concerning his crime, because he was present at the ordination of the above‑said pseudo‑bishops.

Vocatur et Heribertus, Heriberti tiranni filius, ob mala quae aecclesiis vel episcopis immaniter inferebat. Wido vero Suessionicus episcopus, cum a plurimis laceraretur, eo quod ipse Hugonem episcopum sacrasset, in sinodo reum sese confitens, et multa penitentia reatum deplorans, intercedentibus apud sinodum Artoldo atque Rotberto archiepiscopis, absolvi ab eis obtinuit. Wicfridus quoque Morinensis episcopus, qui criminabatur interfuisse, immunis a crimine reperitur.

Heribert is also summoned, Heribert the tyrant’s son, on account of the evils which he cruelly inflicted on churches and bishops. Wido, bishop of Suessiones, however, since he was assailed by many because he himself had consecrated Bishop Hugo, in the synod, confessing himself guilty and lamenting the offense with much penance, obtained to be absolved by them, Artold and Rotbert the archbishops interceding before the synod. Wicfridus likewise, bishop of the Morini, who was accused of having been present, is found free from the crime.

Affuit vero Transmari Noviomensis episcopi legatus, Silvester presbiter, episcopum suum tanta vi febrium detentum asserens, ut ad sinodum venire nequiverit, quod etiam in conspectu sinodi testibus approbavit. Post haec episcopi in sua referuntur. Domnus vero Marinus, ab Ottone rege per legatos rogatus, in partes Germaniae secedit, ibique aecclesiam Vuldensis monasterii dedicat, et hieme exacta, Romam redit.

Present indeed was Silvester the presbyter, legate of Transmarus, bishop of Noviomensis, asserting that his bishop was detained by so great a violence of fevers that he could not come to the synod, which he likewise proved before the synod in the presence of witnesses. After these things the bishops are sent back to their own sees. Lord Marinus, however, having been requested by King Otto through legates, withdrew into parts of Germany, and there dedicated the church of the monastery of Vuldensis, and, winter having passed, returned to Rome.

His expletis, Rodulfus Laudunensis episcopus, ultimo corporis dolore confectus, hac vita decedit. Succedit ei vero frater regis ex concubina Rorico, omni rerum scientia inclitus.

After these things were completed, Rodulf, bishop of Laon, worn out by a final bodily pain, departed this life. To him, however, succeeds Rorico, the king’s brother by a concubine, famed for a full knowledge of affairs.

83. Rex cohortes Mosomum mittit et capit. Interea exercitu ex omni Belgica duce Conrado apud regem collecto, tres cohortes rege jubente Mosomum mittuntur. Compererat etenim Hugonem abdicatum ibidem reclusum, multaque rei militaris inopia eum haberi.

83. The king sends and seizes the cohorts of Mosomum. Meanwhile, with the army from all Belgica gathered under Duke Conrad at the king’s presence, three cohorts are sent to Mosomum by the king’s command. For he had learned that Hugo, deposed, was confined there, and that he was being held through a paucity of many military supplies.

Cohortes ergo oppidum in ipso crepusculo aggressae, repentina oppugnatione circumquaque infestant. Instant quoque magnanimiter capere. Et quia revera milites paucissimos, armaque vix aliqua sciebant, indesinenter vires exerunt, armisque adurgent.

Therefore the cohorts, having fallen upon the town in the very dusk, assail it on all sides with a sudden attack. They likewise press forward magnanimously to seize it. And because in truth the soldiers were very few, and knew scarcely any arms, they incessantly exerted their strength and pressed on with their weapons.

At aliis fatigatis, alii intacti succedunt. Sicque sine intermissione paucissimos, numerosi atterunt. Oppidani vero assidua expugnatione attriti, die altera jam sole occiduo omnes cum domino ad deditionem coguntur.

Others, when fatigued, are relieved by others intact. Thus, without intermission, the numerous wear down the very few. The townspeople, however, worn out by the assiduous assault, on the next day with the sun already setting are forced, all together with their lord, to a surrender.

In quo tumultu, quo genere fugae nescitur, Hugo abdicatus evadit. De militibus vero qui potiores videbantur, capiuntur, ac oppido aliis deputatis, regi deducuntur.

In that tumult, of what sort the flight was is not known; Hugo, having been deposed, escapes. As for the soldiers who seemed the more potent, they are captured, and, the town being deputed to others, are conducted to the king.

84. Rex Montem acutum capit. Rex vero castrum quod dicitur Mons-acutus, quod etiam est Lauduno contiguum, cum exercitu oppugnabat. Et quia non satis adhuc murorum firmamento claudebatur, nec multitudo militum sufficiens commode ibi cohabitare poterat, urgenti obsidioni diutius resistere oppidani non patiuntur.

84. The king takes the Sharp Mountain. Now the king was assaulting the fortress called Mons-acutus, which is also contiguous to Laudunum, with an army. And because it was not yet sufficiently closed by the fortification of walls, nor could a sufficient multitude of soldiers conveniently cohabit there, the townsmen would not endure to withstand the pressing siege any longer.

Victi ergo cedunt, ac resistere quiescunt. Oppido itaque capto, rex suos deputat, et sic exercitum Lauduno inducit; obsidionem per loca commoda disponit, viresque admodum confert. Saepissime eminus decertatum est.

Conquered, therefore, they yield and cease to resist. The town having been taken, the king assigns his men, and thus conducts his army into Laudun; he arranges the siege at convenient places and concentrates his forces considerably. Very often the fighting was carried on at a distance.

Comminus etiam dimicatum novies. Nullo vero prosperioris fortunae successu, regius impetus eo tempore enituit. Imminebat etenim hiemis intemperies, unde et bellicae machinae in articulo temporis fabricari non poterant, sine quibus tanti montis eminentia expugnari non potest.

They also fought at close quarters nine times. Yet with no success of more prosperous fortune, the royal impetus strove mightily at that time. For the severity of winter was impending, whence likewise the war-machines could not be fashioned at the critical moment, without which the eminence of so great a mountain cannot be taken.

Regis itaque jussu exercitus redit, hieme transacta rediturus. Rex vero Remis sese privatum recepit.

Therefore by the king’s command the army returned, intending to return after the winter had been spent. But the king withdrew to the Remi as a private man.

85. Hugo autem dux, episcoporum anathema vilipendens, ac regi subdi contempnens, cum multis Nortmannorum copiis regiam urbem Suessonicam aggreditur, multaque obsidione premit. Alios itaque adortus gladio enecat, alios vero nube sagittarum ac balistarum loetaliter sauciat. Injectisque jaculo ignibus, domum matris aecclesiae succendit.

85. Hugo, however, the duke, vilifying the anathema of the bishops and scorning to submit to the king, with many bands of Nortmanni attacks the royal city Suessonica, and presses it with a great siege. Having therefore assaulted some he kills with the sword, and wounds others fatally with a cloud of shafts and balistae. And, hurling javelins set with fire, he kindles the house of the mother church.

Claustrumque canonicorum ac partem civitatis majorem, ignibus solo tenus combussit. Quam cum capere non posset, in pagum Remensem ubi rex tunc privatus morabatur, iter truculentus reflectit. Cujus adventum ii qui ruri degebant audientes, in aecclesias sanctorum cum suis rebus confugiunt.

And he consumed the canons’ cloister and the greater part of the city with fires down to the ground. When he could not capture that, the fierce expedition turned back into the Remian pagus where the king was then dwelling in private. Hearing of his arrival, those who lived in the countryside fled into the churches of the saints with their belongings.

At tirannus pauperum turbis inmisericors, eorum plus quam 560 intra aecclesias succendisse traditur. Et sic ad sua refertur.

But the tyrant, merciless toward the throngs of the poor, is reported to have had more than 560 of them burned inside churches. And thus he returns to his own.

86. Rex vero Ludovicus Gerbergam reginam ad Ottonem fratrem suum dirigit, ut sibi copias acceleret. Proficiscitur itaque imminente sollempnitate pascali, et Aquisgrani palatio sanctum pascha cum fratre Ottone celebrat. Conveniunt ex Germania principes nonnulli.

86. King Louis, however, sends Queen Gerberga to Otto his brother to hasten troops to him. He therefore sets out with the Paschal solemnity imminent, and at the palace of Aachen celebrates the holy Pasch with his brother Otto. Several princes from Germany assemble.

Adsunt ex Belgica universi. Nec desunt legati Grecorum, Italorum, Anglorum, atque aliorum plurimae legationes populorum. Regina ergo cum fratre consilio habito, et accepta ab eo auxilii pollicitatione, secura ad regem Ludovicum redit.

All from Belgica are present. Nor are the envoys of the Greeks, Italians, English, and very many legations of other peoples lacking. Therefore the queen, her council held with her brother, and a promise of aid having been received from him, returns safely to King Ludovicus.

87. Ludovicus vero in tirannum iratus, nimio animi fervore Ottonis auxilium praevenire meditabatur. Arbitrabatur etenim, quoniam in longa exercitus exspectatione, injuria inulta videretur. Confert itaque cum patre meo consilium, eo quod ejus esset miles, consiliis commodus, facundia simul et audatia plurimus.

87. Ludovicus, however, enraged at the tyrant, with excessive fervor of spirit was devising to forestall Otto’s aid. For he thought that, since by the army’s long expectation the injury seemed unavenged, it required immediate action. He therefore laid the plan before my father, because he was his miles, suited to counsels, and very abundant in both facundia and audatia.

Unde et rex admodum ei consuescebat, et apud eum sepissime consultabat. Dictabat ergo pater meus apud regem et paucos qui intererant, ordinem capiendi Laudunum ita. Primum sese observaturum oportunitatem aiebat, et an loci habitudo id ferret, an etiam cives in observatione urbis cautissimi haberentur, diligentissime exploraturum sese memorabat.

Whence the king had become very accustomed to him, and very often consulted with him. My father therefore dictated before the king and the few who were present the order of taking Laudunum thus. First he said that he would watch for an opportune moment, and that he would most diligently ascertain whether the habitude of the place would bear it, or whether the citizens would be held most cautious in the observation of the city.

Deinde dicebat efficaciter se adeo ordinaturum omnia, et sic ad effectum utiliter reducturum, ut nulli post sese quicquam negotio inperfecto supplendum relinqueretur.

Then he said that he would so effectively arrange all things, and so usefully bring them to completion, that he would leave nothing afterwards for anyone to supply with the business unfinished.

88. Rege ergo per dies aliquot Remis demorante, Rodulfus sic enim pater meus dicebatur commoditatem patrandi negotii per suos explorabat. Missisque exploratoribus, comperit agasones civium per dies singulas exire ab urbe tempore vespertino quinquagenos aut sexagenos, et farraginis fasciculos equis in urbem deferre, capitibus ob solis ardorem obvolutis. Idque cotidie, et tempore eodem.

88. The king therefore remaining with the Remi for several days, Rodulfus — for so my father was called — examined the convenience of procuring supplies through his men. And after scouts were sent, he learned that the agasons of the citizens on each day went out of the city in the evening time, fifty or sixty of them, and bore bundles of farrago on horses into the city, their heads wrapped against the sun’s heat. And this every day, and at the same hour.

Quod cum ab observatoribus patri meo relatum fuisset, simili eos exercitio posse falli advertit. Refert ergo sese ad regem, et sic apud eum praesentibus paucissimis concepta effundit:

When this had been related to my father by the observers, he perceived that they could be deceived by a similar exercise. He therefore repaired to the king, and thus, with very few present, poured forth the plan he had conceived:

89. Magnum quidem, inquiens, o rex videretur, si hoc negotium solummodo armis viribusque esset attemptandum. Sed quia per astutiam ejus principium utilitas aggredi suadet, prout mihi videtur, cohortes aliquot secus montem in abditis ponendae sunt. Exspectandum etiam qua tempestate equos educant agasones herbatum potatumque.

89. Truly great, he said, O rex, it would seem if this enterprise were to be attempted only by arms and force. But because by craft (astutia) its principle urges that advantage be assailed, as it seems to me, several cohorts should be placed along the mountain in hidden positions. One must also wait to what time the agasones lead out their horses for pasture and for watering.

Qui cum in suo tempore egressi fuerint, et ab observatoribus eorum egressus et numerus nobis referetur, mox ad eorum numerum lectissimi juvenes eodem scemate, eodemque numero capitibus ut ipsi pilleatis farraginem in equis ad portam deferant, unde paulo ante agasones exierant, acsi ipsi agasones redeant. Qui cum altitudine fasciculorum aspectum protegere possint, facili ingressu urbem penetrabunt. Et ne quid impossibile a me dictum suspiceris, eorum ducem me in hoc certamine offero.

When they have gone forth at their appointed time, and their departure and number have been reported to us by their observers, then immediately, matching their scheme and in the same number, the choicest young men shall, with their heads likewise cap‑crowned, carry a mixture of fodder on horseback to the gate from which the agasones had gone out a little before, as if the agasones themselves were returning. Since by the height of their bundles they can shield the view, they will penetrate the city with easy ingress. And that you suspect nothing impossible from me, I offer myself to be their leader in this undertaking.

Animo tantum sint constanti. Successus vero Deo volente prosperabitur. Si ergo tempestivius cives insidias advertant, bellumque nobis paucioribus inferant, fixum nobis animo sit, aut portae ingressum tantum tueri, donec tubae clangore excitatae cohortes nobis subveniant, aut multa constantia in loco quem quisque possidebit, magnanimiter emori.

Let them be steadfast in spirit alone. The success, however, will prosper, God willing. If therefore the citizens sooner perceive the ambushes, and attack us with fewer numbers, let it be fixed in our minds either to defend only the entrance of the gate until cohorts, roused by the clangor of the trumpet, come to our aid, or to die magnanimously with great constancy in the place which each man shall hold.

90. Hujusmodi rerum dispositio omnibus apta videtur. Observatores itaque directi, agasonum consuetudinem, eorumque habitum, tempus quoque et numerum promtissime referunt. Ad eorum quoque relatum cohortes in abditis secus montem dispositae sunt.

90. Such a disposition of things seems suitable to all. The observers, therefore, having been sent, very promptly report the custom of the agasones, their dress, and also the time and the number. At their report, cohorts placed in ambush beside the mountain were deployed.

Pro numero etiam agasonum milites cum patre meo jurati ad peragendum rei negotium diriguntur. Agasones itaque numero 60 sumptis armis more solito per montis devexa capitibus pilleatis, ad farraginem descendunt. Et circa carices colligendos occupati, moram regrediendi aliquantisper faciunt.

By number also the agasons — soldiers sworn with my father to carry out the business — are sent. And so the agasons, sixty in number, having taken up arms in the usual manner, with their heads capped, descend along the mountain’s slopes to the harvest-field. And, occupied about gathering reeds, they delay their return for a little while.

At pater meus et ii qui jurati cum eo erant, vehementi animo succedunt; factoque agmine pilleatis capitibus more agasonum cum fasciculis farraginis tempestivius reditum accelerant, magnitudine fasciculorum vultus penitus abdentes. Quibus advenientibus porta patefacta est. Et indivisi urbem penetrant.

And my father and those who had sworn with him follow with a vehement spirit; and, the column made, with pilleate heads in the custom of the agasonum, they accelerate the return more seasonably carrying bundles of farraginis, their faces concealed deep by the bulk of the bundles. At their coming the gate was opened. And undivided they penetrate the city.

Fasciculos itaque abiciunt, et gladios educunt. Tubis personant, magnisque clamoribus urbem conturbant. Urbani ergo insidias comperientes, cum armis in hostes feruntur.

So they cast down the fascicles and draw their swords. The trumpets resound, and with great shouts they throw the city into confusion. The townspeople, having discovered the ambush, rush upon the enemies with arms.

Instant omnes, et validissime plurimi paucos adurgent. At regii milites, a leva quidem turri, a dextra vero domibus, a tergo autem muro urbis protegebantur, omnem vim belli ante habentes; unde et tutius congrediebantur. Nec ulterius in hostes audebant progredi, ne adversarii a tergo portam pervasam repeterent, et ne sic facti hostium medii, interirent.

All press on, and very many with great force press upon a few. But the royal soldiers, on the left indeed protected by a tower, on the right by houses, and at the rear by the city wall, having the whole force of war before them; whence they also engaged more safely. Nor did they dare to advance further against the enemies, lest the adversaries from the rear retake the breached gate, and lest thus, made the very midst of the enemy, they perish.

Instat itaque quisque in loco quem possidet. Et jam nimium omnes sauciati pene deficiebant, cum regiae cohortes tubis excitatae, ab abditis erumpunt, multoque impetu jam prope victis subveniunt, portamque defensam ingrediuntur, atque urbanos immani caede adoriuntur. Qui mox a cohortibus victi ac comprehensi sunt, praeter paucos qui in turris praesidium sese receperunt.

Each therefore presses on in the place which he holds. And now, overly wounded, almost all were failing, when the royal cohorts, roused by trumpets, burst forth from their ambushes, and with much impetus came to the aid of those already nearly defeated, and entered the defended gate, and assaulted the townsfolk with immense slaughter. These were soon overcome and seized by the cohorts, except for a few who withdrew into the towers for refuge.

91. Ludovicus ergo rex urbe potitus, cum nulla expugnatione turrim evincere posset, ab urbe eam secludit, obducto intrinsecus muro. Quod factum dux comperiens, cum exercitu accelerat. At nihil virium exerere valens, non sine merore ad sua redit.

91. Ludovicus therefore, in possession of the city, since he could not win the tower by any assault, shut it off from the city, a wall being thrown up on the inside. The duke, learning what had been done, hastened with his army. But, being unable to exert any force, he returned to his own with no small sorrow.

Illud tantum fecisse fertur, quod arci copias demiserit.

He is said to have done only this, namely that he sent away the troops of the citadel.

92. Aderat tempus quo rex copias ab Ottone rege praestolabatur. Adest ergo Chonradus dux cum exercitu ex tota Belgica, ab Ottone rege missus. Ludovicus vero rex cum exercitu de Belgica ducis terram ingreditur.

92. The time had come when the king awaited the forces from King Otto. Present therefore is Duke Conrad with an army from all Belgica, sent by King Otto. King Louis, however, with an army from Belgica, enters the duke’s territory.

Primum vero urbem Silletum adit. Ibi autem primum certamen habere volens, impedimenta quaeque ab urbe amovet. Succendit itaque suburbium, circumquaque, ac quidquid extrinsecus exstare videbatur, in planiciem redigit.

First, however, he approaches the city Silletum. There, wishing first to engage in battle, he removes every impediment from the city. He therefore burns the suburb, and all around, and whatever seemed to stand outside, he levels to a plain.

Obsidionem deputat, urbemque circumdat. Gravi congressu utrimque dimicatum est. Utrimque quam plurimi sauciantur.

He assigns the siege and surrounds the city. With a heavy engagement there was fighting on both sides. On both sides very many were wounded.

Belgae vero quia ab urbanis nimium arcobalistis impetebantur, resistere quiescunt. Nihil enim contra nisi tantum scutorum testudine utebantur. Unde et regio jussu, ab ea urbe discedunt, non solum ob arcobalistarum impetum, verum etiam ob turrium plurimarum firmamentum.

The Belgae, however, because they were being too greatly assaulted by the town ballistae, ceased to resist. For they employed nothing against them except merely the tortoise of shields. Wherefore, by the order of the region, they withdrew from that city, not only on account of the attack of the ballistae, but also because of the fortification of very many towers.

93. Aliorsum itaque iter retorquent, et usque ad fluvium Sequanam, quidquid ducis visum est per 40 miliaria immanissime insectati sunt. Sed cum fluvius equitatum regium ulterius prohiberet, rex gratias exercitui reddit, et secum usque quo a se dividerentur reducit. Dux autem e vestigio exercitum collectum in pagum Suessonicum deducit.

93. They therefore bend their march elsewhere, and as far as the river Sequana they pursued, with the most savage fury, whatever the leader judged over 40 miles. But when the river further hindered the royal cavalry, the king returned thanks to the army and led them back with him as far as they were to be separated from him. The duke, however, immediately led the gathered army into the pagus Suessonicus.

94. Ubi cum in regem conaretur, intervenientibus episcopis Widone Autisidorense et Ansegiso Trecasino, jurejurando utrimque accepto sub pace sequestra usque in pascha ratio eorum dilata est. Quae omnia Julio mense gesta sunt.

94. When he attempted to act against the king, the bishops Widon of Autisidorum and Ansegisus of Trecasinum intervening, with an oath accepted on both sides, their case was deferred under a sequestered peace until Easter. All these things were done in the month of July.

95. Quo etiam tempore, sinodus Romae habita est in basilica sancti Petri apostoli, praesidente domno Agapito papa. In qua etiam ipse domnus papa, concilium anteriore anno apud Angleheim habitum, coram episcopis Italiae roboravit, et ab eis roborari constituit. Hugonem quoque Galliarum ducem, in supradicta sinodo dampnatum, ipse etiam condempnat, donec regi suo satisfaciat, aut Romam veniat inde ratiocinaturus.

95. At that same time a synod was held at Rome in the basilica of Saint Peter the Apostle, presided over by the lord Pope Agapitus. In it the same lord pope confirmed before the bishops of Italy the council held the previous year at Angleheim, and ordered that it be confirmed by them. He likewise condemns Hugh, duke of the Gauls, who had been condemned in the aforesaid synod, himself also pronouncing the condemnation until he make satisfaction to his king, or come to Rome to argue the matter.

Moxque anathema descriptum et a sinodo roboratum, episcopis Galliarum destinatur.

And soon the anathema, drawn up and confirmed by the synod, is assigned to the bishops of the Gauls.

96. (950.) Episcopi itaque Galliarum anathemate moti, apud ducem colliguntur, et inde gravissime conqueruntur. Ex decretis patrum, sacrisque canonibus duci demonstrantes, neminem stare pertinaciter adversus dominum suum debere, nec temere in eum quicquam moliri. Illud etiam promptissime monstrant, secundum apostolum regem honorificandum, et non solum regem verum omnem potestatem majorem subjectis dominari debere asserunt.

96. (950.) Therefore the bishops of the Gauls, moved by the anathema, gather at the duke, and there grievously complain. From the decrees of the fathers and the sacred canons they demonstrate to the duke that no one ought to stand pertinaciously against his lord, nor rashly to attempt anything against him. They likewise very promptly show that, according to the apostle, the king is to be honored, and they assert that not only the king but every superior power ought to rule over those subject to it.

Preter haec quoque perniciosissimum esse, apostolicum anathema pertinaciter vilipendere, cum id sit gladius qui penetrat corpus usque ad animam, et sic mortificatos a regno beatorum spirituum repellat. Sibi etiam periculo esse memorant, si id quod animabus periculum ingerit, neglegentes non innotescant.

Besides this, they also say it is most pernicious to pertinaciously despise the apostolic anathema, since it is a sword that penetrates the body even to the soul, and so drives the mortified away from the kingdom of the blessed spirits. They likewise warn that it is to their peril if that which brings danger to souls, through the negligence of some, does not become known.

97. Talibus dux persuasus, regi humiliter reconciliari deposcit, eique satisfacturum sese pollicetur Hujus concordiae et pacis, ordinatores fuere, Chonradus dux et Hugo, cognomento Niger, Adalbero quoque atque Fulbertus episcopi. Et die constituta rex et dux conveniunt. Ac secus fluvium Matronam conlocuti, principibus praedictis internuntiis, in summam concordiam benignissime redierunt.

97. Persuaded by such words, the duke requests to be humbly reconciled to the king, and promises that he will make satisfaction to him for this concord and peace; the arrangers were Duke Chonrad and Hugo, called Niger, and also Bishops Adalbero and Fulbert. And on the appointed day the king and the duke met. And having sat down by the river Matrona, with the aforesaid princes as go‑betweens, they very kindly returned to complete concord.

Et quanto vehementius ante in sese grassati fuere, tanto amplius exinde amicitia se coluere. Hugo itaque dux per manus et sacramentum regis efficitur, ac turrim Laudunicam suis evacuatam, regi reddit; multam abinde fidem se servaturum pollicens.

And the more violently they had before fallen upon one another, the more thereafter they fostered their friendship. Hugo therefore, the duke, is bound by the king through hand and sacrament, and restores to the king the tower Laudunica, evacuated by his men; promising that from then on he will keep great faith.

98. (951.) Jussus ergo ab rege, in Aquitaniam exercitum regi parat. Quo in brevi collecto, causis rerum exigentibus ad interiores Burgundiae partes rex secum exercitum dirigit. Cum ergo in agro Matisconensium castra figeret, occurit ei Karolus Constantinus, Viennae civitatis princeps, ejusque efficitur, fidem jurejurando pactus.

98. (951.) Ordered therefore by the king, he readies an army for the king into Aquitaine. When this was collected in short order, the king, the causes of affairs requiring it, directs the army with him to the inner parts of Burgundy. And when he was pitching camp in the territory of the Matisconenses, Karolus Constantinus, prince of the city of Vienne, met him, and was made his man, having bound himself by oath to fidelity.

Hic ex regio quidem genere natus erat, sed concubinali stemmate usque ad tritavum sordebat, vir grandevus, et multis bellorum casibus saepissime attritus, et qui in superioribus piratarum tumultibus felici congressu insignis multoties enituit. Affuit etiam Stephanus Arvernorum praesul, ac regi sese commisit. Necnon et a Wilelmo Aquitanorum principe legati industrii affuere, pro suo principe ex fide habenda sacramenta daturi.

He was indeed born of a royal stock, but by a concubinal stemma he was debased even to the third generation, an aged man, oft worn by many casualties of wars, and he who in earlier pirate tumults by a fortunate encounter many times distinguished himself. Stephanus, prelate of the Arverni, was also present and committed himself to the king. Moreover, zealous legates from William, prince of the Aquitanians, were present, about to give oaths to be held on behalf of their prince.

Quibus postquam jussa regalia data sunt, rex in urbem Vesontium quae est metropolis Genaunorum, cui etiam in Alpibus sitae Aldis Dubis praeterfluit, cum duce exercitum deducit. Atque ibi Letoldus ejusdem urbis princeps, ad ejus militiam sacramento transit.

After the royal orders had been given to these, the king, with the duke, led the army down into the city of Vesontium, which is the metropolis of the Genauni, to which the Aldis Dubis, situated in the Alps, also flows by; and there Letoldus, prince of that same city, transferred by oath into his military service.

99. Quibus feliciter atque utiliter habitis, cum autumno maturante, elementorum immutatio fieret, rex colerico vexatus, in acutam febrem decidit. Cum ergo aegritudine pressus, militaria curare non posset, dux ab eo jussus exercitum reducit. Letoldus vero princeps, in ipsa regis aegritudine fidelissime atque humanissime regi famulatur.

99. When these things had been carried out happily and usefully, with autumn ripening and a change of the elements occurring, the king, afflicted by colic, fell into an acute fever. Therefore, pressed by illness and unable to attend to military affairs, he ordered the duke, who withdrew the army. But Letoldus the prince served the king most faithfully and most humanely in the king’s very sickness.

At die cretica post febris initium, impariter veniente, firmiter et inrecidive convaluit. Transactisque diebus 30 post corporis reparationem, cum Letoldo principe in Franciam redit.

But on the Cretan day after the beginning of the fever, it coming irregularly, he recovered firmly and without relapse. And after thirty days had passed following the body's restoration, he returned to France with Prince Letold.

100. Et cum jam Burgundiae extrema attingeret, viatorum relatu comperit, quosdam qui latrociniis et discursionibus provinciam infestabant, Angelbertum scilicet et Gozbertum, munitionem quae dicebatur Briona exstruxisse, quo etiam post flagitiosa exercitia sese recipiebant. Hanc igitur rex aggressus, obsidione circumdat; pugnaque continua ac fame atterit; et tandem capit, solotenusque diruit.

100. And when he was now reaching the bounds of Burgundy, he learned from the report of travelers that certain men who plagued the province with robberies and incursions, namely Angelbert and Gozbert, had erected a fortification called Briona, to which after their shameful deeds they likewise repaired. Therefore the king attacked this, invested it with a siege; by continual fighting and by famine he wore it down; and at last captured it, and utterly razed it.

Latrunculos vero petente Letoldo sub sacramento abire permittit.

But at Letold’s request he permits the brigands to depart under oath.

101. Inter haec cum rex in partibus Burgundiae adhuc detineretur, Aethgiva mater ejus regina eo ignorante Heriberto comiti nupsit, et relicta urbe Lauduno ab eo deducta est. Quod rex vehementer indignans, redire maturat, et cum Gerberga, regina uxore Laudunum ingreditur.

101. Meanwhile, while the king was still detained in the parts of Burgundy, Aethgiva, his mother the queen, without his knowledge married Count Heribert, and, having left the city, was led off by him to Lauduno. The king, greatly indignant at this, hastened to return, and with Gerberga, his wife the queen, entered Lauduno.

Et a matre auferens praedia et aedes regias, uxori delegat.

And taking estates and the royal residences from his mother, he assigns them to his wife.

102. Interea Gerberga regina, Lauduni geminos enixa est. Quorum alter Karolus, alter Heinricus vocatus est.

102. Meanwhile Queen Gerberga bore twins at Laon. One was called Karolus, the other Heinricus.

At Heinricus mox post sacri baptismatis perceptionem, in albis decedit. Karolus autem cum naturali virium robore educatur.

But Heinricus soon after the reception of sacred baptism dies in white garments. Karolus, however, is reared with a natural robustness of strength.

103. Ludovicus vero rex, Remos rediens, cum fluvio Axonae propinquaret, per campestria lupum praeire conspicit. Quem equo emisso insecutus, per devia exagitat.

103. King Ludovicus, however, returning to Reims, as he drew near the river Aisne, caught sight of a wolf running before him across the plains. Having sent forth his horse and pursued it, he chased it through the byways.

Ad omnes ferae declinationes equum impatiens obvertebat. Nec quiescere paciebatur, donec equestri certamine fugientem evinceret. Equus ergo per invia coactus, cespite offendit atque prolabitur.

Impatient, he steered his horse toward every declination of the beast. Nor would he permit it to rest, until in an equestrian certamen he had overthrown the fleeing one. The horse therefore, driven over pathless ground, struck upon the turf and slipped forward.

Rex vero gravissime attritus casu, et a suis exceptus, cum multo omnium merore, Remos deportatur. Infestis itaque doloribus toto corpore vexabatur. Et post diutinam valetudinem corruptis interius visceribus ob humorum superfluitatem, elefanciasi peste, toto miserabiliter corpore perfunditur.

The king, however, most grievously worn by the mischance, and rejected by his own, with the great sorrow of all, is carried off to the Remi. He was therefore vexed in his whole body by hostile pains. And after a prolonged illness, his inward viscera corrupted by an overflux of humors, he is miserably bathed through the whole body by the pest of elephantiasis.

Qua diutius confectus, anno regni sui 18 a natu autem 36 diem vitae clausit extremum, sepultusque est in coenobio monachorum sancti Remigii, quod distat fere miliario uno ab urbe, cum multis omnium lamentis.

Having been worn out for a long time, in the 18th year of his reign and at the age of 36 he closed the last day of his life, and was buried in the coenobium of the monks of Saint Remigius, which is almost one mile from the city, with many lamentations of all.