Justin: HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI
Justin•HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI
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I. Mithridates parricidia nece uxoris auspicatus sororis alterius Laodices filios, cuius virum Ariarathen, regem Cappadociae, per Gordium insidiis occiderat, tollendos statuit, nihil actum morte patris existimans, si adulescentes paternum regnum, cuius ille cupiditate flagrabat, occupassent.
1. Mithridates, having inaugurated his parricides with the slaughter of his wife, decided that the sons of his other sister Laodice must be done away with, whose husband Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, he had slain by ambush through Gordius, thinking that nothing had been achieved by the father’s death if the adolescents should occupy their paternal kingdom, for the cupidity of which he was aflame.
6 siquidem interiectis mensibus simulat se Gordium, quo ministro usus in Ariarathe interficiendo fuerat, restituere in patriam velle, sperans, si obsisteret adulescens, causas belli futuras, aut, si permitteret, per eundem filium tolli posse, per quem interfecerat patrem.
6 indeed, after months had intervened, he simulated a wish to restore Gordius—whom he had used as a minister in the killing of Ariarathes—to his homeland, hoping that, if the adolescent should oppose, there would be causes for war, or, if he should permit it, that the son could be removed by that same man by whom he had slain the father.
8 Igitur cum in aciem eduxisset Mithridates peditum LXXX milia, equitum X, currus falcatos sexcentos, nec Ariarathi auxiliantibus finitimis regibus minores copiae essent, incertum belli timens consilia ad insidias transfert sollicitatoque iuvene ad conloquium,
8 Therefore, when Mithridates had led out into the battle line 80 thousand foot-soldiers, 10 thousand horsemen, and 600 scythed chariots, and the forces of Ariarathes, with neighboring kings assisting, were not smaller, fearing the uncertainty of war he transfers his counsel to ambush, and, the youth having been solicited to a colloquy,
10 Atque ita risu protectis insidiis sevocatum ab amicis velut ad secretum sermonem inspectante utroque exercitu interficit; regnum Cappadociae octo annorum filio inposito Ariarathis nomine additoque ei rectore Gordio tradidit.
10 And thus, with the plot veiled by a laugh, he slays the one who had been called aside by friends as if for a secret conversation, with both armies looking on; he handed over the kingdom of Cappadocia to his eight-year-old son, upon whom he imposed the name Ariarathes, and appointed Gordius as his regent.
II. Sed Cappadoces crudelitate ac libidine praefectorum vexati a Mithridate deficiunt fratremque regis, et ipsum Ariarathen nomine, ab Asia, ubi educabatur, revocant,
2. But the Cappadocians, harassed by the cruelty and lust of the prefects, defect from Mithridates and recall the king’s brother, himself also named Ariarathes, from Asia, where he was being brought up,
III. Erat eo tempore Tigranes rex Armeniae, obses Parthis ante multum temporis datus, nec olim ab eisdem in regnum paternum remissus. Hunc Mithridates mire ad societatem Romani belli, quod olim meditabatur, perlicere cupiebat.
3. At that time Tigranes, king of Armenia, had long before been given as a hostage to the Parthians, and only recently had been sent back by those same into his paternal kingdom. Mithridates was eager to entice him remarkably into alliance for a Roman war, which he had long been meditating.
4 Eodem tempore mortuo Nicomede etiam filius eius, et ipse Nicomedes, regno a Mithridate pellitur, qui cum supplex Romam venisset, decernitur in senatu, ut uterque in regnum restituantur; in quod tum missi M'. Aquilius et Mallius + Malthinus legati.
4 At the same time, with Nicomedes dead, his son also—he himself named Nicomedes—is driven from the kingdom by Mithridates; and when he had come to Rome as a suppliant, it is decreed in the senate that both be restored to their kingdom; to which then M'. Aquilius and Mallius + Malthinus were sent as envoys.
11 Quam orationem dignam duxi, cuius exemplum brevitati huius operis insererem; quam obliquam Pompeius Trogus exposuit, quoniam in Livio et in Sallustio reprehendit, quod contiones directas pro sua oratione operi suo inserendo historiae modum excesserint.
11 I judged that speech worthy, an example of which I would insert for the brevity of this work; which Pompeius Trogus set forth in oblique (i.e., indirect) form, since he censured in Livy and in Sallust that, by inserting direct public harangues in place of their own discourse into their work, they had exceeded the measure of history.
IV. Optandum sibi fuisse ait, ut de eo liceret consulere, bellumne sit cum Romanis an pax habenda;
4. He says it would have been to be desired for himself, that it be permitted to consult about this—whether there is to be war with the Romans or peace to be maintained;
10 originem quidem ac virtutem genusque pugnae idem habere; tantoque his acriora esse quam illis ingenia, quod longiore ac difficiliore spatio per Illyricum Thraciamque prodierint, paene operosius transitis eorum finibus quam ubi consedere possessis.
10 that they have the same origin and valor and kind of combat; and that the natures of these are so much keener than those, because they have advanced by a longer and more difficult route through Illyricum and Thrace, almost with more toil in traversing their borders than where, having taken possession, they settled.
V. Vtendum igitur occasione et rapienda incrementa virium, ne, si illis occupatis quieverint, mox adversus vacuos et quietos maius negotium habeat.
5. Therefore the occasion must be used and the increments of strength must be seized, lest, if they keep quiet while those men are occupied, he soon have a greater business against adversaries unoccupied and at rest.
3 Nam bellum quidem iam tunc secum ab illis geri coeptum, cum sibi pupillo maiorem Phrygiam ademerint, quam patri suo praemium dati adversus Aristonicum auxilii concesserant, gentem quam et proavo suo Mithridati Seleucus Callinicus in dotem dedisset.
3 For indeed war had already then begun to be waged by them against him, when they took from him, a ward, Greater Phrygia, which they had conceded to his father as the prize of the aid given against Aristonicus, a nation which Seleucus Callinicus had also given in dowry to his great‑grandfather Mithridates.
9 Libertatem etiam in contumeliam sui a senatu ultro delatam Cappadociae, quam reliquis gentibus abstulerunt; dein populo Cappadocum pro libertate oblata Gordium regem orante ideo tantum, quoniam amicus suus esset, non obtinuisse.
9 Liberty also, to his contumely, was of their own accord conferred by the senate upon Cappadocia—liberty which they took away from the other nations; then the people of Cappadocia, requesting Gordius as king in place of the liberty offered, did not obtain it for this reason only, because he was his friend.
10 Nicomeden praecepto illorum bellum sibi intulisse; quia ultum ierit se, ab ipsis ventum obviam in eo; et nunc eam secum bellandi illis causam fore, quod non inpune se Nicomedi lacerandum, saltatricis filio, praebuerit.
10 that Nicomedes, at their command, had brought war upon him; because he had gone to exact vengeance, they had come to meet him in that; and that now this would be their reason for warring with him, namely that he had not, with impunity, offered himself to Nicomedes, the son of a dancing-girl, to be lacerated.
VI. Quippe non delicta regum illos, sed vires ac maiestatem insequi, neque in uno se, sed in aliis quoque omnibus hac saepe arte grassatos.
6. For indeed they pursue not the delicts of kings, but their forces and majesty; nor have they operated against one alone, but against all the others as well, often by this same artifice.
7 Hanc illos omnibus regibus legem odiorum dixisse, scilicet quia ipsi tales reges habuerint, quorum etiam nominibus erubescant, aut pastores Aboriginum, aut aruspices Sabinorum, aut exules Corinthiorum, aut servos vernasque Tuscorum, aut, quod honoratissimum nomen fuit inter haec, Superbos;
7 That they declared this law of hatreds upon all kings, namely because they themselves had had such kings, at whose very names they blush: either shepherds of the Aborigines, or haruspices of the Sabines, or exiles of the Corinthians, or slaves and homeborns of the Tuscans, or—what was the most honored name among these—the Proud;
VII. Se autem, seu nobilitate illis conparetur, clariorem illa conluvie convenarum esse, qui paternos maiores suos a Cyro Darioque, conditoribus Persici regni, maternos a magno Alexandro ac Nicatore Seleuco, conditoribus imperii Macedonici, referat, seu populus illorum conferatur suo, earum se gentium esse, quae non modo Romano imperio sint pares, sed Macedonico quoque obstiterint.
7. But that he, whether he be compared with them in nobility, is more illustrious than that scum-conflux of immigrants, he who traces his paternal ancestors from Cyrus and Darius, founders of the Persian kingdom, and his maternal from Alexander the Great and Seleucus Nicator, founders of the Macedonian empire; or, if their people be compared with his own, that he belongs to those nations which are not only the equals of the Roman empire, but have even withstood the Macedonian as well.
2 Nullam subiectarum sibi gentium expertam peregrina imperia; nullis umquam nisi domesticis regibus paruisse, Cappadociam velint an Paphlagoniam recensere, rursus Pontum an Bithyniam, itemque Armeniam maiorem minoremque; quarum gentium nullam neque Alexander ille, qui totam pacavit Asiam, nec quisquam successorum eius aut posterorum attigisset.
2 None of the nations subject to him had experienced peregrine dominions; they had never at any time obeyed any but domestic kings—whether you should reckon Cappadocia or Paphlagonia, again Pontus or Bithynia, and likewise Greater and Lesser Armenia; of which nations neither that Alexander, who pacified all Asia, nor any of his successors or posterity had so much as touched.
4 Multoque se timidius ac diffidentius bella Pontica ingressum, cum ipse rudis ac tiro esset, Scythiae praeter arma virtutemque animi locorum quoque solitudinibus vel frigoribus instructae, per quae denuntiaretur ingens militiae periculum ac labor.
4 He said that he entered the Pontic wars much more timidly and more diffidently, since he himself was untrained and a tyro, and that Scythia, besides arms and the courage of spirit, was also equipped with the solitudes of the places or with their cold, through which an immense peril and toil of military service was foreshown.
6 Nunc se diversam belli condicionem ingredi. Nam neque caelo Asiae esse temperatius aliud, nec solo fertilius nec urbium multitudine amoenius; magnamque temporis partem non ut militiam, sed ut festum diem acturos bello dubium facili magis an ubere,
6 Now he was entering a different condition of war. For neither is there any climate more temperate than that of Asia, nor soil more fertile nor more pleasant in the multitude of its cities; and for a great part of the time they would spend it not as military service, but as a festal day, the war making it doubtful whether it was more facile or more abundant,
9 Sequantur se modo fortiter et colligant, quid se duce possit effficere tantus exercitus, quem sine cuiusquam militum auxilio suamet unius opera viderint Cappadociam caeso rege cepisse, qui solus mortalium Pontum omnem Scythiamque pacaverit, quam nemo ante transire tuto atque adire potuit.
9 Let them only follow him bravely and infer what so great an army can effect with him as leader—him whom they have seen to have taken Cappadocia, the king having been cut down, without the aid of any of the soldiers, by his very own single effort; who alone of mortals has pacified all Pontus and Scythia, which before no one was able to cross safely and to approach.
10 Nam iustitiae atque liberalitatis suae ne ipsos milites quin experiantur testes refugere et illa indicia habere, quod solus regum non paterna solum, verum etiam externa regna hereditatibus propter munificentiam adquisita possideat, Colchos, Paphlagoniam, Bosphorum.
10 For he does not shrink from having even the soldiers themselves experience and be witnesses of his justice and liberality, and to have those proofs: that he alone among kings possesses, not only his paternal realms, but also foreign kingdoms acquired by inheritances on account of his munificence—Colchis, Paphlagonia, the Bosporus.
VIII. Sic excitatis militibus post annos tres et XX sumpti regni in Romana bella descendit.
8. Thus, with the soldiers aroused, after twenty-three years from the assumption of the kingdom, he descended into the Roman wars.
3 Laetus igitur hoc solo Ptolomeus, quod sine certa mine fraternum regnum recepisset, in quod subornari et a matre Cleopatra et favore principum fratris filium cognoverat, ceterum infestus omnibus, statim ubi Alexandriam ingressus est, fautores pueri trucidari iussit.
3 Therefore Ptolemy, glad for this alone—that he had received his brother’s kingdom without contest, into which he had learned that his brother’s son was being suborned both by his mother Cleopatra and by the favor of the leading men—but otherwise hostile to all, immediately when he entered Alexandria, ordered the boy’s supporters to be butchered.
5 Post quod non mitior in populares, qui eum in regnum vocaverant, fuit, siquidem peregrinis militibus licentia caedis data omnia sanguine cotidie manabant; ipsam quoque sororem filia eius virgine per vim stuprata et in matrimonium adscita repudiat.
5 After this he was no gentler toward the populace who had called him into the kingdom, since, with license for slaughter granted to foreign soldiers, everything was daily running with blood; he also repudiated his very sister, her daughter, a virgin, having been violated by force and taken into marriage.
11 Post discessum deinde legatorum (quorum Africanus, dum inspicit urbem, spectaculo Alexandrinis fuit) iam etiam peregrino populo invisus cum filio, quem ex sorore susceperat, et cum uxore, matris paelice, metu insidiarum tacitus in exilium proficiscitur contractoque mercennario exercitu bellum sorori pariter ac patriae infert.
11 After the departure then of the legates (of whom Africanus, while he was inspecting the city, was a spectacle to the Alexandrians), now even odious to a foreign people, with his son—whom he had begotten by his sister—and with his wife, his mother’s rival (his father’s concubine), in fear of plots he silently sets out into exile; and, a mercenary army having been gathered, he wages war upon his sister and equally upon his fatherland.
IX. Finito luctu orbitatis Cleopatra, cum urgeri se fraterno bello videret, auxilium a Demetrio, rege Syriae, per legatos petit, cuius et ipsius varii et memorabiles casus fuere.
9. With the mourning of bereavement finished, Cleopatra, when she saw herself pressed by a fraternal war, sought aid from Demetrius, king of Syria, through legates, whose own vicissitudes too were various and memorable.
10 Sed hanc Parthorum tam mitem in Demetrium clementiam non misericordia gentis faciebat nec respectus cognationis, sed quod Syriae regnum adfectabant usuri Demetrio adversus Antiochum fratrem, prout res vel tempus vel fortuna belli exegisset.
10 But this so mild clemency of the Parthians toward Demetrius was brought about not by the mercy of the nation nor a regard for kinship, but because they were aiming at the kingdom of Syria, intending to use Demetrius against his brother Antiochus, as the situation or the time or the fortune of war had required.
X. His auditis Antiochus occupandum bellum ratus exercitum, quem multis finitimorum bellis induraverat, adversus Parthos ducit.
10. With these things heard, Antiochus, thinking the war must be taken in hand, leads against the Parthians the army which he had hardened by many wars of the neighbors.
8 Propter multitudinem hominum exercitum suum Antiochus per civitates in hiberna diviserat, quae res exitii causa fuit. Nam cum gravari se copiarum praebitione et iniuriis militum civitates viderent, ad Parthos deficiunt et die statuta omnes apud se divisum exercitum per insidias, ne invicem ferre auxilia possent, adgrediuntur.
8 Because of the multitude of men, Antiochus had divided his army into winter quarters through the cities, which thing was the cause of ruin. For when the cities saw themselves burdened by the provisioning of supplies and by the injuries committed by the soldiers, they defected to the Parthians, and on an appointed day they, all together, by ambush, assailed the army parceled out among them, so that they could not bring help to one another.