Caesar: LIBRI INCERTORUM AUCTORUM

[1] Caesar itineribus iustis confectis nullo die intermisso a. d. XIIII Kal. Ian. Lilybaeum pervenit statimque ostendit sese naves velle conscendere, cum non amplius legionem tironum haberet unam, equites vix DC. Tabernaculum secundum litus ipsum constituit, ut prope fluctus verberaret.

[1] Caesar, the proper marches having been completed with no day intermitted, on the 14th day before the Kalends of January, arrived at Lilybaeum and immediately showed that he wished to board the ships, since he had no more than one legion of recruits, and cavalry scarcely 600. He set up his tent along the shore itself, so that the wave nearly beat upon it.

Hoc eo consilio fecit nequis sibi morae quicquam fore speraret et ut omnes in dies horasque parati essent. Incidit per id tempus ut tempestates ad navigandum idoneas non haberet. Nihilo tamen minus in navibus remiges militesque continere et nullam praetermittere occasionem profectionis, cum praesertim ab incolis eius provinciae nuntiarentur adversariorum copiae: equitatus infinitus, legiones regiae IIII, levis armaturae magna vis, Scipionis legiones X, elephanti CXX classesque esse complures.

He did this with this counsel, lest anyone should hope that there would be any delay on his part, and that all might be ready day by day and hour by hour. It befell at that time that he did not have conditions suitable for navigation. Nevertheless he kept the oarsmen and soldiers aboard the ships and omitted no occasion of departure, especially since from the inhabitants of that province the forces of the adversaries were being reported: boundless cavalry, 4 royal legions, a great force of light-armed troops, Scipio’s 10 legions, 120 elephants, and several fleets.

Tamen non deterrebatur animoque et spe confidebat. Interim in dies et naves longae adaugeri et onerariae complures eodem concurrere et legiones tironum convenire IIII, veterana legio quinta, equitum ad II milia.

Nevertheless he was not deterred and he trusted in spirit and in hope. Meanwhile, day by day, both the long-ships were being augmented and many transport-ships were converging to the same place, and 4 legions of recruits were assembling, the veteran 5th Legion, and about 2 thousand cavalry.

[2] Legionibus collectis VI et equitum II milibus, ut quaeque prima legio venerat, in naves longas imponebatur, equites autem in onerarias. Ita maiorem partem navium antecedere iussit et insulam petere Aponianam quae est a Lilybaeo… commoratus bona paucorum publice vendit, deinde Allieno praetori qui Siciliam obtinebat, de omnibus rebus praecipit et de reliquo exercitu celeriter imponendo. Datis mandatis ipse navem conscendit a. d. VI Kal.

[2] With 6 legions collected and 2 thousand horsemen, as each legion first arrived, it was put aboard the long ships, but the horsemen onto the transports. Thus he orders the greater part of the ships to go on ahead and to make for the island Aponiana, which is from Lilybaeum… after tarrying, he publicly sells the goods of a few; then he gives directives to Allienus, the praetor who was holding Sicily, concerning all matters and about quickly embarking the remaining army. With the mandates given, he himself boards ship on the 6th day before the Kalends.

Ian. et reliquas naves statim est consecutus. Ita vento certo celerique navigio vectus post diem quartum cum longis paucis navibus in conspectum Africae venit.

Jan., and he at once overtook the remaining ships. Thus, borne by a sure wind and on a swift voyage, on the fourth day he came with a few long ships into the sight of Africa.

Namque onerariae reliquae praeter paucas vento dispersae atque errabundae diversa loca petierunt. Clupeam classe praetervehitur, dein Neapolim; complura praeterea castella et oppida non longe a mari relinquit.

For indeed the remaining transport-ships, except a few, scattered by the wind and wandering, made for diverse places. He sails past Clupea with the fleet, then Neapolis; besides, he leaves behind several castles and towns not far from the sea.

[3] Postquam Hadrumetum accessit, ubi praesidium erat adversariorum cui praeerat C. Considius, et a Clupeis secundum oram maritimam cum equitatu + Hadrumetum + Cn. Piso cum Maurorum circiter tribus milibus apparuit, ibi paulipser Caesar ante portum commoratus dum reliquae naves convenirent, exponit exercitum, cuius numerus in praesentia fuit peditum III milia, equites CL, castrisque ante oppidum positis sine iniuria cuiusquam considit cohibetque omnes a praeda. Oppidani interim muros armatis complent, ante portam frequentes considunt ad se defendendum; quorum numerus duarum legionum instar erat. Caesar circum oppidum vectus natura loci perspecta rediit in castra.

[3] After he approached Hadrumetum, where there was a garrison of the adversaries, which Gaius Considius commanded, and from Clupeae along the maritime shore toward Hadrumetum Gnaeus Piso appeared with the cavalry and with about three thousand Moors, there Caesar, having tarried a little before the harbor until the remaining ships should assemble, puts his army ashore, whose number for the present was 3 thousand infantry, 150 cavalry; and with a camp pitched before the town he settles without injury to anyone and restrains all from plunder. Meanwhile the townsfolk fill the walls with armed men, they in numbers take position before the gate to defend themselves; whose number was the equivalent of two legions. Caesar, having ridden around the town and, the nature of the place inspected, returned into camp.

Non nemo culpae eius imprudentiaeque adsignabat quod neque circum loca gubernatoribus praefectisque quid peterent praeceperat, neque ut more ipsius consuetudo superioribus temporibus fuerat, tabellas signatas dederat, ut in tempore his perlectis locum certum peterent universi. Quod minime Caesarem fefellerat; namque nullum portum terrae Africae quo classes decurrerent, pro certo tutum ab hostium praesidio fore suspicabatur, sed fortuitu oblatam occasionem egressus aucupabatur.

Not no one assigned to him blame and imprudence, because he had neither prescribed to the pilots and prefects what places they should make for, nor, as according to his own custom had been in former times, had he given sealed tablets, so that, these having been read at the right time, all together might seek a fixed place. Which had in no way deceived Caesar; for he suspected that no port of the land of Africa, to which the fleets might run down, would for certain be safe from an enemy garrison, but he was on the watch to catch a chance-offered opportunity of disembarkation.

[4] L. Plancus interim legatus petit a Caesare, uti sibi daret potestatem cum Considio agendi, si posset aliqua ratione perduci ad sanitatem. Itaque data facultate litteras conscribit et eas captivo dat perferendas in oppidum ad Considium. Quo simulatque captivus cum pervenisset litterasque, ut erat mandatum, Considio porrigere coepisset, priusquam acciperet ille, 'Unde' inquit 'istas?' Tum captivus: 'Imperatore a Caesare.' Tum Considius, 'Unus est' inquit 'Scipio imperator hoc tempore populi Romani'; deinde in conspectu suo statim captivum interfici iubet litterasque nondum perlectas, sicut erant signatae, dat homini certo ad Scipionem perferendas.

[4] Meanwhile the legate L. Plancus asks from Caesar that he give him the power to deal with Considius, if by any method he might be brought back to sanity. And so, faculty having been granted, he writes letters and gives them to a captive to be carried into the town to Considius. As soon as the captive had arrived there and had begun to hand the letters to Considius, as it had been mandated, before he accepted them, he said, 'From where are those?' Then the captive: 'From the emperor Caesar.' Then Considius said, 'There is one emperor of the Roman people at this time—Scipio'; and then, in his own sight, he immediately orders the captive to be killed, and the letters, not yet read through, just as they had been sealed, he gives to a certain man to be carried to Scipio.

[5] Postquam una nocte et die ad oppidum consumpta neque responsum ullum a Considio dabatur neque ei reliquae copiae succurrebant neque equitatu abundabat et ad oppidum oppugnandum non satis copiarum habebat et eas tironum neque primo adventu convulnerari exercitum volebat et oppidi egregia munitio et difficilis ad oppugnandum erat accessus et nuntiabatur auxilia magna equitatus oppidanis suppetias venire, non est visa ratio ad oppugnandum oppidum commorandi, ne dum in ea re Caesar esset occupatus, circumventus a tergo ab equitatu hostium laboraret.

[5] After one night and day had been spent at the town, and no answer at all was being given by Considius, and the remaining forces were not coming to his succor, and he did not abound in cavalry, and he did not have forces enough for storming the town, and these were raw recruits, nor did he wish at the first arrival that the army be wounded, and the town’s fortification was outstanding and the approach difficult for assaulting, and it was being reported that great auxiliaries of cavalry were coming to bring succor to the townsfolk, the plan of lingering for the assault of the town did not seem advisable, lest, while Caesar was occupied in that matter, being surrounded in the rear by the enemy’s cavalry he should be hard pressed.

[6] Itaque castra cum movere vellet, subito ex oppido erupit multitudo atque equitatus subsidio uno tempore eis casu succurrit qui erat missus a Iuba ad stipendium accipiendum, castraque unde Caesar egressus et iter facere coeperat, occupant et eius agmen extremum insequi coeperunt. Quae res cum animadversa esset, subito legionarii consistunt, et equites quamquam erant pauci, tamen contra tantam multitudinem audacissime concurrunt. Accidit res incredibilis, ut equites minus XXX Galli Maurorum equitum II milia loco pellerent fugarentque in oppidum.

[6] And so, when he wished to move the camp, suddenly a multitude erupted from the town, and the cavalry, as a relief, at the same moment by chance succored them—the force which had been sent by Juba to receive stipend; and they seize the camp whence Caesar had gone out and had begun to make a march, and began to pursue his rear column. When this was noticed, the legionaries suddenly halt, and the horsemen, although they were few, nevertheless most boldly charge against so great a multitude. An incredible thing happened: that fewer than 30 Gallic horsemen drove from their position and routed into the town 2,000 Moorish horsemen.

Postquam repulsi et coniecti erant intra munitiones, Caesar iter constitutum ire contendit. Quod cum saepius facerent et modo insequerentur, modo rursus ab equitibus in oppidum repellerentur, cohortibus paucis, ex veteranis quas secum habebat, in extremo agmine collocatis et parte equitatus iter leniter cum reliquis facere coepit. Ita quanto longius ab oppido discedebatur, tanto tardiores ad insequendum erant Numidae.

After they had been repulsed and driven within the fortifications, Caesar strove to proceed on the appointed march. And as they kept doing this repeatedly—now pursuing, now in turn being repelled into the town by the cavalry—after stationing a few cohorts, from the veterans he had with him, at the rear of the column, and with a part of the cavalry he began to make the march gently with the rest. Thus, the farther they moved away from the town, the slower the Numidians were to pursue.

Interim in itinere ex oppidis et castellis legationes venire et pollicere frumentum paratosque esse quae imperasset facere. Itaque eo die castra posuit ad oppidum Ruspinam.

Meanwhile, on the march, legations came from the towns and forts and promised grain, and were prepared to do what he had commanded. And so that day he pitched camp at the town of Ruspina.

[7] Kal. Ianuariis inde movit et pervenit ad oppidum Leptim liberam civitatem et immunem. Legati ex oppido obviam veniunt, libenter se omnia facturos quae vellet pollicentur.

[7] On January 1 he moved on from there and arrived at the town of Leptis, a free and exempt city. Envoys from the town came to meet him and promised that they would gladly do everything he might wish.

Itaque centurionibus ad portas oppidi et custodiis impositis, nequis miles in oppidum introiret aut iniuriam faceret cuipiam incolae, non longe ab oppido secundum litus facit castra. Eodemque naves onerariae et longae nonnullae casu advenerunt; reliquae, ut est ei nuntiatum, incertae locorum Uticam versus petere visae sunt. Interim Caesar a mari non digredi neque mediterranea petere propter navium errorem equitatumque in navibus omnem continere, ut arbitror ne agri vastarentur; aquam in naves iubet comportari.

And so, with centurions set at the gates of the town and guards posted, lest any soldier enter the town or do injury to any inhabitant, he pitches camp not far from the town along the shore. And to the same place both transport ships and several long ships arrived by chance; the rest, as was reported to him, unacquainted with the places, seemed to be making for Utica. Meanwhile Caesar does not depart from the sea nor seek the inland regions on account of the wandering of the ships, and keeps all the cavalry on the ships, as I think, lest the fields be ravaged; he orders water to be carried onto the ships.

Remiges interim qui aquatum e navibus exierant, subito equites Mauri neque opinantibus Caesarianis adorti multos iaculis convulnerarunt, nonnullos interfecerunt. Latent enim in insidiis cum equis inter convalles + et subito existunt, non ut in campo comminus depugnent +.

Meanwhile the oarsmen who had gone out from the ships to fetch water, the Moorish horsemen, taking the Caesarians unawares, suddenly attacked and wounded many with javelins, and killed some. For they lie in ambush with their horses among the valleys + and suddenly come forth, not to fight it out hand-to-hand in the open field +.

[8] Caesar interim in Sardiniam nuntios cum litteris et in reliquas provincias finitimas dimisit, ut sibi auxilia commeatus frumentum, simulatque litteras legissent, mittenda curarent, exoneratisque partim navibus longis Rabirium Postumum in Siciliam ad secundum commeatum arcessendum mittit. Interim cum X navibus longis ad reliquas naves onerarias conquirendas quae deerrassent, et simul mare tuendum ab hostibus iubet proficisci. Item C. Sallustium Crispum praetorem ad Cercinam insulam versus quam adversarii tenebant, cum parte navium ire iubet, quod ibi magnum numerum frumenti esse audiebat.

[8] Meanwhile Caesar sent messengers with letters into Sardinia and into the remaining neighboring provinces, that they should see to it that auxiliaries, provisions, and grain be sent to him as soon as they had read the letters; and, some of the long ships having been unloaded, he sends Rabirius Postumus into Sicily to summon a second convoy of provisions. Meanwhile he orders a departure with 10 long ships to seek out the remaining cargo ships which had gone astray, and at the same time to secure the sea from the enemies. Likewise he orders C. Sallustius Crispus, praetor, to go with a part of the ships toward the island Cercina, which the adversaries were holding, because he was hearing that there was a great quantity of grain there.

Haec ita imperabat unicuique, ita praecipiebat ut si fieri posset necne, locum excusatio nullum haberet nec moram tergiversatio. Ipse interea ex perfugis et incolis cognitis condicionibus Scipionis et qui cum eo bellum contra se gerebant, mirari – regium enim equitatum Scipio ex provincia Africa alebat – tanta homines esse dementia ut malint regis esse vectigales quam cum civibus in patria in suis fortunis esse incolumes.

He gave orders to each man in such a way, he prescribed thus, that, whether it could be done or not, excuse should have no place and tergiversation no delay. Meanwhile he himself, from the deserters and the inhabitants, the conditions of Scipio and of those who with him were waging war against him having been learned, marveled – for Scipio was maintaining the royal cavalry from the province of Africa – that men should be of such dementia, such madness, as to prefer to be the king’s tributaries rather than to be unharmed with their fellow citizens in their fatherland, secure in their own fortunes.

[9] Caesar a. d. IIII Non. Ian. castra movet; Lepti sex cohortium praesidio cum Saserna relicto ipse rursus unde pridie venerat, Ruspinam cum reliquis copiis convertit ibique sarcinis exercitus relictis ipse cum expedita manu proficiscitur circum villas frumentatum oppidanisque imperat ut plostra iumentaque omnia sequantur.

[9] Caesar on the 4th day before the Nones of January moves the camp; at Leptis, with a garrison of six cohorts left with Saserna, he himself again turns toward Ruspina, whence the day before he had come, with the remaining forces; and there, the baggage of the army having been left, he himself with a light-armed band sets out around the farmsteads to forage for grain, and he orders the townsmen that all the wagons and draught-animals follow.

Itaque magno numero frumenti invento Ruspinam redit. Hoc eum idcirco existimo recepisse ut maritima oppida post se ne vacua relinqueret praesidioque firmata ad classis receptacula muniret.

Therefore, a great quantity of grain having been found, he returns to Ruspina. This I think that he for that reason took up, so that he might not leave the maritime towns behind him empty, and, once strengthened with a garrison, might fortify them as receptacles of the fleet.

[10] Itaque ibi relicto P. Saserna fratre eius quem Lepti proximo oppido reliquerat, cum legione iubet comportari ligna in oppidum quam plurima. Ipse cum cohortibus vii quae ex veteranis legionibus in classe cum Sulpicio et Vatinio rem gesserant, ex oppido Ruspina egressus proficiscitur ad portum qui abest ab oppido milia passuum duo, ibique classem sub vesperum cum ea copia conscendit. Omnibus in exercitu insciis et requirentibus imperatoris consilium, magno metu ac tristimonia sollicitabantur.

[10] Therefore, having left there Publius Saserna, the brother of the man whom he had left at Leptis, the nearest town, he orders with a legion that as much wood as possible be brought into the town. He himself, with 7 cohorts which from the veteran legions had conducted operations in the fleet with Sulpicius and Vatinius, having gone out from the town of Ruspina, sets out to the port which is 2 miles distant from the town, and there toward evening he boards the fleet with that force. All in the army, being unaware and inquiring after the commander’s plan, were agitated with great fear and gloom.

Parva enim cum copia et ea tironum neque omni eita in Africa contra magnas copias et insidiosae nationis equitatum[que] innumerabilem se eitos videbant neque quicquam solacium in praesentia neque auxilium in suorum consilio animum advertebant, nisi in ipsius imperatoris vultu vigore mirabilique hilaritate; animum enim altum et erectum prae se gerebat. Huic adquiescebant homines et in eius scientia et consilio omnia sibi proclivia omnes fore sperabant.

For with a small force, and that of recruits, and not with all their force in Africa, against great forces and the innumerable cavalry of a treacherous nation, they saw themselves exposed, nor did they turn their mind to any solace at the moment nor to help in the counsel of their own men, except in the very face of the general, his vigor and marvelous hilarity; for he carried before him a spirit high and erect. To this the men acquiesced, and on his knowledge and counsel they hoped that all things would be favorable to themselves.

[11] Caesar una nocte in navibus consumpta iam caelo albente cum proficisci conaretur, subito navium pars de qua timebat, ex errore eodem conferebatur. Hac re cognita Caesar celeriter de navibus imperat omnes egredi atque in litore armatos reliquos advenientes milites expectare. Itaque sine mora navibus eis in portum receptis et advectis militum equitumque copiis rursus ad oppidum Ruspinam redit atque ibi castris constitutis ipse cum cohortibus expeditis XXX frumentatum est profectus.

[11] With one night spent on the ships and the sky now whitening, when Caesar was attempting to set out, suddenly the part of the ships which he feared, from the same error, was crowding together. This matter having been learned, Caesar quickly orders all to disembark from the ships and, armed, to await on the shore the remaining soldiers as they arrive. And so, without delay, with those ships received back into the port and the forces of infantry and cavalry conveyed, he returns again to the town Ruspina; and there, the camp having been established, he himself set out to forage for grain with 30 unencumbered cohorts.

Ex eo est cognitum Caesaris consilium, illum cum classe navibus onerariis quae deerrassent, subsidio ire clam hostibus voluisse, ne casu imprudentes suae naves in classem adversariorum inciderent, neque eam rem eos voluisse scire qui in praesidiis relicti sui milites fuissent, uti nihil propter suorum paucitatum et hostium multitudinem metu deficerent.

From this Caesar’s counsel was known: that he wished to go with the fleet, as succor to the transport ships which had strayed, secretly from the enemies, lest by chance his own ships, being unaware, should fall into the adversaries’ fleet; and that he did not wish those who had been left in the garrisons, his own soldiers, to know this matter, so that, because of fear at the paucity of their own and the multitude of the enemy, they might not lose heart.

[12] Interim cum iam Caesar progressus esset a castris circiter milia passuum III, per speculatores et antecessores equites nuntiatur ei copias hostium haud longe ab sese visas. Et hercule cum eo nuntio pulvis ingens conspici coeptus est. Hac re cognita Caesar celeriter iubet equitatum universum cuius copiam habuit in praesentia non magnam, et sagittarios quorum parvus numerus, ex castris arcessi, atque ordinatim signa se leniter consequi; ipse antecedere cum paucis armatis.

[12] Meanwhile, when Caesar had already advanced from the camp about 3 miles, it is reported to him through the scouts and the advance cavalry that the enemy’s forces had been seen not far from himself. And, by Hercules, with that message a huge dust began to be seen. On learning this, Caesar quickly orders that all the cavalry—of which he had, at present, not a great supply—and the archers, whose number was small, be summoned from the camp, and that, in ordered fashion, the standards should follow him gently; he himself to go on ahead with a few armed men.

Iamque cum procul hostis conspici posset, milites in campo iubet galeari et ad [eam] pugnam parari; quorum omnino numerus fuit XXX cohortium cum equitibus CCCC, sagittariis CL.

And now, when the enemy could be seen from afar, he orders the soldiers in the field to be helmeted and to be prepared for [that] battle; of whom the total number was 30 cohorts with 400 cavalrymen, and 150 archers.

[13] Hostes interim quorum dux erat Labienus et duo Pacidei, aciem derigunt mirabili longitudine non peditum, sed equitum confertam, et inter eos levis armaturae Numidas et sagittarios pedites interposuerant et ita condensaverant ut procul Caesariani pedestres copias arbitrarentur; dextrum ac sinistrum cornu magnis equitum copiis firmaverant. Interim Caesar aciem derigit simplicem ut poterat propter paucitatem; sagittarios ante aciem constituit, equites dextro sinistroque cornu opponit et ita praecipit ut providerent ne multitudine equitatus hostium circumvenirentur: existimabat enim se acie instructa cum pedestribus copiis dimicaturum.

[13] Meanwhile the enemies, whose leader was Labienus and the two Pacideii, draw up a battle-line of marvelous length, massed not of foot-soldiers but of horsemen, and among them they had interposed Numidians of light armature and foot archers, and had so condensed them that from afar the Caesarians would reckon them infantry forces; the right and left wing they had strengthened with great forces of cavalry. Meanwhile Caesar draws up a simple line as he could on account of the paucity; he stationed the archers before the line, he sets the cavalry on the right and left wing and instructs them thus, to take care lest they be surrounded by the multitude of the enemy’s cavalry: for he supposed that, the line drawn up, he would fight with infantry forces.

14 [14] Cum utrimque exspectatio fieret neque Caesar sese moveret et cum suorum paucitate contra magnam vim hostium artificio magis quam viribus decernendum videret, subito adversariorum equitatus sese extendere et in latitudinem promovere collesque complecti et Caesaris equitatum extenuare simulque ad circumeundum comparare se coeperunt. Caesariani equites eorum multitudinem aegre sustinebant. Acies interim mediae cum concurrere conarentur, subito ex condensis turmis pedites Numidae levis armaturae cum equitibus procurrunt et inter legionarios pedites iacula coniciunt.

14 [14] While expectation was building on both sides and Caesar did not move himself, and since, on account of the paucity of his own men, he saw that the issue must be decided by artifice rather than by forces against the great power of the enemy, suddenly the adversaries’ cavalry began to extend themselves and advance in breadth, to encompass the hills, to attenuate Caesar’s cavalry, and at the same time to prepare for encirclement. The Caesarian horse could scarcely withstand their multitude. Meanwhile, as the central battle-lines were attempting to clash, suddenly from the dense squadrons the Numidian light-armed infantry, together with the horsemen, ran forward and hurled javelins among the legionary infantry.

Hic cum Caesariani in eos impetum fecissent, illorum equites refugiebant. Pedites interim resistebant, dum equites rursus cursu renovato peditibus suis succurrerent.

Here, when the Caesarians had made an attack upon them, their cavalry fell back. Meanwhile the foot-soldiers were resisting, while the horsemen, renewing their course again, ran to the aid of their own infantry.

[15] Caesar novo genere pugnae oblato cum animum adverteret ordines suorum in procurrendo turbari – pedites enim, dum equites longius ab signis persequuntur, latere nudato a proximis Numidis iaculis vulnerabantur, equites autem hostium pilum militis cursu facile vitabant – edicit per ordines nequis miles ab signis IIII pedes longius procederet. Equitatus interim Labieni suorum multitudine confisus Caesaris paucitatem circuire conatur: qui equites Iuliani pauci multitudine hostium defessi equis convulneratis paulatim cedere, hostis magis magisque instare. Ita puncto temporis omnibus legionariis ab hostium equitatu circumventis Caesarisque copiis in orbem compulsis intra cancellos omnes coniecti pugnare cogebantur.

[15] Caesar, with a new kind of fighting presented, when he noticed that the ranks of his men were being thrown into disorder by running forward—for the infantry, while they pursued the cavalry farther from the standards, with their flank laid bare were being wounded by the javelins of the nearby Numidians, whereas the enemy’s horsemen easily avoided a soldier’s pilum at a run—gives orders through the ranks that no soldier should advance more than 4 feet from the standards. Meanwhile Labienus’s cavalry, trusting in the multitude of their own, try to encircle the small numbers of Caesar: and the Julian horsemen, being few, worn out by the multitude of the enemy and with their horses badly wounded, began gradually to give way, while the foe pressed on more and more. Thus, in a moment, with all the legionaries surrounded by the enemy’s cavalry and Caesar’s forces driven into a ring, all, thrust together within the barriers (cancelli), were compelled to fight.

[16] Labienus in equo capite nudo versari in prima acie, simul suos cohortari, nonnumquam legionarios Caesaris ita appellare: 'Quid tu' inquit 'miles tiro, tam feroculus es? Vos quoque iste verbis infatuavit? In magnum mehercule vos periculum impulit. Misereor vestri.' Tum miles, 'Non sum' inquit 'tiro Labiene, sed de legione X veteranus.' Tum Labienus, 'Non agnosco' inquit 'signa decumanorum.' Tum ait miles: 'Iam me quis sim intelleges'; simul cassidem de capite deiecit ut cognosci ab eo posset, atque ita pilum viribus contortum, dum in Labienum mittere contendit, equi graviter adverso pectori adfixit et ait: 'Labiene, decumanum militem qui te petit scito esse.' Omnium tamen animi in terrorem coniecti, et maxime tironum: circumspicere enim Caesarem neque amplius facere nisi hostium iacula vitare.

[16] Labienus, bare-headed on horseback, was moving about in the foremost battle-line, at the same time exhorting his own men, and sometimes addressing Caesar’s legionaries thus: 'Why are you, soldier-tyro, so fierce-spirited? Has that fellow also infatuated you with his words? By Hercules, he has driven you into great peril. I pity you.' Then a soldier said, 'I am not a tyro, Labienus, but a veteran of the 10th legion.' Then Labienus said, 'I do not recognize the standards of the men of the Tenth.' Then the soldier said, 'Now you will understand who I am'; at the same time he threw down his helmet from his head so that he could be recognized by him, and thus the pilum, whirled with force, while he strove to send it at Labienus, he fixed fast in the horse’s front breast, and said: 'Labienus, know that it is a soldier of the Tenth who seeks you.' Nevertheless the spirits of all were cast into terror, and especially of the tyros: for they kept looking around for Caesar and could do nothing more than avoid the enemy’s javelins.

[17] Caesar interim consilio hostium cognito iubet aciem in longitudinem quam maximam porrigi et alternis conversis cohortibus ut una post, altera ante signa tenderet, ita coronam hostium dextro sinistroque cornu mediam dividit et unam partem ab altera exclusam equitibus intrinsecus adortus cum peditatu telis coniectis in fugam vertit neque longius progressus veritus insidias se ad suos recipit. Idem altera pars equitum peditumque Caesaris fecit. His rebus gestis ac procul hostibus repulsis convulneratisque ad sua praesidia sese, sicut erat instructus, recipere coepit.

[17] Caesar meanwhile, the enemy’s counsel known, orders the battle line to be extended to the greatest possible length, and with the cohorts alternately wheeled, so that one should stretch behind, the other before the standards; thus he splits the enemy’s ring (corona) in the middle by the right and left horn, and, attacking from the inside with the cavalry, he turned to flight, together with the infantry hurling missiles, the part shut off from the other; and, not advancing farther, fearing ambushes, he withdrew to his own. The same was done by the other division of Caesar’s cavalry and infantry. These things accomplished, and the enemy repulsed at a distance and grievously wounded, he began to retire, just as he was drawn up, to his own garrisons.

[18] Interim M. Petreius et Cn. Piso cum equitibus Numidis + MC + electis peditatuque eiusdem generis satis grandi ex itinere recta subsidio suis occurrunt. Atque hostes suis ex terrore firmatis rursusque renovatis animis legionarios conversis equitibus recipientes novissimos adoriri et impedire coeperunt quominus se in castra reciperent. Hac re animadversa Caesar iubet signa converti et medio campo redintegrari proelium.

[18] Meanwhile M. Petreius and Cn. Piso, with Numidian horse and + 1100 + picked men and with infantry of the same kind, quite large, come straight from the march to the relief of their own. And the enemy, their men steadied from the terror and their spirits renewed again, began to attack the rearmost of the legionaries, as they were being taken in by the cavalry that had turned about, and to hinder them from retiring into the camp. This having been noticed, Caesar orders the standards to be turned and the battle to be renewed in the middle of the field.

Cum ab hostibus eodem modo pugnaretur nec comminus ad manus rediretur Caesarisque equites iumenta ex nausea recenti siti languore paucitate vulneribus defatigata ad insequendum hostem perseverandumque cursum tardiora haberent dieique pars exigua esset iam reliqua, cohortibus equitibusque circumitis cohortatus ut uno ictu contenderent neque remitterent, donec ultra ultimos colles hostes reppulissent atque eorum essent potiti. Itaque signo dato cum iam hoste languide tela neglegenterque mittente, subito immittit cohortes turmasque suorum; atque puncto temporis hostibus nullo negotio campo pulsis, post colle deiectis nacti locum atque ibi paulisper commorati, ita uti erant instructi, leniter se ad suas recipiunt munitiones. Itemque adversarii male accepti tum demum se ad sua praesidia contulerunt.

When the fighting was carried on by the enemy in the same manner and they did not return to close quarters, to hand-to-hand, and Caesar’s cavalry had their beasts of burden, from recent nausea, thirst, languor, scarcity, and wounds, wearied out and so had slower mounts for pursuing the enemy and for sustaining the course, and already only a small part of the day remained, after he had gone round the cohorts and cavalry and exhorted them to strive as with one blow and not to slacken until they had driven the enemy beyond the farthest hills and gotten the mastery over them, therefore, the signal being given, when now the enemy was hurling missiles languidly and carelessly, he suddenly lets loose the cohorts and the squadrons of his men; and in a point of time, the enemies, with no trouble, having been driven from the plain and, after they had been thrown down from the hill, they seized a position, and there, having tarried a little, just as they were drawn up, they quietly retire to their fortifications. Likewise the adversaries, badly handled, then at last betook themselves to their own defensive posts.

[19] Interim ea re gesta et proelio dirempto ex adversariis perfugae plures ex omni genere hominum, et praeterea intercepti hostium complures equites peditesque. Ex quibus cognitum est consilium hostium, eos hac mente et conatu venisse, ut novo atque inusitato genere proelii tirones legionarii paucique perturbati Curionis exemplo ab equitatu circumventi opprimerentur, et ita Iubam dixisse pro contione, tantam se multitudinem auxiliorum adversariis Caesaris subministraturum, ut etiam caedendo in ipsa victoria defatigati vincerentur atque a suis superarentur, quippe + quis in illorum + sibi confideret, primum quod audierat Romae legiones veteranas dissentire neque in Africam velle transire; deinde quod triennio in Africa suos milites consuetudine retentos fideles sibi iam effecisset, maxima autem auxilia haberet Numidarum equitum levisque armaturae, praeterea ex fuga proelioque Pompeiano Labienus quos secum a + Brundisio + transportaverat equites Germanos Gallosque ibique postea ex hibridis libertinis servisque conscripserat, armaverat equoque uti frenato condocefecerat, praeterea regia auxilia, + elephantis CXX equitatusque innumerabilis +, deinde legiones conscriptas ex cuiusquemodi generis amplius XII milibus. Hac spe atque ea audacia inflammatus Labienus cum equitibus Gallis Germanisque MDC, Numidarum sine frenis VIII milibus, praeterea Petreiano auxilio adhibito equitibus MDC, peditum ac levis armaturae quater tanto, sagittariis ac funditoribus hippotoxotisque compluribus: his copiis prid.

[19] Meanwhile, with this matter done and the battle broken off, from the adversaries there were many deserters from every class of men, and, in addition, many of the enemy’s cavalry and infantry were intercepted. From these it was learned what the enemy’s plan was: that they had come with this purpose and effort, that by a new and unusual kind of battle the legionary recruits and a few men, thrown into disorder, should, after Curio’s example, be surrounded by the cavalry and crushed; and that Juba had said thus before a public assembly, that he would supply to Caesar’s opponents so great a multitude of auxiliaries that even while slaughtering they would, in victory itself, be worn out, be beaten, and be overborne by their own—since + who among those + trusted himself to them, first because he had heard at Rome that the veteran legions were dissenting and did not wish to cross into Africa; then because in three years in Africa he had, by habituation, kept his own soldiers and had already made them loyal to himself; and that he had very great auxiliaries of Numidian cavalry and light-armed troops; besides, from the rout and the Pompeian battle Labienus had transported with him from + Brundisium + German and Gallic cavalry, and there afterwards from hybrids, freedmen, and slaves he had levied, had armed them, and had thoroughly taught them to use a bitted horse; besides the royal auxiliaries, + with 120 elephants and innumerable cavalry +; then legions levied from upwards of 12 thousand men of whatever sort of condition. Inflamed by this hope and by that boldness, Labienus, with 1,600 Gallic and German horse, with 8,000 Numidians without bridles, and, moreover, Petreius’s aid being brought in, with 1,600 cavalry, with infantry and light-armed four times as many, with several archers and slingers and horse-archers: with these forces, on the day before (prid.).

Non. Ian., post diem VI quam Africam [Caesar] attigit, in campis planissimis purissimisque ab hora diei quinta usque ad solis occasum est decertatum. In eo proelio Petreius graviter ictus ex acie recessit.

On the Nones of January, on the 6th day after [Caesar] reached Africa, on very level and very open plains, it was fought from the fifth hour of the day until sunset. In that battle Petreius, gravely smitten, withdrew from the battle line.

[20] Caesar interim castra munire diligentius, praesidia firmare copiis maioribus vallumque ab oppido Ruspina usque ad mare ducere et a castris alterum eodem, quo tutius ultro citroque commeare auxiliaque sine periculo sibi succurrere possent, tela tormentaque ex navibus in castra comportare, remigum partem ex classe Gallorum Rhodiorum epibatarumque armare et in castra evocare, uti si posset eadem ratione qua adversarii, levis armatura interiecta inter equites suos interponeretur, sagittariisque ex omnibus navibus Ityraeis Syris et cuiusque generis ductis in castra compluribus frequentabat suas copias – audiebat enim Scipionem post diem tertium eius diei quo proelium factum erat adpropinquare, copias suas cum Labieno et Petreio coniungere; cuius copiae legionum VIII et equitum III milium esse nuntiabantur – officinas ferrarias instruere, sagittas telaque uti fierent complura curare, glandes fundere, sudes comparare, litteras in Siciliam nuntiosque mittere ut sibi crates materiemque congererent ad arietes, cuius inopia in Africa esset, praeterea ferrum plumbum mitteretur. Etiam animum advertebat frumento se in Africa nisi importaticio uti non posse: priore anno enim propter adversariorum dilectus, quod stipendiarii aratores milites essent facti, messem non esse factam; praeterea ex omni Africa frumentum adversarios in pauca oppida et bene munita comportasse omnemque regionem Africae exinanisse frumento, oppida praeter ea pauca quae ipsi suis praesidiis tueri poterant, reliqua dirui ac deseri, et eorum incolas intra sua praesidia coegisse commigrare, agros desertos ac vastatos esse.

[20] Meanwhile Caesar was fortifying the camp more diligently, strengthening the garrisons with larger forces, and drawing a rampart from the town of Ruspina to the sea and another from the camp to the same point, in order that more safely they might go to and fro and that auxiliaries might come to his aid without danger; he was carrying missiles and artillery from the ships into the camp, arming a portion of the rowers from the fleet of the Gauls, Rhodians, and marines, and calling them into the camp, so that, if he could, by the same method as the adversaries, light-armed troops, inserted, might be interposed among his cavalry; and with archers from all the ships—Ituraean Syrians and men of every kind—brought in great numbers into the camp, he kept swelling his forces—for he heard that Scipio, on the third day after that on which the battle had been fought, was approaching to join his forces with Labienus and Petreius, whose forces were reported to be 8 legions and 3,000 cavalry—he was setting up iron forges, seeing to it that many arrows and missiles be made, casting sling-bullets, preparing stakes, sending letters and messengers to Sicily that they should heap up for him hurdles and timber for battering-rams, of which there was a lack in Africa, and furthermore that iron and lead be sent. He also observed that he could use grain in Africa only if imported: for in the previous year, on account of the adversaries’ levies—because wage-earning ploughmen had been made soldiers—the harvest had not been gathered; moreover the adversaries had carried grain from all Africa into a few well-fortified towns and had emptied all the region of Africa of grain; the towns, except those few which they themselves could protect with their garrisons, the rest they had razed and abandoned, and had compelled their inhabitants to migrate within their garrisons; the fields were deserted and laid waste.

[21] Hac necessitate Caesar coactus privatos ambiendo et blande appellando aliquantum numerum frumenti in sua praesidia congesserat. Eo parce utebantur. Opera interim ipse cotidie circuire et alteras cohortes in statione habere propter hostium multitudinem.

[21] Compelled by this necessity, Caesar, by canvassing private individuals and blandly addressing them, had amassed a considerable quantity of grain into his garrisons. They used it sparingly. Meanwhile he himself made the rounds of the works daily and kept alternate cohorts on outpost duty because of the multitude of the enemy.

Labienus saucios suos, quorum maximus numerus fuit, iubet in plostris delegatos Hadrumetum deportari. Naves interim Caesaris onerariae errabundae male vagabantur incertae locorum atque castrorum suorum. Quas singulas scaphae adversariorum complures adortae incendebant atque expugnabant.

Labienus orders his wounded—whose number was very great—to be transported in wagons, detailed, to Hadrumetum. Meanwhile Caesar’s transport ships, straying, were wandering to ill effect, uncertain of the locales and of their own camps. These, one by one, several of the enemy’s skiffs, having attacked, were setting on fire and storming.

Hac re nuntiata Caesari classes circum insulas portusque disposuit, quo tutius commeatus subportari posset.

Caesar, this matter having been reported, stationed fleets around the islands and ports, so that supplies might be brought in more safely.

[22]M. Cato interim qui Uticae praeerat, Cn. Pompeium filium multis verbis assidueque obiurgare non desistebat. 'tuus' inquit 'pater istuc aetatis cum esset et animadvertisset rem publicam ab nefariis sceleratisque civibus oppressam bonosque aut interfectos aut exilio multatos patria civitateque carere, gloria et animi magnitudine elatus privatus atque adulescentulus paterni exercitus reliquiis collectis paene oppressam funditus et deletam Italiam urbemque Romanum in libertatem vindicavit, idemque Siciliam Africam Numidiam Mauretaniam mirabili celeritate armis recepit. Quibus ex rebus sibi eam dignitatem quae est per gentes clarissima notissimaque, conciliavit adulescentulusque atque eques Romanus triumphavit.

[22] Meanwhile M. Cato, who was in command at Utica, did not cease to rebuke Cn. Pompeius the son with many words and continually. 'Your,' he says, 'father, when he was of that very age, and had observed the commonwealth oppressed by nefarious and wicked citizens, and the good men either slain or punished with exile, bereft of fatherland and citizenship, borne aloft by glory and greatness of spirit, a private person and a mere youth, with the remnants of his father’s army gathered, vindicated into liberty Italy and the city of Rome, almost utterly oppressed and wiped out; and likewise he recovered by arms with marvelous celerity Sicily, Africa, Numidia, and Mauretania. From these achievements he won for himself that dignity which is most renowned and most well-known among the nations, and, a mere youth and a Roman eques, he triumphed.'

Atque ille non ita amplis rebus patris gestis neque tam excellenti dignitate maiorum parta neque tantis clientelis nominisque claritate praeditus in rem publicam est ingressus. Tu contra et patris nobilitate et dignitate et per te ipse satis animi magnitudine diligentiaque praeditus nonne eniteris et proficisceris ad paternas clientelas auxilium tibi reique publicae atque optimo cuique efflagitatum?'

And he entered public life not with his father’s achievements so ample, nor with so excellent a dignity won by his ancestors, nor endowed with such great clienteles and the renown of a name. You, by contrast, furnished both with your father’s nobility and dignity, and in your own person with sufficient greatness of spirit and diligence—will you not strive and set out toward your paternal clienteles, a help demanded for yourself and for the commonwealth and by every best man?'

[23] His verbis hominis gravissimi incitatus adulescentulus cum naviculis cuiusquemodi generis XXX, inibi paucis rostratis, profectus ab Utica in Mauretaniam regnumque Bogudis est ingressus expeditoque exercitu numero servorum liberorum II milium, cuius partem inermem, partem habuerat armatam, ad oppidum Ascurum accedere coepit. In quo oppido praesidium fuit regium. Pompeio adveniente oppidani us que eo passi propius accedere, donec ad ipsas portas ac murum adpropinquaret, subito eruptione facta prostratos perterritosque Pompeianos in mare navesque passim compulerunt.

[23] Stirred by these words of a most grave man, the adolescent, with little boats of whatever sort, 30 in number, with a few ram‑prowed among them, set out from Utica into Mauretania and entered the kingdom of Bogud; and with a lightly equipped force, to the number of 2 thousand of slaves and freeborn—part unarmed, part he had armed—he began to approach the town Ascurum. In this town there was a royal garrison. With Pompey arriving, the townspeople allowed him to come nearer only up to that point, until he drew near to the very gates and wall; suddenly, a sally having been made, they drove the Pompeians, prostrated and terrified, pell‑mell into the sea and into the ships.

Ita re male gesta Cn. Pompeius filius naves inde avertit neque postea litus adtigit classemque ad insulas Baleares versus convertit.

Thus, with the matter ill-conducted, Gnaeus Pompeius the son turned the ships away from there and did not afterward touch the shore, and he redirected the fleet toward the Balearic islands.

[24] Scipio interim cum his copiis quas paulo ante demonstravimus, Uticae grandi praesidio relicto profectus primum Hadrumeti castra ponit, deinde ibi paucos dies commoratus noctu itinere facto cum Labieni et Petrei copiis coniungit, atque unis castris factis III milia passuum longe considunt. Equitatus interim eorum circum Caesaris munitiones vagari atque eos qui pabulandi atque aquandi gratia extra vallum progressi essent, excipere. Ita omnes adversarios intra munitiones continere.

[24] Meanwhile Scipio, with those forces which we have a little before demonstrated, leaving a large garrison at Utica, sets out, first pitches camp at Hadrumetum, then, having tarried there a few days, after a march made by night joins with the forces of Labienus and Petreius, and having made a single camp they take up position at a distance of 3 miles. Meanwhile their cavalry roam around Caesar’s fortifications and intercept those who had advanced beyond the rampart for the sake of foraging and getting water. In this way they keep all their adversaries confined within the fortifications.

Quare Caesariani gravi annona sunt conflictati, ideo quod nondum neque ab Sicilia neque ab Sardinia commeatus subportatus erat, neque per anni tempus in mari classes sine periculo vagari poterant. Neque amplius milia passuum VI terrae Africae quoque versus tenebant pabulique inopia premebantur. Qua necessitate coacti veterani milites equitesque qui multa terra marique bella confecissent et periculis inopiaque tali saepe essent conflictati, alga e litore collecta et aqua dulci elota et ita iumentis esurientibus data vitam eorum producebant.

The Caesarians were hard beset by the grain-supply, for as yet neither from Sicily nor from Sardinia had commissariat convoys been brought in, nor could fleets, by the season of the year, roam the sea without peril. Nor did they hold more than 6 miles even toward the African mainland, and they were pressed by a scarcity of fodder. Compelled by this necessity, the veteran soldiers and horsemen, who had finished many wars by land and sea and had often been afflicted by dangers and such want, gathered seaweed from the shore, washed it in fresh water, and thus, given to the starving beasts of burden, they prolonged their lives.

[25] Dum haec ita fierent, rex Iuba cognitis Caesaris difficultatibus copiarumque paucitate non est visum dari spatium convalescendi augendarumque eius opum. Itaque comparatis equitum magnis peditumque copiis subsidio sociis egressus e regno ire contendit. P. Sittius interim et rex Bocchus coniunctis suis copiis cognito regis Iubae egressu propius eius regnum copias suas admovere, Cirtamque oppidum opulentissimum eius regni adortus paucis diebus pugnando capit et praeterea duo oppida Gaetulorum.

[25] While these things were thus happening, King Juba, once the difficulties of Caesar and the paucity of his forces were known, deemed that no interval should be given for his recovery and for the augmentation of his resources. And so, with great forces of horse and foot prepared, he went out from the kingdom, striving to go as succor to his allies. Meanwhile P. Sittius and King Bocchus, with their forces joined, having learned of King Juba’s departure, moved their troops nearer to his kingdom, and, attacking Cirta, the most opulent town of his realm, by fighting took it within a few days, and besides that two towns of the Gaetulians.

Quibus cum condicionem ferret ut oppido excederent idque sibi vacuum traderent, condicionemque repudiassent, postea ab eo capti interfectique sunt omnes. Inde progressus agros oppidaque vexare non destitit. Quibus rebus cognitis Iuba cum iam non longe ab Scipione atque eius ducibus abesset, capit consilium satius esse sibi suoque regno subsidio ire, quam dum alios adiuturus proficisceretur, ipse suo regno expulsus forsitan utraque re expelleretur.

When he offered them the condition that they should depart from the town and hand it over to him empty, and they repudiated the condition, afterward they were all captured and killed by him. Thence, having progressed, he did not cease to vex the fields and towns. With these things known, Juba, when he was now not far from Scipio and his commanders, takes counsel that it is preferable to go to the aid of himself and his own kingdom, rather than that, while he was setting out to assist others, he himself, expelled from his own kingdom, perhaps would be driven out in both respects.

Itaque rursus recipere atque auxilia etiam ab Scipione abduxit sibi suisque rebus timens elephantisque XXX relictis suis finibus oppidisque suppetias profectus est.

Therefore he again drew back and even withdrew the auxiliaries from Scipio, fearing for himself and his own affairs; and, with 30 elephants left behind, he set out to bring succor to his own borders and towns.

[26] Caesar interim, cum de suo adventu dubitatio in provincia esset neque quisquam crederet ipsum, sed aliquem legatum in Africam cum copiis venisse, conscriptis litteris circum provinciam omnes civitates facit de suo adventu certiores. Interim nobiles homines ex suis oppidis profugere et in castra Caesaris devenire et de adversariorum eius crudelitate acerbitateque commemorare coeperunt. Quorum lacrimis querelisque Caesar commotus, cum antea constituisset stativis castris aestate inita cunctis copiis auxiliisque accitis bellum cum suis adversariis gerere,… instituit litteris[que] celeriter in Siciliam ad Allienum et Rabirium Postumum conscriptis et per catascopum missis, ut sine mora ac nulla excusatione hiemis ventorumque quam celerrime exercitus sibi transportaretur: Africam [provinciam] perire funditusque everti ab suis inimicis; quod nisi celeriter sociis foret subventum, praeter ipsam Africam terram nihil, ne tectum quidem quo se reciperent, ab illorum scelere insidiisque reliquum futurum.

[26] Meanwhile Caesar, since there was doubt in the province about his advent and no one believed that he himself, but some legate, had come into Africa with forces, having letters drawn up he makes all the states throughout the province more certain of his advent. Meanwhile noble men began to flee from their own towns and to come into Caesar’s camp and to recount the cruelty and acerbity of his adversaries. Moved by their tears and complaints, Caesar—although he had previously determined, with standing camps and summer entered, to wage war against his adversaries, all forces and auxiliaries having been summoned,…—resolved that letters[and] be quickly written to Sicily to Allienus and Rabirius Postumus and sent by a catascope (scout), that without delay and with no excuse of winter and winds the army be transported to him as swiftly as possible: Africa [the province] was perishing and being utterly overthrown by his enemies; that unless succor were brought quickly to the allies, apart from the very soil of Africa itself nothing—not even a roof to which they might betake themselves—would be left from their wickedness and treacheries.

Atque ipse erat in tanta festinatione et exspectatione ut postero die quam misisset litteras nuntiumque in Siciliam, classem exercitumque morari diceret, dies noctesque oculos mentemque ad mare depositos derectosque haberet. Nec mirum: animum advertebat enim villas exuri, agros vastari, pecus diripi, trucidari, oppida castellaque dirui deserique, principesque civitatum aut interfici aut in catenis teneri, liberos eorum obsidum nomine in servitutem abripi; eis se [in] miseris suamque fidem implorantibus auxilio propter copiarum paucitatem esse non posse. Milites interim in opere exercere atque castra munire, turres castella facere molesque iacere in mare non intermittere.

And he himself was in such haste and expectation that, on the next day after he had sent letters and a messenger to Sicily, he kept saying that the fleet and the army were delaying, and he had his eyes and his mind day and night set and directed toward the sea. Nor is it a wonder: for he was turning his mind to the fact that villas were being burned, fields laid waste, livestock despoiled, people butchered, towns and forts demolished and abandoned, and the leading men of the communities either killed or held in chains, their children carried off into servitude under the name of hostages; that he could not be a help to these wretched people imploring him and his good faith on account of the paucity of troops. Meanwhile he did not cease to keep the soldiers occupied in work and to fortify the camp, to make towers and forts and to throw moles into the sea.

[27] Scipio interim elephantos hoc modo condoce facere instituit. Duas instruxit acies, unam funditorum contra elephantos quae quasi adversariorum locum obtineret et contra eorum frontem adversam lapillos minutos mitteret; deinde in ordine elephantos constituit, post illos autem suam aciem instruxit, ut cum ab adversariis lapides mitti coepissent et elephanti perterriti se ad suos convertissent, rursus ab sua acie lapidibus missis eos converterent adversus hostem. Quod aegre tardeque fiebat; rudes enim elephanti multorum annorum doctrina usuque vetusto vix edocti tamen communi periculo in aciem producuntur.

[27] Meanwhile Scipio set about to drill the elephants in this way. He drew up two battle lines, one of slingers against the elephants, which would, as it were, occupy the place of adversaries and would send tiny pebbles against their opposing front; then he stationed the elephants in a row, and behind them he formed his own line, so that when stones began to be thrown by the adversaries and the elephants, thoroughly frightened, turned themselves toward their own men, again, with stones sent from his own line, they might turn them back against the enemy. This was done only with difficulty and slowly; for raw elephants, scarcely taught even by the discipline of many years and by time-worn use, are nevertheless led out into the battle line by the common peril.

[28] Dum haec ad Ruspinam ab utrisque ducibus administrantur, C. Vergilius praetorius qui Thapsi oppido maritimo praeerat, cum animum advertisset naves singulas cum exercitu Caesaris incertas locorum atque castrorum suorum vagari, occasionem nactus navem quam ibi habuit actuariam complet militibus et sagittariis et eidem scaphas de navibus adiungit ac singulas naves Caesarianas consectari coepit. Et cum plures adortus esset, pulsus fugatusque inde discessisset nec tamen desisteret periclitari, forte incidit in navem in qua erant duo Titi Hispani adulescentes, tribuni legionis V quorum patrem Caesar in senatum legerat, et cum his T. Salienus centurio legionis eiusdem qui M. Messalam legatum obsederat Messanae [et] seditiosissima oratione apud eum usus idemque pecuniam et ornamenta triumphi Caesaris retinenda et custodienda curarat et ob has causas sibi timebat. Hic propter conscientiam peccatorum suorum persuasit adulescentibus, ne repugnarent seseque Vergilio traderent.

[28] While these things were being administered at Ruspina by both commanders, C. Vergilius, a former praetor who was in command at Thapsus, a maritime town, when he had noticed that individual ships with Caesar’s army, uncertain of the localities and of their own camp, were wandering, seizing the opportunity filled a swift transport which he had there with soldiers and archers, and to the same he attached skiffs from the ships and began to chase down the individual Caesarian ships. And although, after attacking several, he had been driven back and put to flight and had withdrawn from there, yet he did not cease to hazard attempts; by chance he fell in with a ship in which there were two young Spaniards, sons of Titus, tribunes of legion 5, whose father Caesar had enrolled in the senate, and with them T. Salienus, a centurion of the same legion, who had besieged M. Messala, the legate, at Messana, [and] had used a most seditious harangue in his presence, and this same man had arranged that the money and the ornaments of Caesar’s triumph be kept back and guarded, and on account of these causes he was afraid for himself. This man, because of the consciousness of his own misdeeds, persuaded the young men not to resist and to hand themselves over to Vergilius.

Itaque deducti a Vergilio ad Scipionem custodibus traditi et post diem tertium sunt interfecti. Qui cum ducerentur ad necem, petisse dicitur maior Titius a centurionibus uti se priorem quam fratrem interficerent, idque ab eis facile impetrasse, atque ita esse interfectos.

And so, escorted by Vergilius to Scipio, they were handed over to the guards and, after the third day, were put to death. And when they were being led to execution, the elder Titius is said to have asked the centurions that they kill him before his brother, and to have easily obtained this from them, and thus they were slain.

[29] Turmae interim equitum quae pro vallo in stationibus esse solebant [ab utrisque ducibus], cotidie minutis proeliis inter se depugnare non intermittunt. Nonnumquam etiam Germani Gallique Labieniani cum Caesaris equitibus fide data inter se colloquebantur. Labienus interim cum parte equitatus Leptim oppi dum cui praeerat Saserna cum cohortibus VI, oppugnare ac vi inrumpere conabatur.

[29] Meanwhile the squadrons of horse which were accustomed to be on post before the rampart [by both commanders] do not cease daily to fight it out among themselves in small skirmishes. Sometimes also the Germans and Gauls of Labienus, with a pledge of good faith given, would confer among themselves with Caesar’s horsemen. Labienus meanwhile, with part of the cavalry, was trying to assault and break in by force Leptis, the town over which Saserna presided with cohorts 6.

Quod ab defensoribus propter egregiam munitionem oppidi et multitudinem tormentorum facile et sine periculo defendebatur. Quod ubi saepius eius equitatus facere non intermittebat, et cum forte ante portam turma densa adstitisset, scorpione accuratius misso atque eorum decurione percusso et ad ecum adfixo, reliqui perterriti fuga se in castra recipiunt. Quo facto postea sunt deterriti oppidum temptare.

This was easily and without danger defended by the defenders because of the outstanding fortification of the town and the multitude of artillery engines. And when his cavalry did not cease to do this rather often, and when by chance a dense squadron had taken its stand before the gate, with a scorpion more carefully aimed and discharged, and their decurion struck and fastened to his horse, the rest, terrified, in flight withdraw themselves into the camp. This having been done, thereafter they were deterred from attempting the town.

[30] Scipio interim fere cotidie non longe a suis castris passus CCC instruere aciem ac maiore parte diei consumpta rursus in castra se recipere. Quod cum saepius fieret, neque ex Caesaris castris quisquam prodiret neque propius eius copias accederet, despecta patientia Caesaris exercitusque eius, [Iuba] universis copiis productis elephantisque turritis XXX ante aciem instructis quam latissime potuit porrecta equitum peditumque multitudine uno tempore progressus haud ita longe a Caesaris castris constitit in campo.

[30] Meanwhile Scipio almost every day, at a distance of 300 paces from his own camp, would draw up a battle line, and when the greater part of the day had been consumed, would withdraw back into camp. As this happened rather often, and neither would anyone come forth from Caesar’s camp, nor would anyone approach his forces more closely, Caesar’s patience and that of his army being looked down upon, [Juba], with all his forces led out and with 30 tower-bearing elephants arrayed before the battle line, with the multitude of cavalry and infantry extended as widely as he could, advanced at one and the same time and took his stand on the plain not so very far from Caesar’s camp.

[31] Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar iubet milites qui extra munitiones processerant [quique] pabulandi lignandique aut etiam muniendi gratia quique vallum petierant quaeque ad eam rem opus erant, omnes intra munitiones minutatim modesteque sine tumultu aut terrore se recipere atque in opere consistere. Equitibus autem qui in statione fuerant, praecipit ut usque eo locum optinerent in quo paulo ante constitissent, donec ab hoste telum missum ad se perveniret. Quodsi propius accederetur, quam honestissime se intra munitiones reciperent.

[31] With these matters learned, Caesar orders the soldiers who had gone out beyond the fortifications—and who for the sake of foraging and wood-gathering, or even of fortifying, and who had gone to fetch palisade-stakes and whatever things were needed for that purpose—all to withdraw within the fortifications in small parties and with restraint, without tumult or terror, and to take their stand at the work. To the cavalry, moreover, who had been on outpost, he gives orders to hold the ground up to the spot where a little before they had taken their position, until a missile sent by the enemy should reach them. But if the enemy should approach nearer, they were to withdraw within the fortifications as honorably as possible.

Alii quoque equitatui edicit uti suo quisque loco paratus armatusque praesto esset. Atque haec non ipse per se coram, cum de vallo prospecularetur, sed mirabili peritus scientia bellandi in praetorio sedens per speculatores et nuntios imperabat quae fieri volebat. Animadvertebat enim quamquam magnis essent copiis adversarii freti, tamen saepe a se fugatis pulsis perterritisque et concessam vitam et ignota peccata; quibus rebus numquam tanta suppeteret ex ipsorum inertia conscientiaque animi victoriae fiducia ut castra sua adoriri auderent.

He also orders the rest of the cavalry that each man should be ready in his own place, prepared and armed. And he did not issue these things himself in person face to face, while he was looking out from the rampart, but, marvelously skilled in the science of waging war, sitting in the praetorium he commanded through scouts and messengers what he wanted to be done. For he observed that although the adversaries were relying on great forces, nevertheless, often by him put to flight, driven back, and terrified—and with their life conceded and their misdeeds unknown—by these considerations there would never be supplied from their own inertia and conscience of mind such confidence of victory that they would dare to assault his camp.

Praeterea ipsius nomen auctoritasque magna ex parte eorum exercitus minuebat audaciam. Tum egregiae munitiones castrorum atque valli fossarumque altitudo et extra vallum stili caeci mirabilem in modum consiti vel sine defensoribus aditum adversariis prohibebant: scorpionum catapultarum ceterorumque telorum quae ad defendendum solent parari, magnam copiam habebat. Atque haec propter exercitus sui praesentis paucitatem et tirocinium praeparaverat, non hostium vi et metu commotus patientem se timidumque hostium opinioni praebebat.

Moreover, his own name and authority, in great part, diminished the audacity of their army. Then the excellent fortifications of the camp, and the height of the rampart and of the ditches, and outside the rampart blind stakes planted in a marvelous manner were, even without defenders, forbidding access to the adversaries: he had a great supply of scorpions, catapults, and the rest of the missiles which are accustomed to be prepared for defense. And he had prepared these things on account of the paucity and tyro training of his present army, not moved by the enemy’s force and fear; he presented himself as patient and timid to the enemies’ opinion.

Neque idcirco copias quamquam erant paucae tironumque, non educebat in aciem quod victoriae suorum diffideret, sed referre arbitrabatur cuiusmodi victoria esset futura; turpe enim sibi existimabat tot rebus gestis tantisque exercitibus devictis, tot tam claris victoriis partis, ab reliquis copiis adversariorum suorum ex fuga collectis se cruentam adeptum existimari victoriam. Itaque constituerat gloriam exsultationemque eorum pati, donec sibi veteranarum legionum pars aliqua in secundo commeatu occurrisset.

Nor on that account did he refrain from leading out the forces—although they were few and of recruits—into the battle line because he distrusted the victory of his own, but he judged it to matter what sort the victory would be to come; for he considered it disgraceful that, with so many deeds accomplished and such great armies vanquished, so many and so illustrious victories gained, he should be thought to have obtained a blood-stained victory over the remaining forces of his adversaries, gathered from rout. And so he had resolved to allow their glory and exultation, until some part of the veteran legions should meet him on a second convoy.

[32] Scipio interim paulisper ut antea dixi in eo loco commoratus, ut quasi despexisse Caesarem videretur, paulatim reducit suas copias in castra et contione advocata de terrore suo desperationeque exercitus Caesaris facit verba et cohortatus suos victoriam propriam se eis brevi daturum pollicetur. Caesar iubet milites rursus ad opus redire et per causam munitionum tirones in labore defatigare non intermittit. Interim Numidae Gaetuli[que] diffugere cotidie ex castris Scipionis et partim in regnum se conferre, partim quod ipsi maioresque eorum beneficio C. Mari usi fuissent Caesaremque eius adfinem esse audiebant, in eius castra perfugere catervatim non intermittunt.

[32] Meanwhile Scipio, lingering for a little while in that place, as I said before, so that he might seem to have looked down upon Caesar, gradually leads his forces back into camp; and, an assembly having been convened, he speaks about the terror of his own making and about the desperation of Caesar’s army, and, having exhorted his men, promises that he himself will soon give them their own victory. Caesar orders the soldiers to return again to the work, and under the pretext of the fortifications he does not cease to wear out the tyros in toil. Meanwhile the Numidians and Gaetuli[ans] begin every day to scatter from Scipio’s camp, and some betake themselves into the kingdom, while others, because they themselves and their elders had enjoyed the benefit of Gaius Marius and they heard that Caesar was his affine, do not cease to flee over to his camp in crowds.

Quorum ex numero electis hominibus inlustrioribus [Gaetulos] et litteris ad suos cives datis cohortatus uti manu facta se suosque defenderent, ne suis inimicis adversariisque dicto audientes essent, mittit.

From whose number, with the more illustrious men selected [the Gaetulians] and letters given to their fellow citizens, he sends them, having exhorted that, with a band formed, they should defend themselves and their own, and not be obedient to his enemies and adversaries.

[33] Dum haec ad Ruspinam fiunt, legati ex Acylla civitate libera et immunique, ad Caesarem veniunt seque paratos quaecumque imperasset, et libenti animo facturos pollicentur; tantum orare et petere ab eo uti sibi praesidium daret, quo tutius id et sine periculo facere possent; se et frumentum et quaecumque res eis suppeteret, communis salutis gratia subministraturos. Quibus rebus facile a Caesare impetratis praesidioque dato, C. Messium aedilicia functum potestate Acyllam iubet proficisci. Quibus rebus cognitis Considius Longus qui Hadrumeti cum duabus legionibus et equitibus DCC praeerat, celeriter ibi parte praesidii relicta cum VIII cohortibus ad Acyllam ire contendit.

[33] While these things are being done at Ruspina, legates from Acylla, a free and immune city, come to Caesar and promise that they are ready to do whatever he should command, and to do it with a willing mind; only to beg and ask of him that he would give them a garrison, whereby they might do it more safely and without danger; that they would supply grain and whatever resources were at their disposal for the sake of the common safety. These things having been easily obtained from Caesar and a garrison having been given, he orders Gaius Messius, who had exercised the aedilician power, to set out to Acylla. When these things were learned, Considius Longus, who at Hadrumetum was in command with two legions and 700 cavalry, quickly, with part of the garrison left there, hastens to go to Acylla with 8 cohorts.

Messius celerius itinere confecto prior Acyllam cum cohortibus pervenit. Considius interim cum ad urbem cum copiis accessisset et animadvertisset praesidium Caesaris ibi esse, non ausus periculum suorum facere nulla re gesta pro multitudine hominum rursus se Hadrumetum recepit; deinde paucis post diebus equestribus copiis a Labieno adductis rursus Acyllitanos castris positis obsidere coepit.

Messius, the journey having been completed more swiftly, arrived first at Acylla with the cohorts. Meanwhile, when Considius had approached the city with his forces and had noticed that Caesar’s garrison was there, not daring to bring danger upon his own men, with nothing achieved considering the multitude of men, he again withdrew to Hadrumetum; then, a few days later, cavalry forces having been brought by Labienus, he again began to besiege the Acyllitans, a camp having been pitched.

[34] Per id tempus C. Sallustius Crispus quem paucis ante diebus missum a Caesare cum classe demonstravimus, Cercinam pervenit. Cuius adventu C. Decimius quaestorius qui ibi cum grandi familiae suae praesidio praeerat commeatui, parvulum navigium nactus conscendit ac se fugae commendat. Sallustius interim praetor a Cercinitanis receptus magno numero frumenti invento naves onerarias quarum ibi satis magna copia fuit, complet atque in castra ad Caesarem mittit.

[34] During that time Gaius Sallustius Crispus, whom we have shown was sent a few days before by Caesar with a fleet, arrived at Cercina. At his advent, Gaius Decimius, of quaestorian rank, who there was in charge of the commissariat with a large guard from his household, having found a very small vessel, boarded it and committed himself to flight. Sallustius, meanwhile, a praetor, received by the Cercinitans, and a great quantity of grain having been found, fills transport ships—of which there was quite a large supply there—and sends them to the camp to Caesar.

Allienus interim pro consule Lilybaeo in navis onerarias imponit legionem XIII et XIIII et equites Gallos DCCC, funditorum sagittariorumque mille ac secundum commeatum in Africam mittit ad Caesarem. Quae naves ventum secundum nactae quarto die in portum ad Ruspinam, ubi Caesar castra habuerat, incolumes pervenerunt. Ita Caesar duplici laetitia ac voluptate uno tempore auctus, frumento auxiliisque, tandem suis hilaratis annonaque levata sollicitudinem deponit, legiones equitesque ex navibus egressos iubet ex languore nauseaque reficere, dimissos in castella munitionesque disponit.

Meanwhile Allienus, as proconsul, at Lilybaeum loads onto cargo ships the 13th and 14th legions and 800 Gallic horsemen, a thousand slingers and archers, and sends a second convoy into Africa to Caesar. These ships, having caught a following wind, on the fourth day arrived safe and sound in the harbor at Ruspina, where Caesar had had his camp. Thus Caesar, augmented at one time by double joy and delight—by grain and by auxiliaries—at last, his men cheered and the grain-supply lightened, lays aside anxiety; he orders the legions and the horsemen, after they had disembarked from the ships, to recover from weariness and seasickness, and, when dismissed, he stations them in forts and defensive works.

[35] Quibus rebus Scipio quique cum eo essent comites mirari et requirere: C. Caesarem qui ultro consuesset bellum inferre ac lacessere proelio, subito commutatum non sine magno consilio suspicabantur. Itaque ex eius patientia in magnum timorem coniecti ex Gaetulis duos quos arbitrabantur suis rebus amicissimos, magnis praemiis pollicitationibusque propositis pro perfugis speculandi gratia in castra Caesaris mittunt. Qui simul ad eum sunt deducti, petierunt ut sibi liceret vera sine periculo proloqui.

[35] By these things Scipio and those who were companions with him began to marvel and to inquire: that Gaius Caesar, who had been accustomed of his own accord to bring war and to provoke with battle, was suddenly changed, they suspected not without great counsel. And so, from his patience, thrown into great fear, from among the Gaetulians they send two whom they judged most friendly to their interests, with great rewards and promises set forth, into Caesar’s camp as deserters for the sake of reconnoitering. Who, as soon as they had been brought to him, asked that it might be permitted to them to set forth truths without danger.

Potestate facta 'saepenumero' inquiunt 'imperator, complures Gaetuli qui sumus clientes C. Marii et propemodum omnes cives Romani, qui sunt in legione IIII et VI, ad te voluimus in tuaque praesidia confugere. Sed custodiis equitum Numidarum quo id sine periculo minus faceremus impediebamur. Nunc data facultate pro speculatoribus missi ab Scipione ad te cupidissime venimus ut perspiceremus, numquae fossae aut insidiae elephantis ante castra portasque valli factae essent, simulque consilia vestra contra easdem bestias comparationemque pugnae cognosceremus atque eis renuntiaremus.' qui collaudati a Caesare stipendioque donati ad reliquos perfugas deducuntur.

Permission having been granted, ‘often,’ they say, ‘commander, many Gaetuli—we who are clients of Gaius Marius—and well-nigh all the Roman citizens who are in legions 4 and 6, have wished to come over to you and take refuge in your garrisons. But we were hindered by the guards of the Numidian cavalry, so that we were less able to do this without danger. Now, with opportunity given, sent as scouts by Scipio to you, we have come most eagerly to ascertain whether any ditches or snares for elephants have been made before the camp and the gates of the rampart, and at the same time to learn your counsels against those same beasts and your preparation for battle, and to report these back to them.’ They, praised by Caesar and presented with pay, are escorted to the rest of the deserters.

Quorum orationem celeriter veritas comprobavit: namque postero die ex legionibus his quas Gaetuli nominarunt, milites legionarii complures ab Scipione in castra Caesaris perfugerunt.

Their speech the truth swiftly verified: for on the following day, from those legions which the Gaetuli had named, several legionary soldiers deserted from Scipio to Caesar's camp.

[36] Dum haec ad Ruspinam geruntur, M. Cato qui Uticae praeerat, dilectus cotidie libertinorum Afrorum, servorum denique et cuiusquemodi generis hominum qui modo per aetatem arma ferre poterant, habere atque sub manum Scipioni in castra submittere non intermittit. Legati interim ex oppido Thysdrae, in quod tritici modium milia CCC comportata fuerant a negotiatoribus Italicis aratoribusque, ad Caesarem venire, quantaque copia frumenti aput se sit docent, simulque orant ut sibi praesidium mittat, quo facilius et frumentum et copiae suae conserventur. Quibus Caesar in praesentia gratias egit praesidiumque brevi tempore se missurum dixit cohortatusque ad suos cives iubet proficisci.

[36] While these things are being transacted at Ruspina, M. Cato, who was in command at Utica, does not cease daily to hold levies of African freedmen, of slaves, and, in fine, of men of whatever sort who, only as far as age, were able to bear arms, and to send them under Scipio’s hand into the camp. Meanwhile legates from the town of Thysdra, into which 300,000 modii of wheat had been brought together by Italian merchants and farmers, come to Caesar and show how great a supply of grain there is with them, and at the same time beg that he send them a garrison, whereby both the grain and their resources may the more easily be preserved. To these Caesar for the present gave thanks and said that he would send a garrison in a short time, and, exhorting them, orders them to set out to their fellow citizens.

P. Sittius interim cum copiis Numidiae fines ingressus castellum in montis loco munito locatum, in quod Iuba belli gerendi gratia et frumentum et res ceteras quae ad bellum usui solent esse comportaverat, vi expugnando est potitus.

P. Sittius meanwhile, with his forces, having entered the borders of Numidia, by assault gained possession of a fort situated in a fortified mountain position, into which Juba, for the sake of waging war, had brought grain and the other things which are wont to be of use for war.

[37] Caesar postquam legionibus veteranis duabus equitatu levique armatura copias suas ex secundo commeatu auxerat, naves exoneratas statim iubet Lilybaeum ad reliquum exercitum transportandum proficisci; ipse VI Kal. Febr. circiter vigilia prima imperat, speculatores apparitoresque omnes ut sibi praesto essent.

[37] After Caesar had augmented his forces, from the second convoy, with two veteran legions, cavalry, and light-armed troops, he immediately orders the unloaded ships to set out for Lilybaeum to transport the rest of the army; he himself, on 27 January, around the first watch, orders that all scouts and apparitors be at hand for him.

Itaque omnibus insciis neque suspicantibus vigilia tertia iubet omnes legiones extra castra educi atque se consequi ad oppidum Ruspinam versus, in quo ipse praesidium habuit et quod primum ad amicitiam eius accessit. Inde parvulam proclivitatem degressus sinistra parte campi propter mare legiones ducit. Hic campus mirabili planitie patet milia passuum XV; quem iugum cingens a mari ortum neque ita praealtum velut theatri efficit speciem.

Accordingly, while all were unaware and suspecting nothing, at the third watch he orders all the legions to be led out beyond the camp and to follow him toward the town Ruspina, in which he himself had a garrison and which first acceded to his friendship. Then, having descended a very small declivity, he leads the legions on the left side of the plain near the sea. This plain spreads out with marvelous flatness for 15 miles; a ridge encircling it, rising from the sea and not so very high, makes the appearance as it were of a theater.

In hoc iugo colles sunt excelsi pauci, in quibus singulae turres speculaeque singulae perveteres erant collocatae, quarum apud ultimam praesidium et statio fuit Scipionis.

On this ridge there are a few lofty hills, on which single towers and single watchtowers, very ancient, had been set in place, at the farthest of which there was Scipio’s garrison and station.

[38] Postquam Caesar ad iugum de quo docui, ascendit atque in unumquemque collem turrem castellaque facere coepit atque ea minus semihora effecit, et postquam non ita longe ab ultimo colle turrique fuit, quae proxima fuit castris adversariorum, in qua docui esse praesidium stationemque Numidarum, paulisper commoratus perspectaque natura loci equitatu in statione disposito legionibus opus adtribuit brachiumque medio iugo ab eo loco ad quem pervenerat, usque ad eum unde egressus erat, iubet derigi ac muniri. Quod postquam Scipio Labienusque animadverterant, equitatu omni ex castris educto acieque equestri instructa a suis munitionibus circiter passus mille progrediuntur pedestremque copiam in secunda acie minus passus CCCC a suis castris constituunt.

[38] After Caesar climbed up to the ridge about which I have explained, he began to make on each hill a tower and little forts, and he completed these in less than a half-hour; and after he was not so far from the last hill and tower, which was nearest to the adversaries’ camp—in which I have shown there was a garrison and a station of Numidians—having tarried a little and, the nature of the place having been inspected, with the cavalry disposed on outpost duty, he assigned the work to the legions and orders that an arm of fortification along the middle of the ridge, from the place to which he had come up to that from which he had set out, be drawn straight and strengthened. Which thing after Scipio and Labienus had noticed, with all the cavalry led out from the camp and a cavalry battle-line drawn up, they advance about a thousand paces from their fortifications, and they station the foot-soldier force in a second line less than 400 paces from their own camp.

[39] Caesar in opere milites adhortari neque adversariorum copiis moveri. Iam cum non amplius passus md inter hostium aciem suasque munitiones esse animadvertisset intellexissetque ad impediendos milites suos et ab opere depellendos hostem propius accedere et necesse haberet legiones a munitionibus deducere, imperat turmae Hispanorum ut ad proximum collem propere accurrerent praesidiumque inde deturbarent locumque caperent, eodemque iubet levis armaturae paucos consequi subsidio. Qui missi celeriter Numidas adorti partim vivos capiunt, nonnullos equites fugientes convulneraverunt locumque sunt potiti.

[39] Caesar was exhorting the soldiers at the work and was not moved by the forces of the adversaries. Now when he had observed that there were no more than 1500 paces between the battle-line of the enemy and his own fortifications, and had understood that the enemy was approaching nearer to impede his soldiers and to drive them off from the work, and that he had necessity to draw the legions away from the fortifications, he orders the troop of Spaniards to run quickly to the nearest hill and to dislodge the garrison from there and seize the place, and he likewise orders a few of the light-armed to follow to the same spot as a reserve. They, having been sent, quickly attacked the Numidians, take some alive, wounded several horsemen as they were fleeing, and gained possession of the place.

Postquam id Labienus animadvertit, quo celerius iis auxilium ferret, ex acie instructa equitatus sui prope totum dextrum cornu avertit atque suis fugientibus suppetias ire contendit. Quod ubi Caesar conspexit, Labienum ab suis copiis longius iam abscessisse, equitatus sui alam sinistram ad intercludendos hostes immisit.

After Labienus observed this, so that he might more swiftly bring aid to them, from the drawn-up battle line he wheeled almost his entire cavalry from the right wing and strove to go with succor to his men who were fleeing. When Caesar caught sight of this, that Labienus had now withdrawn farther from his own forces, he sent in the left wing of his cavalry to interclude the enemy.

[40] Erat in eo campo ubi ea res gerebatur, villa permagna turribus IIII exstructa. Quae Labieni prospectum impediebat ne posset animum advertere ab equitatu Caesaris se intercludi. Itaque non prius vidit turmas Iulianas quam suos caedi a tergo sentit.

[40] In that field where the matter was being carried on, there was a very great villa, built with 4 towers. This impeded Labienus’s prospect, so that he could not notice that he was being cut off by Caesar’s cavalry. Accordingly, he did not see the Julian squadrons until he feels his own men being cut down from the rear.

Ex qua re subito in terrorem converso equitatu Numidarum recta in castra fugere contendit. Galli Germanique qui restiterant, ex superiore loco et post tergum circumventi fortiterque resistentes conciduntur universi. Quod ubi legiones Scipionis quae pro castris erant instructae animum adverterunt, metu ac terrore obcaecatae omnibus portis in sua castra fugere coeperunt.

From this event, with the Numidian cavalry suddenly turned to terror, he hastened to flee straight into the camp. The Gauls and the Germans who had stood fast, from a higher position and surrounded from behind, and resisting bravely, are cut down in their entirety. When Scipio’s legions, which had been drawn up before the camp, noticed this, blinded by fear and terror, they began to flee through all the gates into their own camp.

Postquam Scipione eiusque copiis campo collibusque exturbatis atque in castra compulsis cum receptui Caesar cani iussisset equitatumque omnem intra suas munitiones recepisset, campo purgato animadvertit mirifica corpora Gallorum Germanorumque qui partim eius auctoritatem erant ex Gallia secuti, partim pretio pollicitationibus adducti ad eum se contulerant, nonnulli qui ex Curionis proelio capti conservatique parem gratiam in fide praebenda praestare voluerant. Horum corpora mirifica specie amplitudineque caesa toto campo ac prostrata diverse iacebant.

After Scipio and his forces had been driven out from the plain and the hills and forced back into the camp, when Caesar had ordered the retreat to be sounded and had withdrawn all the cavalry within his own fortifications, with the field cleared he noticed the remarkable bodies of the Gauls and Germans—some who had followed his authority out of Gaul, some who, drawn by price and promises, had betaken themselves to him, and some who, captured in Curio’s battle and spared, had wished to show equal gratitude by furnishing loyalty. Their bodies, marvelous in appearance and in size, lay slain and overthrown in various places across the whole field.

[41] His rebus gestis Caesar postero die ex omnibus praesidiis cohortes eduxit atque omnes suas copias in campo instruxit. Scipio suis male acceptis occisis convulneratisque intra suas continere se munitiones coepit. Caesar instructa acie secundum infimas iugi radices propius munitiones leniter accessit.

[41] With these things accomplished, on the next day Caesar led out cohorts from all the garrisons and drew up all his forces in the field. Scipio, his men having been badly handled—slain and wounded—began to confine himself within his own fortifications. Caesar, with his battle line drawn up, advanced gently along the lowest roots of the ridge nearer to the fortifications.

Iamque minus mille passus ab oppido Uzitta quod Scipio tenebat aberant legiones Iulianae, cum Scipio veritus ne oppidum amitteret, unde aquari reliquisque rebus sublevari eius exercitus consuerat, eductis omnibus copiis quadruplici acie instructa, ex instituto suo prima equestri turmatim derecta elephantisque turritis interpositis armatisque, suppetias ire contendit. Quod ubi Caesar animadvertit, arbitratus Scipionem ad dimicandum paratum ad se certo animo venire, in eo loco quo paulo ante commemoravi, ante oppidum constitit suamque aciem mediam eo oppido texit, dextrum sinistrumque cornu, ubi elephanti erant, in conspectu patenti adversariorum constituit.

And now the Julian legions were less than one thousand paces from the town Uzitta, which Scipio was holding, when Scipio, fearing lest he lose the town, from which his army had been accustomed to get water and to be supported in the rest of its requisites, having led out all his forces and drawn them up in a quadruple battle line—according to his established practice the first line being cavalry, arranged by squadrons, and with towered elephants interposed and equipped—strove to go to give succor. When Caesar noticed this, thinking that Scipio, prepared for contest, was coming against him with a settled mind to fight, he took his stand in that place which I a little before mentioned, before the town, and he screened his middle line with that town, and he stationed the right and left wing, where the elephants were, in the open view of the adversaries.

[42] Cum iam prope solis occasum Caesar exspectavisset neque ex eo loco quo constiterat Scipionem progredi propius se animadvertisset locoque se magis defendere, si res coegisset, quam in campo comminus consistere audere, non est visa ratio propius accedendi eo die ad oppidum, quoniam ibi praesidium grande Numidarum esse cognoverat, hostesque mediam aciem suam oppido texisse et sibi difficile factu esse intellexit simul et oppidum uno tempore oppugnare et in acie in cornu dextro ac sinistro ex iniquiore loce pugnare, praesertim cum milites a mane diei ieiuni sub armis stetissent defatigati. Itaque reductis suis copiis in castra postero die propius eorum aciem instituit exporrigere munitiones.

[42] When now near the sun’s setting Caesar had waited, and had not noticed Scipio advance closer from that position in which he had halted, and that he was defending himself by the ground rather than daring to stand at close quarters on the plain, it did not seem a sound plan to approach nearer to the town that day, since he had learned that there was a large garrison of Numidians there, and he understood both that the enemy had screened their center with the town, and that it was difficult for him to do at the same time both to assault the town and to fight in the battle line on the right and left wing from a less favorable position, especially since the soldiers from early in the day had stood fasting under arms, worn out. Therefore, having led his forces back into camp, on the next day he set about to extend the fortifications nearer to their battle line.

[43] Interim Considius qui Acyllam + et VIII cohortibus stipendiariis + Numidis Gaetulisque obsidebat, ubi C. Messius + qui + cohortibus praeerat, diu multumque expertus magnisque operibus saepe admotis et his ab oppidanis incensis cum proficeret nihil, subito nuntio de equestri proelio adlato commotus, frumento cuius in castris copiam habuerat incenso, vino oleo ceterisque rebus quae ad victum parari solent corruptis Acyllam quam obsidebat deseruit atque itinere per regnum Iubae facto copias cum Scipione partitus Hadrumetum se recepit.

[43] Meanwhile Considius, who was besieging Acylla + with 8 stipendiary cohorts + with Numidians and Gaetulians, when C. Messius + who + was in command of the cohorts, after long and much trying, and with great works often brought up and these set on fire by the townspeople, as he was making no progress, suddenly, when a report of the cavalry battle was brought and he was disturbed, with the grain—of which he had a supply in the camp—having been burned, and the wine, oil, and the other things which are accustomed to be prepared for sustenance having been corrupted, abandoned Acylla, which he was besieging; and, a march having been made through the kingdom of Juba, having partitioned his forces with Scipio, he withdrew to Hadrumetum.

[44] Interea ex secundo commeatu quem a Sicilia miserat Alienus, navis una, in qua fuerat Q. Cominius et L. Ticida, eques Romanus, ab residua classe cum erravisset delataque esset vento ad Thapson, a Vergilio scaphis naviculisque actuariis excepta est et ad Scipionem adducta. Item altera navis trieris ex eadem classe errabunda ac tempestate delata ad Aegimurum a classe Vari et M. Octavi est capta, in quo milites veterani cum uno centurione et nonnulli tirones fuerunt; quos Varus adservatos sine contumelia deducendos curavit ad Scipionem. Qui postquam ad eum pervenerunt et ante suggestum eius constiterunt, 'non vestra' inquit 'sponte vos certo scio, sed illius scelerati vestri imperatoris impulsu et imperio coactos cives et optimum quemque nefarie consectari.

[44] Meanwhile, from the second convoy which Alienus had sent from Sicily, one ship, in which were Q. Cominius and L. Ticida, a Roman eques, after it had strayed from the remaining fleet and had been borne by the wind to Thapsus, was intercepted by Vergilius with skiffs and swift dispatch boats and brought to Scipio. Likewise another ship, a trireme, from the same fleet, wandering and carried by the storm to Aegimurus, was captured by the fleet of Varus and M. Octavius, in which there were veteran soldiers with one centurion and some recruits; Varus, having kept them safe under guard, took care that they be led without contumely to Scipio. When they had come to him and stood before his platform, “not of your own,” he says, “will, I know for certain, but under the impulse and command of that criminal of yours, your general, have you been compelled wickedly to hunt down your fellow citizens and, above all, every best man.

Quos quoniam fortuna in nostram detulit potestatem, si, id quod facere debetis, rem publicam cum optimo quoque defendetis, certum est vobis vitam et pecuniam donare. Quapropter quid sentiatis proloquimini.'

Since Fortune has brought you into our power, if—what you ought to do—you defend the Republic along with all the best men, it is certain that we will grant you life and money. Wherefore, declare what you think.'

[45] Hac habita oratione Scipio cum existimasset pro suo beneficio sine dubio ab his gratias sibi actum iri, potestatem eis dicundi fecit. Ex eis centurio legionis xiv 'pro tuo' inquit 'summo beneficio Scipio, tibi gratias ago – non enim imperatorem te appello – quod mihi vitam incolumitatemque belli iure capto polliceris, et forsan isto uterer beneficio, si non ei summum scelus adiungeretur. Egone contra Caesarem imperatorem meum apud quem ordinem duxi, eiusque exercitum pro cuius dignitate victoriaque amplius + XXXVI annos + depugnavi, adversus armatusque consistam?

[45] After this oration had been delivered, Scipio, since he supposed that, for his beneficium, thanks would without doubt be rendered to him by these men, gave them permission to speak. Of them a centurion of legion 14 said: 'For your highest beneficium, Scipio, I give thanks to you — for I do not call you imperator — that you promise me life and safety, taken in war by the right of war; and perhaps I would make use of that beneficium, if the highest crime were not added to it. Shall I take my stand armed against Caesar, my imperator, under whom I held command, and against his army, for whose dignity and victory I have fought for more than + 36 years +?'

Neque ego istud facturus sum et te magnopere ut de negotio desistas adhortor. Contra cuius enim copias contendas, si minus antea expertus es, licet nunc cognoscas. Elige ex tuis cohortem unam quam putas esse firmissimam, et constitue contra me; ego autem ex meis commilitonibus quos nunc in tua tenes potestate, non amplius X sumam.

Nor will I do that, and I greatly exhort you to desist from the business. For against whose forces you would contend—if you have experienced it less before, you may now learn. Choose from your men one cohort which you think to be the firmest, and set it against me; but I, from my fellow-soldiers whom you now hold in your power, will take no more than 10.

Tunc ex virtute nostra intelleges, quid ex tuis copiis sperare debeas.'

Then from our valor you will understand what you ought to hope from your forces.'

[46] Postquam haec centurio praesenti animo adversus opinionem eius est locutus, ira percitus Scipio atque animi dolore incensus annuit centurionibus quid fieri vellet, atque ante pedes centurionem interficit reliquosque veteranos a tironibus iubet secerni. 'ab ducite istos' inquit 'nefario scelere contaminatos et caede civium saginatos.' sic extra vallum deducti sunt et cruciabiliter interfecti. Tirones autem iubet inter legiones dispertiri et Cominium cum Ticida in conspectum suum prohibet adduci.

[46] After the centurion had spoken these things with presence of mind, contrary to his expectation, Scipio, smitten with anger and inflamed with pain of spirit, signaled to the centurions what he wished to be done, and he kills the centurion at his feet and orders the remaining veterans to be separated from the recruits. 'lead away those men,' he says, 'contaminated by nefarious crime and fattened on the slaughter of citizens.' Thus they were led outside the rampart and put to death with cruel torture. The recruits, however, he orders to be distributed among the legions, and he forbids Cominius together with Ticidas to be brought into his sight.

Qua ex re Caesar commotus eos quos in stationibus cum longis navibus apud Thapsum custodiae causa in salo esse iusserat, ut suis onerariis longisque navibus praesidio essent, ob neglegentiam ignominiae causa dimittendos ab exercitu gravissimumque in eos edictum proponendum curavit.

From this matter, Caesar, moved, took care that those whom he had ordered to be on stations with the long ships near Thapsus, for the sake of custody, on the open sea, so that they might be a protection to his own transports and long ships, should be dismissed from the army for ignominy on account of negligence, and that a most severe edict be posted against them.

[47] Per id tempus fere Caesaris exercitui res accidit incredibilis auditu. Namque vergiliarum signo confecto circiter vigilia secunda noctis nimbus cum saxea grandine subito est exortus ingens. Ad hoc autem incommodum accesserat quod Caesar non more superiorum temporum in hibernis exercitum continebat, sed in tertio quartoque die procedendo propiusque hostem accedendo castra communibat, opereque faciendo milites se circumspiciendi non habebant facultatem.

[47] About that time there befell to Caesar’s army a thing almost incredible to hear. For when the sign of the Vergiliae (Pleiades) had been completed, around the second watch of the night a storm-cloud with stony hail suddenly arose, huge. Moreover, to this inconvenience there had been added that Caesar, not after the custom of former times, was keeping the army in winter quarters, but every third or fourth day, by proceeding and by approaching nearer to the enemy, he fortified a camp; and in doing the work the soldiers did not have the opportunity of looking around for themselves.

Praeterea ita ex Sicilia exercitum transportabat ut praeter ipsum militem et arma nec vas nec mancipium neque ullam rem quae usu militi esse consuevit in naves imponi pateretur. In Africa autem non modo sibi quicquam non adquisierant aut paraverant, sed etiam propter annonae caritatem ante parta consumpserant. Quibus rebus attenuati oppido perquam pauci sub pellibus adquiescebant; reliqui ex vestimentis tentoriolis factis atque harundinibus storiisque contextis permanebant.

Moreover, he was transporting the army from Sicily in such a way that, besides the soldier himself and his arms, he allowed neither vessel nor slave nor any thing which by usage is wont to be for the soldier to be put on the ships. However, in Africa they had not only acquired or prepared nothing for themselves, but also, on account of the dearness of the grain-supply, had consumed what had been gotten before. Weakened by these things, very few indeed were taking repose under hides; the rest were remaining in little tents made from garments and in shelters woven together of reeds and rush-mats.

Itaque subito imbre grandineque consecuta gravatis pondere tentoriis aquarumque vi subrutis deiectisque, nocte intempesta ignibus exstinctis, rebus quae ad victum pertinent omnibus corruptis per castra passim vagabantur scutisque capita contegebant. Eadem nocte V legionis pilorum acumina sua sponte arserunt.

And so, when a sudden rain and hail had followed, with the tents weighed down by their weight and, by the force of the waters, undermined and cast down, in the dead of night, the fires extinguished, and all things that pertain to victuals spoiled, they wandered everywhere through the camp and covered their heads with their shields. That same night the points of the 5th legion’s pila caught fire of their own accord.

[48] Rex interim Iuba de equestri proelio Scipionis certior factus evocatusque ab eodem litteris praefecto Saburra cum parte exercitus contra Sittium relicto, ut secum ipse aliquid auctoritatis adderet exercitu Scipionis ac terrorem Caesaris, cum tribus legionibus equitibusque frenatis DCCC, Numidis sine frenis peditibusque levis armaturae grandi numero, elephantis XXX egressus e regno ad Scipionem est profectus. Postquam ad eum pervenit, castris regiis seorsum positis cum eis copiis quas commemoravi haud ita longe ab Scipione consedit. – erat in castris Caesaris superiore tempore magnus terror, et exspectatione copiarum regiarum exercitus eius magis suspensiore animo ante adventum Iubae commovebatur.

[48] Meanwhile King Juba, having been informed about Scipio’s cavalry battle and summoned by the same by letter, with the prefect Saburra left with part of the army against Sittius, in order that he himself might add some authority to Scipio’s army and terror to Caesar, set out from his kingdom for Scipio with three legions, 800 bridled cavalry, Numidians without bridles and light-armed infantry in great number, and 30 elephants. After he reached him, with the royal camp pitched separately, he encamped with the forces I have mentioned not so far from Scipio. – There had previously been great terror in Caesar’s camp, and in the expectation of the royal forces his army, with a more suspended (on-edge) spirit, was being stirred before the arrival of Juba.

Postquam vero castra castris contulit, despectis eius copiis omnem timorem deponit. Ita quam antea absens habuerat auctoritatem, eam omnem praesens dimiserat. – Quo facto cuivis facile fuit intellectu Scipioni additum animum fiduciamque regis adventu.

After indeed he brought camp to camp, having looked down upon their forces, he lays aside all fear. Thus the authority which he had had before while absent, he, when present, had entirely dismissed. – Which done, it was easy for anyone to understand that spirit and confidence had been added to Scipio by the king’s arrival.

Nam postero die universas suas regisque copias cum elephantis LX productas in aciem quam speciosissime potuit instruxit ac paulo longius progressus ab suis munitionibus haud ita diu commoratus se recepit in castra.

For on the following day he brought out all his own forces and the king’s, with 60 elephants, and arrayed them in the battle line as most splendidly as he could, and, having advanced a little farther from his fortifications, not lingering very long, he withdrew into the camp.

[49] Caesar postquam animadvertit Scipioni auxilia fere quae exspectasset omnia convenisse neque moram pugnandi ullam fore, per iugum summum cum copiis progredi coepit et brachia protinus ducere et castella munire propiusque Scipionem capiendo loca excelsa occupare contendit. Adversarii magnitudine copiarum confisi proximum collem occupaverant atque ita longius sibi progrediendi eripuerunt facultatem. Eiusdem collis occupandi [gratia] Labienus consilium ceperat et quo propiore loco fuerat, eo celerius occurrerat.

[49] After Caesar noticed that to Scipio almost all the auxiliaries which he had expected had assembled, and that there would be no delay for fighting, he began to advance with his forces along the highest ridge and straightway to draw out the “arms” (brachia) and to fortify little forts (castella), and he strove, by seizing lofty positions, to occupy ground nearer to Scipio. The adversaries, trusting in the magnitude of their forces, had occupied the nearest hill and thus snatched from themselves the opportunity of advancing farther. For the same hill to be occupied, Labienus had formed a plan, and the nearer the place he had been in, the more quickly he had run to forestall it.

[50] Erat convallis satis magna latitudine, altitudine praerupta, crebris locis speluncae in modum subrutis, quae erat transgredienda Caesari antequam ad eum collem quem capere volebat perveniretur. ultraque eam convallem olivetum vetus crebris arboribus condensum. Hic cum Labienus animadvertisset Caesarem si vellet eum locum occupare, prius necesse [esse] convallem olivetumque transgredi, eorum locorum peritus in insidiis cum parte equitatus levique armatura consedit et praeterea post + montem collesque + [Caesari se subito ostenderet] equites in occulto collocaverat, ut cum ipse ex improviso legionarios adortus esset, ex colle se equitatus ostenderet, ut re duplici perturbatus Caesar eiusque exercitus neque retro regrediundi neque ultra procedendi oblata facultate circumventus concideretur.

[50] There was a valley of sufficient breadth, precipitous in height, with frequent places undermined in the manner of caves, which Caesar had to cross before he could reach that hill which he wished to seize; and beyond that valley an old olive-grove, thick with frequent trees. Here, when Labienus had observed that, if Caesar wished to occupy that place, it was necessary first to cross the valley and the olive-grove, being skilled in those places he settled in ambush with part of the cavalry and the light armature, and moreover behind + the mountain and the hills + [that he might suddenly show himself to Caesar] he had stationed cavalry in concealment, so that when he himself had attacked the legionaries unexpectedly, the cavalry might display themselves from the hill, so that, thrown into confusion by a double situation, Caesar and his army, with no opportunity afforded either of retreating back or of proceeding further, being surrounded would be cut down.

Caesar postquam equitatu ante praemisso inscius insidiarum cum ad eum locum venisset, adversarii sive obliti praeceptorum Labieni sive veriti ne in fossa ab equitibus opprimerentur, rari ac singuli de rupe prodire et summa petere collis. Quos Caesaris equites consecuti partim interfecerunt, partim vivorum sunt potiti. Deinde protinus collem petere contenderunt atque eum decusso Labieni praesidio celeriter occupaverunt.

After Caesar, with the cavalry sent on ahead, had come to that place unaware of the ambush, the adversaries—either forgetful of Labienus’s precepts or afraid lest they be overwhelmed in the ditch by the horse—began, sparse and singly, to come out from the crag and to seek the summit of the hill. Caesar’s cavalry, having overtaken them, killed some and got possession of others alive. Then straightway they strove to make for the hill and, with Labienus’s garrison shaken off, quickly occupied it.

Labienus cum parte equitum vix fuga sibi peperit salutem.

Labienus, with a part of the cavalry, scarcely procured safety for himself by flight.

[51] Hac re per equites gesta Caesar legionibus opera distribuit atque in eo colle quo erat potitus castra munivit. Deinde ab suis maximis castris per medium campum e regione oppidi Uzittae, quod inter sua castra et Scipionis in planitie positum erat tenebaturque a Scipione, duo brachia instituit ducere et ita derigere ut ad angulum dextrum sinistrumque eius oppidi convenirent. Id hac ratione opus instruebat, ut cum propius oppidum copias admovisset oppugnareque coepisset, tecta latera suis munitionibus haberet, ne ab equitatus multitudine circumventus ab oppugnatione deterreretur, praeterea quo facilius colloquia fiere possent, et siqui perfugere vellent, id quod antea saepe accidebat magno cum eorum periculo, tum facile et sine periculo fieret.

[51] With this matter carried out by the cavalry, Caesar distributed tasks to the legions and fortified a camp on the hill of which he had gotten possession. Then from his largest camp, through the middle of the plain, over against the town of Uzitta—which, situated on the plain between his camp and Scipio’s, was held by Scipio—he resolved to draw two arms and to direct them so that they would meet at the right and left angle of that town. He was arranging the work on this plan: that, when he had brought his forces nearer to the town and had begun to oppugn it, he might have his flanks roofed-over by his munitions, lest, surrounded by the multitude of cavalry, he should be deterred from the assault; moreover, in order that colloquies might more easily be able to take place, and, if any should wish to take refuge (defect) to him—which previously often happened with great danger to them—then it might be done easily and without danger.

Voluit etiam experiri, cum propius hostem accessisset, haberetne in animo dimicare. Accedebat etiam ad reliquas causas quod is locus depressus erat puteique ibi non nulli fieri [complures] poterant: aquatione enim longa et angusta utebantur. Dum haec opera quae ante dixi fiebant a legionibus, interim pars acie ante opus instructa sub hoste stabat; equites barbari levisque armaturae proeliis minutis comminus dimicabant.

He also wished to test, when he had approached the enemy more closely, whether he had in mind to fight. Added also to the remaining causes was that the place was depressed, and several wells could be made there; for they were using a long and narrow water-supply. While these works, which I mentioned before, were being carried out by the legions, meanwhile a part, drawn up in battle-line before the work, stood under the enemy; the barbarian horse and the light-armed fought hand to hand in minor skirmishes.

[52] Caesar ab eo opere cum iam sub vesperum copias in castra reduceret, magno incursu cum omni equitatu levique armatura Iuba Scipio Labienus in legionarios impetum fecerunt. Equites Caesariani vi universae subitaeque hostium multitudinis pulsi parumper cesserunt. Quae res aliter adversariis cecidit: namque Caesar ex medio itinere copiis reductis equitibus suis auxilium tulit; equites autem adventu legionum animo addito conversis equis in Numidas cupide insequentes dispersosque impetum fecerunt atque eos convulneratos usque in castra regia reppulerunt multosque ex his interfecerunt.

[52] Caesar, from that work, when now toward evening he was leading the forces back into the camp, then with a great onrush, with all the cavalry and light-armed troops, Juba, Scipio, and Labienus made an attack upon the legionaries. The Caesarian horsemen, driven by the force of the enemy’s whole and sudden multitude, gave ground for a little while. This fell out otherwise for the adversaries: for Caesar, from the midst of the march, having drawn back his forces, brought aid to his horsemen; and the horsemen, with spirit added by the advent of the legions, turning their horses, made an attack upon the Numidians, who were eagerly pursuing and scattered, and repulsed them, wounded all over, even up to the royal camp, and many of them they killed.

Quodni in noctem proelium esset coniectum pulvisque vento elatus omnium prospectu offecisset, Iuba cum Labieno capti in potestatem Caesaris venissent, equitatusque cum levi armatura funditus ad internecionem deletus esset. Interim incredibiliter ex legione IIII et VI Scipionis milites diffugere partim in castra Caesaris, partim in quas quisque poterat regiones pervenire. Itemque equites Curioniani diffisi Scipioni eiusque copiis complures se eodem conferebant.

If the battle had not been cast into the night, and the dust, carried aloft by the wind, had not obstructed the view of all, Juba together with Labienus, captured, would have come into Caesar’s power, and the cavalry with the light-armed troops would have been utterly destroyed to extermination. Meanwhile, incredibly, from Scipio’s legions 4 and 6 the soldiers scattered, partly into Caesar’s camp, partly into whatever regions each was able to reach. Likewise the Curionian cavalry, distrustful of Scipio and his forces, many were betaking themselves to the same place.

[53] Dum haec circum Uzittam ab utrisque ducibus administrantur, legiones duae, X et VIIII, ex Sicilia navibus onerariis profectae, cum iam non longe a portu Ruspinae abessent, conspicati naves Caesarianas quae in statione apud Thapsum stabant, veriti ne in adversariorum ut insidiandi gratia ibi commorantium classem inciderent imprudentes, vela in altum dederunt ac diu multumque iactati tandem multis post diebus siti inopiaque confecti ad Caesarem perveniunt.

[53] While these things are being administered around Uzitta by both leaders, two legions, the 10th and the 9th, having set out from Sicily on cargo ships, when they were now not far from the port of Ruspina, having caught sight of the Caesarian ships which were standing on station near Thapsus, fearing lest, unawares, they might fall into the fleet of the adversaries lingering there for the sake of ambush, they set sail out into the deep, and, long and much tossed, at length after many days, exhausted by thirst and want, they arrived at Caesar.

[54] Quibus legionibus eitis memor in Italia pristinae licentiae militaris ac rapinarum certorum hominum parvulam modo causulam nactus, quod C. Avienus tribunus militum X legionis navem [ex] commeatu familia sua atque iumentis occupavisset neque militem unum ab Sicilia sustulisset, postero die de suggestu convocatis omnium legionum tribunis centurionibusque 'Maxime vellem' inquit 'homines suae petulantiae nimiaeque libertatis aliquando finem fecissent meaeque lenitatis modestiae patientiaeque rationem habuissent. Sed quoniam ipsi sibi neque modum neque terminum constituunt, quo ceteri dissimiliter se gerant, egomet ipse documentum more militari constituam. C. Aviene, quod in Italia milites populi Romani contra rem publicam instigasti rapinasque per municipia fecisti quodque mihi reique publicae inutilis fuisti et pro militibus tuam familiam iumentaque in naves imposuisti tuaque opera militibus tempore necessario res publica caret, ob eas res ignominiae causa ab exercitu meo te removeo hodieque ex Africa abesse et quantum pote proficisci iubeo.

[54] When these legions had departed, mindful in Italy of the former military license and of the depredations of certain men, having caught only a very small pretext—namely that Gaius Avienus, military tribune of the 10th legion, had seized a ship [from] the supply with his household and pack-animals and had not taken up a single soldier from Sicily—on the next day, after the tribunes of all the legions and the centurions had been summoned to the platform, he said: 'I would most greatly wish that men had at some time put an end to their petulance and excessive liberty, and had had regard for my lenity, modesty, and patience. But since they themselves set neither measure nor boundary for themselves, whereby the rest might conduct themselves otherwise, I myself will establish an example in military fashion. Gaius Avienus, because in Italy you instigated the soldiers of the Roman people against the commonwealth and committed robberies through the municipalities, and because you have been useless to me and to the commonwealth, and instead of soldiers you placed your household and pack-animals on the ships, and by your doing the commonwealth is without soldiers at a necessary time—for these reasons, for the sake of ignominy, I remove you from my army and I order that today you be absent from Africa and depart as far as you can.'

Itemque te Aule Fontei, quod tribunus militum seditiosus malusque civis fuisti, te ab exercitu dimitto. Tite Saliene M. Tiro C. Clusinas, cum ordines in meo exercitu beneficio, non virtute [sitis] consecuti ita vos gesseritis ut neque bello fortes neque pace boni aut utiles fueritis et magis in seditione concitandisque militibus adversum vestrum imperatorem quam pudoris modestiaeque fueritis studiosiores, indignos vos esse arbitror qui in meo exercitu ordines ducatis, missosque facio et quantum pote abesse ex Africa iubeo.' Itaque traditos centurionibus et singulis non amplius singulos additos servos in navem imponendos separatim curavit.

And likewise you, Aulus Fonteius, because you have been a seditious tribune of soldiers and a bad citizen, I dismiss you from the army. Titus Salienus, M. Tiro, C. Clusinas, since you have obtained ranks in my army by favor, not by valor, [as you] have conducted yourselves so that you have been neither brave in war nor good or useful in peace, and have been more eager for sedition and for stirring up the soldiers against your commander than for modesty and self-restraint, I judge you unworthy to lead ranks in my army, and I discharge you and order you today to be away from Africa and to depart as far as you can.' And so, after they were handed over to centurions, and with not more than one slave apiece assigned to each, he took care that they be put on a ship separately.

[55] Gaetuli interim perfugae quos cum litteris mandatisque a Caesare missos supra docuimus, ad suos cives perveniunt. Quorum auctoritate facile adducti Caesarisque nomine persuasi a rege Iuba desciscunt celeriterque cuncti arma capiunt contraque regem facere non dubitant. Quibus rebus cognitis Iuba distentus triplici bello necessitateque coactus de suis copiis quas contra Caesarem adduxerat, sex cohortes in fines regni sui mittit quae essent praesidio contra Gaetulos.

[55] Meanwhile the Gaetulian deserters, whom we have above informed were sent by Caesar with letters and mandates, arrive among their fellow citizens. Easily induced by their authority and persuaded by the name of Caesar, they defect from King Juba, and quickly all take up arms and do not hesitate to act against the king. With these matters learned, Juba, hard-pressed by a triple war and compelled by necessity, from his forces which he had led against Caesar, sends six cohorts into the borders of his kingdom to be a garrison against the Gaetulians.

[56] Caesar brachiis perfectis promotisque usque eo ut telum ex oppido adigi non posset, castra munit, ballistis scorpionibusque crebris ante frontem castrorum contra oppidum collocatis defensores muri deterrere non intermittit eoque quinque legiones ex superioribus castris deducit. Qua facultate oblata inlustriores notissimique conspectum amicorum propinquorumque efflagitabant atque inter se colloquebantur. Quae res quid utilitatis haberet, Caesarem non fallebat.

[56] Caesar, with the arms (brachia) completed and pushed forward to such a point that a missile could not be driven from the town, fortifies the camp; with frequent ballistae and scorpions placed before the front of the camp facing the town, he does not cease to deter the defenders of the wall, and to that end he leads down five legions from the higher camps. With this opportunity offered, the more illustrious and most well-known were demanding the sight of their friends and kinsmen and were conversing among themselves. What advantage that matter had did not escape Caesar.

Namque Gaetuli ex equitatu regio nobiliores equitumque praefecti quorum patres cum Mario ante meruerant eiusque beneficio agris finibusque donati post Sullae victoriam sub Hiempsalis regis erant dati potestatem, occasione capta nocte iam luminibus accensis cum equis calonibusque suis circiter mille perfugiunt in Caesaris castra quae erant in campo proxime locum Uzittae locata.

For indeed the Gaetuli, from the royal cavalry—the more noble men and the prefects of horse—whose fathers had formerly served with Marius and by his benefaction had been endowed with lands and bounds, after Sulla’s victory had been given under the power of King Hiempsal, seizing the opportunity, at night now with lights lit, with their horses and their calones, about one thousand, defect to Caesar’s camp, which had been pitched in the plain nearest the place of Uzitta.

[57] Quod postquam Scipio quique cum eo erant cognoverunt, cum commoti ex tali incommodo essent, fere per id tempus M. Aquinium cum C. Saserna colloquentem viderunt. Scipio mittit ad Aquinium, nihil adtinere eum cum adversariis colloqui. Cum + nihilo minus eius sermonem nuntius ad Scipionem referret + sed restaret ut reliqua quae sibi vellet perageret, viator praeterea ab Iuba ad eum est missus qui diceret audiente Saserna 'vetat te rex colloqui'. Quo nuntio perterritus discessit et dicto audiens fuit regi.

[57] After Scipio and those who were with him learned this, since they were stirred by such a disadvantage, about that time they saw Marcus Aquinius conversing with Gaius Saserna. Scipio sends to Aquinius that it does not pertain to him to hold a colloquy with adversaries. When + nevertheless a messenger was reporting his conversation to Scipio + but it remained that he should carry through the rest of what he wished for himself, moreover a viator was sent to him by Juba to say, with Saserna hearing, “the king forbids you to hold a colloquy.” Frightened by this message he departed and was obedient to the king’s command.

Usu venisse hoc civi Romano et ei qui ab populo Romano honores accepisset, incolumi patria fortunisque omnibus Iubae barbaro potius oboedientem fuisse quam aut Scipionis obtemperasse nuntio aut caesis eiusdem partis civibus incolumem reverti malle! Atque etiam [et] superbius Iubae factum non in M. Aquinium hominem novum parvumque senatorem, sed in Scipionem hominem illa familia dignitate honoribus praestantem. Namque cum Scipio sagulo purpureo ante regis adventum uti solitus esset, dicitur Iuba cum eo egisse, non oportere illum eodem [uti] vestitu atque ipse uteretur.

That this had come to pass for a Roman citizen, and for one who had received honors from the Roman people—that, with his fatherland and all his fortunes intact, he had been obedient to the barbarian Juba rather than either obey Scipio’s message or, with the citizens of the same party cut down, prefer to return safe! And even [and] more arrogantly was Juba’s deed, not against M. Aquinius, a new man and a small-time senator, but against Scipio, a man excelling in that family in dignity and honors. For whereas Scipio was accustomed to use a purple cloak before the king’s arrival, Juba is said to have dealt with him that it was not proper for him to [use] the same attire as that which he himself used.

Itaque factum est ut Scipio ad album sese vestitum transferret et Iubae homini superbissimo ineptissimoque obtemperaret.

And so it came to pass that Scipio transferred himself to white attire and obeyed Juba, a man most haughty and most inept.

[58] Postero die universas omnium copias de castris omnibus educunt et supercilium quoddam excelsum nacti non longe a Caesaris castris aciem constituunt atque ibi consistunt. Caesar item producit copias celeriterque eis instructis ante suas munitiones quae erant in campo consistit, sine dubio existimans ultro adversarios, cum tam magnis copiis auxiliisque regis essent praediti promptiusque prosiluissent, acie secum concursuros propiusque se accessuros. Equo circumvectus legionesque cohortatus signo dato accessum hostium aucupabatur.

[58] On the next day they lead out the entire forces of all from all the camps, and, having found a certain high ridge not far from Caesar’s camp, they set their battle-line and there they halt. Caesar likewise brings out his forces and, with them quickly drawn up, he takes his stand before his fortifications which were on the plain, without doubt supposing that the adversaries—since they were endowed with such great forces and with the king’s auxiliaries and had leapt forth more promptly—would of their own accord clash in line with him and come nearer to him. Having ridden around on horseback and encouraged the legions, with the signal given he was watching for the enemy’s approach.

Ipse enim a suis munitionibus longius non sine ratione [non] procedebat, quod in oppido Uzittae quod Scipio tenebat, hostium erant cohortes armatae; eidem autem oppido ad dextrum latus eius cornu erat oppositum, verebaturque ne si praetergressus esset, ex oppido eruptione facta ab latere eum adorti conciderent. Praeterea haec quoque eum causa tardavit, quod erat locus quidam perimpeditus ante aciem Scipionis quem suis impedimento ad ultro occurrendum fore existimabat.

For he himself did not proceed farther from his fortifications without reason, because in the town of Uzitta, which Scipio held, there were the enemy’s armed cohorts; and to this same town, moreover, there was a wing set opposite to his right flank, and he was afraid that, if he had gone past, with a sally made from the town, attacking him from the flank, they might cut him down. Besides, this reason also delayed him: there was a certain very obstructed ground before Scipio’s battle-line, which he reckoned would be an impediment to his own men for running forward to meet them of their own accord.

[59] Non arbitror esse praetermittendum quemadmodum exercitus utriusque fuerint in aciem instructi. Scipio hoc modo aciem derexit: collocarat in fronte suas et Iubae legiones, post eas autem Numidas in subsidiaria acie ita extenuatos et in longitudinem derectos ut procul simplex esse acies media ab legionariis militibus videretur [in cornibus autem duplex esse existimabatur]. Elephantos dextro sinistroque cornu collocaverat aequalibus inter eos intervallis interiectis, post autem elephantos armaturas leves Numidasque auxiliares substituerat. Equitatum frenatum universum in suo dextro cornu disposuerat: sinistrum enim cornu oppido Uzitta claudebatur, neque erat spatium equitatus explicandi.

[59] I do not think it ought to be passed over in what manner the armies of each were drawn up into battle array. Scipio directed the line in this way: he had placed in front his own and Juba’s legions, and behind them the Numidians in a subsidiary line, so thinned out and drawn up in length that from afar the central line, composed of legionary soldiers, would seem to be single [but on the wings it was thought to be double]. He had stationed the elephants on the right and left wing, with equal intervals inserted between them, and behind the elephants he had posted the light-armed and the Numidian auxiliaries. He had arranged all the bridled cavalry on his own right wing; for the left wing was closed by the town of Uzitta, nor was there space for deploying cavalry.

Praeterea Numidas levisque armaturae infinitam multitudinem ad dextram partem suae aciei opposuerat fere interiecto non minus mille passum spatio et ad collis radices magis adpulerat longiusque ab adversariorum suisque copiis promovebat, id hoc consilio ut cum acies duae inter se concurrissent, initio certaminis paulo longius eius equitatus circumvectus ex improviso clauderet multitudine sua exercitum Caesaris atque perturbatum iaculis configeret. Haec fuit ratio Scipionis eo die proeliandi.

Moreover, he had set an innumerable multitude of Numidians and light-armed troops over against the right part of his battle-line, with an interval interposed of not less than 1,000 paces, and had drawn them more toward the foot of the hills, and was pushing them farther forward, out beyond both the adversaries’ and his own forces—this with the plan that, when the two battle-lines had clashed with each other, at the outset of the contest his cavalry, having wheeled a little farther around, might unexpectedly enclose Caesar’s army with its multitude and, being thrown into disorder, pierce it with javelins. This was Scipio’s method of fighting on that day.

[60] Caesaris autem acies hoc modo fuit collocata: ut ab sinistro eius cornu ordiar et ad dextrum perveniam, habuit legionem X et VIIII in sinistro cornu, XXV XXVIII XIII XIV XXVIIII XXVI in media acie. + Fere ipsum dextrum cornu secundam autem aciem fere in earum legionum parte + cohortium collocaverat, praeterea ex tironum adiecerat paucas. Tertiam autem aciem in sinistrum suum cornu contulerat et usque ad aciei suae mediam legionem porrexerat et ita collocaverat uti sinistrum suum cornu esset triplex.

[60] Caesar’s battle-line was positioned in this way: that I may begin from his left wing and come to the right, he had Legion 10 and 9 on the left wing, 25 28 13 14 29 26 in the middle line. + He had stationed nearly the right wing itself, and the second line for the most part in that portion of those legions + of cohorts, moreover he had added a few from the tyros (recruits). But the third line he had transferred to his own left wing and had extended it up to the middle legion of his own line, and had so placed it that his left wing was triple.

Id eo consilio fecerat quod suum dextrum latus munitionibus adiuvabatur, sinistrum autem equitatus hostium multitudini uti resistere posset laborabat, eodemque suum omnem equitatum contulerat, et quod ei parum confidebat, praesidio his equitibus legionem V praemiserat levemque armaturam inter equites interposuerat. Sagittarios varie passimque locis certis maximeque in cornibus collocaverat.

He had done this with that design because his right flank was aided by fortifications, but his left was struggling so as to be able to withstand the multitude of the enemy cavalry; and to the same place he had concentrated all his cavalry, and because he trusted it too little, he had sent forward Legion 5 as a guard for these horsemen and had interposed light-armed troops among the cavalry. Archers he had stationed variously and here and there in fixed positions, and especially on the wings.

[61] Sic utrorumque excercitus instructi non plus passum CCC interiecto spatio, quod forsitan ante id tempus acciderit numquam quin dimicaretur, a mane usque ad horam X die perstiterunt. Itemque Caesar dum exercitum intra munitiones suas reducere coepisset, subito universus equitatus ulterior Numidarum Gaetulorumque sine frenis ad dextram partem se movere propiusque Caesaris castra quae erant in colle se conferre coepit, frenatus autem Labieni eques in loco permanere legionesque distinere: cum subito pars equitatus Caesaris cum levi armatura contra Gaetulos iniussu ac temere longius progressi paludemque transgressi multitudinem hostium pauci sustinere non potuerunt levique armatura deserta [ac] convulneratique uno equite amisso, multis equis sauciis, levis armaturae XXVII occisis ad suos refugerunt. Quo secundo equestri proelio facto Scipio laetus in castra nocte copias reduxit.

[61] Thus, the armies of both sides drawn up, with no more than 300 paces of space interposed—a thing which perhaps had never before up to that time happened without there being fighting—they stood fast from morning until the 10th hour of the day. And likewise, while Caesar had begun to lead his army back within his fortifications, suddenly the whole farther cavalry of the Numidians and Gaetulians without bridles began to move to the right side and to betake themselves nearer to Caesar’s camp, which was on a hill, but the bridled cavalry of Labienus remained in place and kept the legions occupied: when suddenly part of Caesar’s cavalry with the light-armed, against the Gaetulians, without orders and rashly, having advanced too far and crossed a marsh, could not, few as they were, sustain the multitude of the enemy, and with the light-armed abandoned [and] they badly wounded, with one horseman lost, many horses wounded, 27 of the light-armed slain, they fled back to their own. With this second cavalry engagement done, Scipio, glad, led his forces back to camp by night.

Quod proprium gaudium bellantibus Fortuna tribuere non decrevit. Namque postero die Caesar cum partem equitatus sui frumentandi gratia Leptim misisset, in itinere praedatores equites Numidas Gaetulosque ex improviso adorti circiter centum partim occiderunt, partim vivorum potiti sunt. Caesar interim cotidie legiones in campum deducere atque opus facere vallumque et fossam per medium campum ducere adversariorumque excursionibus [iter] officere non intermittit.

Which peculiar joy Fortune did not decree to bestow upon belligerents. For on the next day, when Caesar had sent part of his cavalry to Leptis for the sake of foraging, the foragers, having unexpectedly assailed on the march the Numidian and Gaetulian horse, killed about 100, and some they killed, some they took alive. Meanwhile Caesar does not intermit daily to lead the legions into the plain and to do the work, and to draw a rampart and a ditch through the middle of the plain, and to block the route for the adversaries’ excursions.

Scipio item munitiones contra facere et ne iugo a Caesare excluderetur adproperare, ita ut duces utrique et in operibus occupati essent, et nihilo minus equestribus proeliis inter se cotidie dimicabant.

Scipio likewise began to build counter-fortifications and to hasten, lest he be shut out from the ridge by Caesar, so that both leaders were occupied in the works, and nonetheless they fought one another daily in cavalry engagements.

[62] Interim Varus classem quam antea Uticae hiemis gratia subduxerat, cognito legionis + VII et VIIII + ex Sicilia adventu celeriter deducit ibique Gaetulis remigibus epibatisque complet insidiandique gratia ab Utica progressus Hadrumetum cum lv navibus pervenit. Cuius adventus inscius Caesar Lucium Cispium cum classe XXVII navium ad Thapsum versus in stationem praesidii gratia commeatus sui mittit itemque Quintum Aquilam cum XIII navibus longis Hadrumetum eadem de causa praemittit. Cispius quo erat missus celeriter pervenit, Aquila tempestate iactatus promunturium superare non potuit atque angulum quendam tutum a tempestate nactus cum classe se longius a prospectu removit.

[62] Meanwhile Varus, the fleet which earlier he had hauled up at Utica for the sake of wintering, upon learning of the arrival from Sicily of the 7th and 9th legion, quickly launches and there he fills it with Gaetulian rowers and marines; and, having set out from Utica for the purpose of lying in ambush, he reaches Hadrumetum with 55 ships. Unaware of his arrival, Caesar sends Lucius Cispius with a fleet of 27 ships toward Thapsus into a station for the safeguarding of his supplies, and likewise he sends ahead Quintus Aquila with 13 long ships to Hadrumetum for the same reason. Cispius quickly arrived where he had been sent; Aquila, tossed by a storm, could not clear the promontory, and, having found a certain angle sheltered from the storm, withdrew with the fleet farther from view.

Reliqua classis in salo ad Leptim egressis remigibus passimque in litore vagantibus, partim in oppidum victus sui mercandi gratia progressis vacua a defensoribus stabat. Quibus rebus Varus ex perfugis cognitis occasionem nactus vigilia secunda Hadrumeto ex cothone egressus primo mane Leptim cum universa classe vectus naves onerarias quae longius a portu in salo stabant vacuas a defensoribus incendit et penteres duas nullo repugnante cepit.

The rest of the fleet, with the oarsmen having gone ashore at Leptis and wandering here and there along the shore, and some having advanced into the town for the sake of buying their victuals, stood empty of defenders. Learning these things from deserters, Varus, finding the opportunity, during the second watch put out from the cothon at Hadrumetum, and at first light, having sailed to Leptis with his entire fleet, he set on fire the cargo-ships which were riding farther from the harbor on the open sea, empty of defenders, and he seized two quinqueremes with no one resisting.

[63] Caesar interim celeriter per nuntios in castris, cum opera circumiret, certior factus, quae aberant a portu milia passuum vi, equo admisso omissis omnibus rebus celeriter pervenit Leptim ibique hortatur omnes ut se naves consequerentur; [postea] ipse parvolum navigiolum conscendit, in cursu Aquilam multitudine navium perterritum atque trepidantem nactus hostium classem sequi coepit. Interim Varus celeritate Caesaris audaciaque commotus cum universa classe conversis navibus Hadrumetum versus fugere contendit. Quem Caesar in milibus passuum IIII consecutus recuperata quinqueremi cum suis omnibus epibatis atque etiam hostium custodibus CXXX in ea nave captis triremem hostium proximam quae in repugnando erat commorata, onustam remigum epibatarumque cepit.

[63] Meanwhile Caesar, very quickly made more certain by messengers in the camp, as he was going around the works, which were 6 miles distant from the port, with his horse admitted (at full gallop), having dropped all other matters, swiftly arrived at Leptim, and there he exhorts everyone to follow after him with the ships; [afterwards] he himself boards a very small little boat, and in his course, having found Aquila terrified by the multitude of ships and in a flutter, he began to pursue the enemy fleet. Meanwhile Varus, moved by the celerity and audacity of Caesar, with the whole fleet, the ships having been turned about, strives to flee toward Hadrumetum. Caesar, having overtaken him within 4 miles, after the quinquereme was recovered with all its marines, and even with 130 of the enemy’s guards captured on that ship, took the nearest enemy trireme, which had delayed in resisting, laden with oarsmen and marines.

Reliquae naves hostium promunturium superarunt atque Hadrumetum in cothonem se universae contulerunt. Caesar eodem vento promunturium superare non potuit atque in salo in ancoris ea nocte commoratus prima luce Hadrumetum accedit ibique navibus onerariis quae erant extra cothonem incensis omnibusque reliquis ab eis aut subductis aut in cothonem compulsis paulisper commoratus, si forte vellent classe dimicare, rursus se recepit in castra.

The remaining ships of the enemy overpassed the promontory and all together betook themselves into the cothon at Hadrumetum. Caesar, with the same wind, could not overpass the promontory, and, having remained that night at anchor in the open sea, at first light approached Hadrumetum; and there, the cargo ships which were outside the cothon having been burned, and all the rest by them either hauled up or driven into the cothon, after delaying a little, in case by chance they should wish to fight with the fleet, he returned again into camp.

[64] In ea nave captus est P. Vestrius eques Romanus et P. Ligarius Afranianus quem Caesar in Hispania cum reliquis dimiserat, et postea se ad Pompeium contulerat, inde ex proelio effugerat in Africamque ad Varum venerat; quem ob periurium perfidiamque Caesar iussit necari. P. Vestrio autem quod eius frater Romae pecuniam imperatam numeraverat, et quod ipse suam causam probaverat Caesari, se a Nasidi classe captum, cum ad necem duceretur, beneficio Vari esse servatum, postea sibi facultatem nullam datam transeundi, ignovit.

[64] On that ship were captured P. Vestrius, a Roman knight, and P. Ligarius, an Afranian partisan, whom Caesar in Spain had dismissed with the rest, and afterward he had betaken himself to Pompey, thence had escaped from the battle, and had come into Africa to Varus; whom, on account of perjury and perfidy, Caesar ordered to be put to death. As for P. Vestrius, however, because his brother at Rome had paid the money that had been imposed, and because he himself had proved his case to Caesar—that he, captured by the fleet of Nasidius, when he was being led to execution, had been saved by the favor of Varus, and afterward no opportunity had been given to him of crossing over—he pardoned him.

[65] Est in Africa consuetudo incolarum, ut in agris et in omnibus fere villis sub terra specus frumenti condendi gratia clam habeant, atque id propter bella maxime hostiumque subitum adventum praeparant. Qua de re Caesar per indicem certior factus tertia vigilia legiones duas cum equitatu mittit a castris suis milia passuum X atque inde magno numero frumenti onustos recipit in castra. Quibus rebus cognitis Labienus progressus a suis castris milia passuum VII per iugum et collem per quem Caesar pridie iter fecerat, ibi castra duarum legionum facit atque ipse cotidie existimans Caesarem eadem saepe frumentandi gratia commeaturum cum magno equitatu levique armatura insidiaturus locis idoneis considit.

[65] There is in Africa a custom of the inhabitants, that in the fields and in almost all villas they secretly have underground caverns for the sake of storing grain, and they prepare this chiefly on account of wars and the sudden advent of enemies. Informed of this matter through an informer, Caesar at the third watch sends two legions with cavalry 10 miles from his camp, and from there he receives back into the camp a great number laden with grain. When these things were learned, Labienus advanced 7 miles from his own camp along the ridge and hill by which Caesar had made a march the previous day; there he makes a camp of two legions, and he himself, daily supposing that Caesar would often go out for the sake of foraging for grain, sat down in suitable places, intending to ambush with a large cavalry force and light-armed troops.

[66] Caesar interim de insidiis Labieni ex perfugis certior factus paucos dies ibi commoratus, dum hostes cotidiano instituto saepe idem faciendo in neglegentiam adducerentur, subito mane imperat porta decumana legiones se + VIII + veteranas cum parte equitatus sequi atque equitibus praemissis neque opinantes insidiatores subito in convallibus latentes [ex] levi armatura concidit circiter D, reliquos in fugam turpissimam coniecit. Interim Labienus cum universo equitatu fugientibus suis suppetias occurrit. Cuius vim multitudinis cum equites pauci Caesariani iam sustinere non possent, Caesar instructas legiones hostium copiis ostendit.

[66] Meanwhile Caesar, made more certain from deserters about Labienus’s ambushes, having stayed there a few days, while the enemy, by their daily custom—by often doing the same thing—were being led into negligence, suddenly in the morning orders at the decuman gate that the + 8 + veteran legions follow him with part of the cavalry; and, the horsemen having been sent ahead, he cut down about 500 of the ambushers—unsuspecting and lying hidden in the little valleys—[from] the light-armed troops, and hurled the rest into a most disgraceful rout. Meanwhile Labienus, with the whole cavalry, ran up to give succor to his fleeing men. When the few Caesarian horsemen could no longer sustain the force of that multitude, Caesar displayed his legions drawn up to the enemy’s forces.

Quo facto perterrito Labieno ac retardato suos equites recepit incolumes. Postero die Iuba Numidas eos qui loco amisso fuga se receperant in castra, in cruce omnes suffixit.

When this had been done, with Labienus terrified and delayed, he drew back his cavalry unharmed. On the following day, Juba crucified all the Numidians who, their position lost, had taken refuge in flight back to the camp.

[67] Caesar interim quoniam inopia frumenti premebatur, copias omnes in castra conducit atque praesidio Lepti Ruspinae Acyllae relicto, Cispio Aquilaeque classe tradita, ut alter Hadrumetum, alter Thapsum mari obsiderent, ipse castris incensis quarta noctis vigilia acie instructa impedimentis in sinistra parte collocatis ex eo loco proficiscitur et pervenit ad oppidum Aggar, quod a Gaetulis saepe antea oppugnatum summaque vi per ipsos oppidanos erat defensum. Ibi in campo castris unis positis ipse frumentatum circum villas cum parte exercitus profectus magno invento hordei olei vini fici numero, pauco tritici, atque recreato exercitu redit in castra. Scipio interim cognito Caesaris discessu cum universis copiis per iugum Caesarem subsequi coepit atque ab eius castris milia passuum VI longe trinis castris dispertitis copiis consedit.

[67] Caesar meanwhile, since he was pressed by a scarcity of grain, brings all his forces together into the camp and, a garrison having been left for Leptis, Ruspina, and Acylla, the fleet having been handed over to Cispio and Aquila, so that the one might blockade Hadrumetum, the other Thapsus by sea, he himself, the camp having been burned, with the battle line drawn up, the baggage placed on the left side, sets out from that place at the fourth watch of the night and comes to the town Aggar, which had often before been attacked by the Gaetuli and had been defended with the utmost force by the townspeople themselves. There, having pitched a single camp on the plain, he himself set out to forage for grain around the country houses with part of the army, and, a great quantity of barley, oil, wine, and figs having been found, but little wheat, with the army refreshed he returns to the camp. Scipio meanwhile, having learned of Caesar’s departure, began to follow Caesar with all his forces over a ridge and took up position 6 miles from his camp, his forces divided among three camps.

[68] Oppidum erat Zeta quod aberat a Scipione milia passuum X, ad eius regionem et partem castrorum collocatum, a Caesare autem diversum ac remotum, quod erat ab eo longe milia passuum XIIII. Huc Scipio legiones duas frumentandi gratia misit. Quod postquam Caesar ex perfuga cognovit, castris ex campo in collem ac tutiora loca collatis atque ibi praesidio relicto ipse quarta vigilia egressus praeter hostium castra proficiscitur cum copiis et oppidum potitur.

[68] There was a town, Zeta, which was 10 miles from Scipio, placed toward his region and part of his camp, but set in a different and more remote direction from Caesar, who was 14 miles from it. Hither Scipio sent two legions for the sake of foraging for grain. When Caesar learned this from a defector, having shifted his camp from the plain to a hill and safer places and having left a garrison there, he himself, going out at the fourth watch, sets out with his forces past the enemy’s camp and gains possession of the town.

Legiones Scipionis comperit longius in agris frumentari, et cum eo contendere conaretur, animadvertit copias hostium his legionibus occurrere suppetias. Quae res eius impetum retardavit. Itaque capto C. ~biocio Regino equite Romano Scipionis familiarissimo qui ei oppido praeerat, et P. Atrio equite Romano de conventu Uticensi, et camelis XXII regis abductis, praesidio ibi cum Oppio legato relicto ipse se recipere coepit ad castra.

He learned that Scipio’s legions were foraging farther out in the fields, and when he tried to contend with that, he noticed the enemy’s forces meeting those legions with reinforcements. This matter delayed his onset. And so, after the capture of Gaius ~biocius Reginus, a Roman eques, most intimate with Scipio, who was commanding that town, and of Publius Atrius, a Roman eques from the Utican conventus, and after carrying off 22 of the king’s camels, with a garrison left there under the legate Oppius, he himself began to withdraw to the camp.

[69] Cum iam non longe a castris Scipionis abesset, quae eum necesse erat praetergredi, Labienus Afraniusque cum omni equitatu levique armatura ex insidiis adorti agmini eius extremo se offerunt atque ex collibus proximis exsistunt. Quod postquam Caesar animum advertit, equitibus suis hostium vi oppositis sarcinas legionarios in acervum iubet comportare atque celeriter signa hostibus inferre. Quod postquam coeptum est fieri, primo impetu legionum equitatus et levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa et deiecta est de colle.

[69] When he was now not far from Scipio’s camp, which he had to pass by, Labienus and Afranius, with all the cavalry and the light-armed, attacking from ambush, present themselves to the rear of his column and emerge from the nearest hills. When Caesar noticed this, with his own horsemen set against the force of the enemy, he orders the legionary baggage to be carried together into a heap and to bear the standards swiftly against the enemy. When this began to be done, at the first onset of the legions the enemy’s cavalry and light-armed, with no trouble, were driven from their position and cast down from the hill.

Cum iam Caesar existimasset hostes pulsos deterritosque finem lacessendi facturos et iter coeptum pergere coepisset, iterum celeriter ex proximis collibus erumpunt atque eadem ratione qua ante dixi in Caesaris legionarios impetum faciunt Numidae levisque armaturae mirabili velocitate praediti, qui inter equites pugnabant et una pariterque cum equitibus accurrere et refugere consueverant. Cum hoc saepius facerent et proficiscentes Iulianos insequerentur, refugerent instantes, propius non accederent et singulari genere pugnae uterentur eosque iaculis convulnerare satis esse existimarent, Caesar intellexit nihil aliud eos conari nisi ut se cogerent castra eo loco ponere, ubi omnino aquae nihil esset, ut exercitus ieiunus, qui a quarta vigilia usque ad horam X diei nihil gustasset, ac iumenta siti perirent.

When now Caesar had supposed that the enemy, routed and deterred, would make an end of provoking, and had begun to continue the journey already begun, again they burst forth quickly from the nearest hills and, by the same method which I said before, the Numidians and the light-armed, endowed with marvelous velocity, make an attack upon Caesar’s legionaries—men who fought among the cavalry and were accustomed together, equally, to run up with the horse and to run back. Since they did this rather often and, as the Caesarians set out, pursued them, then, when pressed, fled back, did not come nearer, and used a singular kind of combat, and judged it sufficient to wound them with javelins, Caesar understood that they were attempting nothing else except to force him to pitch camp in a place where there was absolutely no water, so that the army, fasting, which from the fourth watch up to the 10th hour of the day had tasted nothing, and the pack animals as well, would perish of thirst.

[70] Cum iam ad solis occasum esset, et non totos C passus in horis IIII esset progressus, equitatu suo propter equorum interitum extremo agmine remoto legiones in vicem ad extremum agmen evocabat. Ita vim hostium placide leniterque procedens per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat. Interim equitum Numidarum copiae dextra sinistraque per colles praecurrere coronaeque in modum cingere multitudine sua Caesaris copias, pars agmen extremum insequi.

[70] When now it was at the setting of the sun, and in 4 hours he had advanced not a full 100 paces, with his cavalry, on account of the death of the horses, withdrawn from the rear of the column, he was calling up the legions by turns to the rear-guard. Thus, proceeding calmly and gently, he more conveniently sustained the force of the enemy by means of the legionary soldier. Meanwhile the forces of the Numidian horsemen ran ahead over the hills on the right and on the left and, in the manner of a crown, encircled Caesar’s forces with their multitude, and a part pursued the rear of the column.

Caesaris interim non amplius III aut IIII milites veterani si se convertissent et pila viribus contorta in Numidas infestos coniecissent, amplius duum milium numero ad unum terga vertebant ac rursus ad aciem passim conversis equis se colligebant atque in spatio consequebantur et iacula in legionarios coiciebant. Ita Caesar modo procedendo modo resistendo tardius itinere confecto noctis hora prima omnes suos ad unum in castra incolumes sauciis X factis reduxit. Labienus circiter CCC amissis, multis vulneratis ac defessis, instando omnibus ad suos se recepit.

Meanwhile, if no more than 3 or 4 of Caesar’s veteran soldiers turned about and hurled pila, cast with force, at the hostile Numidians, more than 2,000 in number would, to a man, turn their backs, and then again toward the battle line, with their horses turned about everywhere, they would rally, and at a distance they would follow and hurl javelins at the legionaries. Thus Caesar, now advancing, now halting, with the march completed more slowly, at the first hour of the night brought back all his men, to a man, into camp unharmed, with 10 wounded. Labienus, with about 300 lost, many wounded and exhausted, after pressing them in every quarter, withdrew to his own.

Scipio interim legiones productas cum elephantis quos ante castra in acie terroris gratia in conspectu Caesaris collocaverat, reducit in castra.

Meanwhile Scipio leads back into the camp the legions brought forward, together with the elephants which he had stationed before the camp in the line of battle, for the sake of terror, in Caesar’s sight.

[71] Caesar contra eiusmodi hostium genera copias suas non ut imperator exercitum veteranum victoremque maximis rebus gestis, sed ut lanista tirones gladiatores condocefacere: quot pedes se reciperent ab hoste et quemadmodum obversi adversariis et in quantulo spatio resisterent, modo procurrerent modo recederent comminarenturque impetum, ac prope quo loco et quemadmodum tela mitterent praecipere. Mirifice enim hostium levis armatura anxium exercitum nostrum atque sollicitum habebat, quia et equites deterrebat proelium inire propter equorum interitum, quod eos iaculis interficiebat, et legionarium militem defatigabat propter velocitatem: gravis enim armaturae miles simulatque ab eis insectatus constiterat in eosque impetum fecerat, illi veloci cursu periculum facile vitabant.

[71] Caesar, on the contrary, against such kinds of enemies, was schooling his troops not as a commander an army of veterans and a victor with the greatest deeds accomplished, but as a lanista trains novice gladiators: by how many feet they should withdraw from the foe, and how, facing their adversaries, and in how small a space they should stand their ground; now that they should run forward, now retire, and threaten a charge; and he was almost prescribing the very place and the manner in which they should hurl their missiles. For the enemy’s light-armed troops were marvelously keeping our army anxious and unsettled, because they both deterred the cavalry from entering battle on account of the slaughter of the horses—since javelins killed them—and fatigued the legionary soldier by their speed: for the heavy-armed soldier, as soon as, after being harried by them, he halted and made an attack upon them, they by swift running easily avoided the danger.

[72] Quibus ex rebus Caesar vehementer commovebatur, quod quotienscumque proelium erat commissum, equitatu suo sine legionario milite hostium equitatui levique armaturae eorum nullo modo par esse poterat. Sollicitabatur autem his rebus, quod nondum legiones hostium cognoverat, et quonam modo sustinere se posset ab eorum equitatu levique armatura, quae erant mirifica, si legiones quoque accessissent. Accedebat etiam haec causa quod elephantorum magnitudo multitudoque militum animos detinebat in terrore.

[72] By these things Caesar was vehemently moved, because whenever a battle had been joined, his cavalry, without the legionary soldier, could by no means be on a par with the enemy’s cavalry and their light-armed troops. He was also made anxious by these considerations: that he had not yet come to know the enemy legions, and by what method he could sustain himself against their cavalry and light-armed troops—which were extraordinary—if the legions too had come up. There accrued also this reason, that the magnitude of the elephants and the multitude of soldiers kept their spirits in terror.

Cui uni rei tamen invenerat remedium. Namque elephantos ex Italia transportari iusserat, quos et miles nosset speciemque et virtutem bestiae cognosceret, et cui parti corporis eius telum facile adigi posset, ornatusque ac loricatus cum esset elephans, quae pars corporis eius sine tegmine nuda relinqueretur, ut eo tela conicerentur; praeterea ut iumenta bestiarum odorem stridorem speciem consuetudine capta earum non reformidarent. Quibus ex rebus largiter erat consecutus.

To this one matter, however, he had found a remedy. For he had ordered elephants to be transported from Italy, so that both the soldier might know them and learn the appearance and the virtue of the beast, and to which part of its body a weapon could easily be driven, and, when the elephant was adorned and loricated, which part of its body, without a covering, was left bare, so that missiles might be hurled there; moreover, that the draft-animals, captured by consuetude, might not shrink in fear from the beasts’ odor, screech, and appearance. By these measures he had achieved amply.

Nam et milites bestias manibus pertractabant earumque tarditatem cognoscebant, equitesque in eos pila praepilata coiciebant, atque in consuetudinem equos patientia bestiarum adduxerat.

For both the soldiers handled the beasts with their hands and came to know their tardiness, and the cavalrymen hurled at them javelins with blunted tips, and the patience of the beasts had brought the horses into consuetude.

[73] Ob has causas quas supra commemoravi solli citabatur Caesar tardiorque et consideratior erat factus et ex pristina bellandi consuetudine celeritateque excesserat. Neque mirum: copias enim habebat in Gallia bellare consuetas locis campestribus et contra Gallos homines apertos minimeque insidiosos, qui per virtutem, non per dolum dimicare consuerunt; tum autem erat ei laborandum ut consuefaceret milites hostium dolos insidias artificia cognoscere, et quid sequi, quid vitare conveniret. Itaque quo haec celerius conciperent, dabat operam ut legiones non in uno loco contineret, sed per causam frumentandi huc atque illuc rapsaret, ideo quod hostium copias ab se suisque vestigium non discessuras existimabat.

[73] For these causes which I have commemorated above Caesar was being made anxious, and had become slower and more considerate, and had departed from his former habit and celerity of warring. Nor is it a wonder: for he had troops in Gaul accustomed to fight in champaign places and against the Gauls—men open and least insidious—who were accustomed to contend through virtue, not through deceit; but now he had to labor to accustom the soldiers to recognize the enemy’s tricks, ambushes, and artifices, and what it was fitting to follow, what to avoid. And so, in order that they might grasp these things more swiftly, he took pains not to keep the legions in one place, but under the cause of foraging for grain he would drag them here and there, for this reason: that he thought the enemy’s forces would not depart from the track of himself and his men.

Atque post diem tertium productis accuratius suis copiis sicut instruxerat, propter hostium castra praetergressus aequo loco invitat ad dimicandum. Postquam eos abhorrere videt, reducit sub vesperum legiones in castra.

And after the third day, with his own forces drawn out more carefully, just as he had arrayed them, having marched past near the enemy’s camp, on level ground he invites them to combat. After he sees them shrink back, he leads the legions back into camp toward evening.

[74] Legati interim ex oppido Vaga quod finitimum fuit Zetae, cuius Caesarem potitum esse demonstravimus, veniunt. Petunt obsecrant ut sibi praesidium mittat: se res complures quae utiles bello sint administraturos. Per id tempus + deorum voluntate studioque erga Caesarem transfuga suos cives facit certiores + Iubam regem celeriter cum copiis suis, antequam Caesaris praesidium eo perveniret, ad oppidum adcucurrisse atque advenientem multitudine circumdata eo potitum omnibusque eius oppidi incolis ad unum interfectis dedisse oppidum diripiendum delendumque militibus.

[74] Meanwhile envoys come from the town of Vaga, which was neighboring to Zeta, possession of which we have shown Caesar had obtained. They beg and beseech that he send a garrison to them: that they will administer several matters which are useful for the war. During that time + by the will of the gods and by zeal toward Caesar a deserter makes his fellow citizens aware + that King Juba had swiftly run up with his forces to the town before Caesar’s garrison could arrive there, and, the place surrounded by a multitude as he came, had gotten possession of it, and, with all the inhabitants of that town slain to a man, had given the town to the soldiers to be plundered and destroyed.

[75] Caesar interim lustrato exercitu a. d. XII Kal. April. postero die productis universis copiis processus ab suis castris milia passuum V, a Scipionis circiter duum milium interiecto spatio, in acie constitit.

[75] Meanwhile Caesar, after the army had been reviewed on March 21, on the next day, with all his forces brought out, having advanced 5 miles from his camp, and with an interval of about two miles from Scipio interposed, took his stand in battle line.

Postquam satis diu adversarios ab se ad dimicandum invitatos supersedere pugnae animadvertit, reducit copias posteroque die castra movet atque iter ad oppidum Sassuram, ubi Scipio Numidarum habuerat praesidium frumentumque comportaverat, ire contendit. Quod ubi Labienus animadvertit, cum equitatu levique armatura agmen eius extremum carpere coepit atque ita lixarum mercatorumque qui plostris merces portabant, sarcinis interceptis addito animo propius audaciusque accedit ad legiones, quod existimabat milites sub onere ac sub sarcinis defatigatos pugnare non posse. Quae res Caesarem non fefellerat: namque expeditos ex singulis legionibus trecenos milites esse iusserat.

After he observed that his adversaries, though invited by him to contend, were for a sufficiently long time refraining from battle, he draws back his forces, and on the next day moves camp and hastens to make a march to the town Sassura, where Scipio had had a garrison of Numidians and had brought in grain. When Labienus noticed this, with cavalry and light-armed troops he began to harry the rear of his column, and thus, the packs of the camp-followers and the merchants who were carrying wares by wagons having been intercepted, emboldened he approaches nearer and more boldly to the legions, because he supposed that the soldiers, wearied under the burden and under their packs, could not fight. This matter had not deceived Caesar: for he had ordered three hundred soldiers from each legion to be unencumbered.

Itaque eos in equitatum Labieni immissos turmis suorum suppetias mittit. Tum Labienus conversis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime fugere contendit. Multis eius occisis, compluribus vulneratis milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt.

Therefore, for those launched against Labienus’s cavalry, he sends reinforcements with squadrons of his own. Then Labienus, turning his horses about and thoroughly terrified at the sight of the standards, strove to flee in most disgraceful fashion. With many of his men killed and several more wounded, the legionary soldiers withdrew to their own standards and began to pursue the journey they had undertaken.

Labienus per iugum summum collis dextrorsus procul subsequi non destitit.

Labienus did not cease to follow from afar on the right, along the hill’s highest ridge.

[76] Postquam Caesar ad oppidum Sassuram venit, inspectantibus adversariis interfecto praesidio Scipionis, cum suis auxilium ferre non auderent, fortiter repugnante P. Cornelio evocato Scipionis qui ibi praeerat atque a multitudine circumvento interfectoque oppido potitur atque ibi frumento exercitui dato postero die ad oppidum Thysdram pervenit. In quo Considius per id tempus fuerat cum grandi praesidio cohorteque sua gladiatorum. Caesar oppidi natura perspecta aquae inopia ab oppugnatione eius deterritus protinus profectus circiter milia passuum IIII ad aquam facit castra atque inde quarta vigilia egressus redit rursus ad ea castra quae ad Aggar habuerat.

[76] After Caesar came to the town Sassura, while the opponents were looking on, with Scipio’s garrison slain—they did not dare bring help to their own—though P. Cornelius, an evocatus of Scipio who was in command there, resisted bravely and, surrounded by the multitude, was killed, he takes possession of the town; and there, grain having been given to the army, on the following day he arrived at the town Thysdra. In this place Considius had during that time been with a large garrison and with his cohort of gladiators. Caesar, the nature of the town having been examined, being deterred from its assault by lack of water, set out at once, and makes camp about 4 miles away at a water source; and from there, setting out at the fourth watch, he returns again to those camps which he had had at Aggar.

Idem facit Scipio atque in antiqua castra copias reducit.

Scipio does the same and leads his forces back into the old camp.

[77] Thabenenses interim qui sub dicione et potestate Iubae esse consuessent in extrema eius regni regione maritima locati, interfecto regio praesidio legatos ad Caesarem mittunt, rem [male] gestam docent, petunt orantque ut suis fortunis populus Romanus quod bene meriti essent, auxilium ferret. Caesar eorum consilio probato Marcium Crispum tribus cum cohortibus et sagittariis tormentisque compluribus praesidio Thabenam mittit. Eodem tempore ex legionibus omnibus milites qui aut morbo impediti aut commeatu dato cum signis non potuerant ante transire in Africam, ad milia IIII, equites CCCC, funditores sagittariique mille uno commeatu Caesari occurrerunt.

[77] Meanwhile the Thabenenses, who were accustomed to be under the dominion and power of Juba, situated in the farthest maritime region of his kingdom, after the royal garrison was slain, send envoys to Caesar, report the affair [badly] managed, and ask and beg that the Roman people, because they had deserved well, would bring aid to their fortunes. Caesar, their counsel approved, sends Marcius Crispus with three cohorts and with archers and several engines as a garrison to Thabena. At the same time from all the legions those soldiers who either were impeded by illness or, furlough having been granted, had not been able earlier to cross into Africa with the standards—about 4,000; cavalry 400; and slingers and archers 1,000—in a single convoy came up to meet Caesar.

Itaque cum his copiis et omnibus legionibus eductis, sicut erat instructus, V[III] milibus passuum ab suis castris, ab Scipionis vero II passuum longe constitit in campo.

Therefore, with these forces and all the legions led out, just as he was arrayed, he took a stand in the plain 8 miles from his own camp, but 2 miles from Scipio’s camp.

[78] Erat oppidum infra castra Scipionis nomine Tegea, ubi praesidium equestre circiter II milium numero habere consuerat. Eo equitatu dextra sinistra derecto ab oppidi lateribus ipse legiones ex castris eductas atque in iugo inferiore instructas non longius fere mille passus ab suis munitionibus progressus in acie constituit. Postquam diutius in uno loco Scipio commorabatur et tempus diei in otio consumebatur, Caesar equitum turmas suorum iubet in hostium equitatum qui ad oppidum in statione erant, facere impressionem levemque armaturam sagittarios funditoresque eodem submittit.

[78] There was a town below Scipio’s camp named Tegea, where he had been accustomed to keep a cavalry garrison to the number of about 2 thousand. With that cavalry directed straight out to the right and left from the town’s flanks, he himself, having led the legions out of the camp and drawn them up on the lower ridge, advanced not much more than about 1,000 paces from his fortifications and set them in battle line. After Scipio lingered too long in one place and the time of day was being consumed in idleness, Caesar orders his own squadrons of horse to make a push against the enemy cavalry who were at the town on outpost-duty, and he sends there likewise the light-armed troops, archers, and slingers.

Quod ubi coeptum est fieri et equis concitatis Iuliani impetum fecissent, Pacideius suos equites exporrigere coepit in longitudinem, ut haberent facultatem turmas Iulianas circumeundi, et nihilo minus fortissime acerrimeque pugnare. Quod ubi Caesar animadvertit, CCC quos ex legionibus habere expeditos consuerat, ex legione quae proxima ei proelio in acie constiterat, iubet equitatui succurrere. Labienus interim suis equitibus auxilia equestria submittere sauciisque ac defatigatis integros recentioribusque viribus equites subministrare.

When this began to be done, and with the horses stirred up the Julian cavalry had made a charge, Pacideius began to stretch out his horsemen in length, so that they might have the faculty of circling around the Julian squadrons, and nonetheless to fight most bravely and most fiercely. When Caesar noticed this, he orders 300—whom he had been accustomed to keep detached as light-armed from the legions—from the legion which had taken its stand closest to him in the battle line, to run to the aid of the cavalry. Meanwhile Labienus began to send equestrian reinforcements to his horsemen, and to the wounded and fatigued to supply fresh horsemen with fresher strength.

Postquam equites Iuliani CCCC vim hostium ad IIII milia numero sustinere non poterant et ab levi armatura Numidarum vulnerabantur minutatimque cedebant, Caesar alteram alam mittit qui satagentibus celeriter occurrerent. Quo facto sui sublati universi in hostes impressione facta in fugam adversarios dederunt; multis occisis, compluribus vulneratis insecuti per III milia passuum usque ad collem hostibus adactis se ad suos recipiunt. Caesar in horam X commoratus, sicut erat instructus, se ad sua castra recepit omnibus incolumibus.

After the Julian horsemen, 400 in number, could not sustain the force of the enemy, about 4,000 strong, and were being wounded by the light-armed Numidians and little by little were yielding ground, Caesar sends another wing to meet with speed those who were hard pressed. This done, his men, uplifted, all together by making a charge upon the foe, put their adversaries to flight; with many slain and more wounded, after pursuing for 3 miles, the enemies being driven up to a hill, they return to their own. Caesar, having tarried until the 10th hour, just as he was drawn up, withdrew to his own camp, all safe.

In quo proelio Pacideius graviter pilo per cassidem caput ictus compluresque duces ac fortissimus quisque interfecti vulneratique sunt.

In that battle Pacideius was grievously struck in the head by a pilum through his helmet, and several commanders and all the bravest were killed or wounded.

[79] Postquam nulla condicione cogere adversarios poterat, ut in aequum locum descenderent legionumque periculum facerent, neque ipse propius hostem castra ponere propter aquae penuriam se posse animadvertebat, adversarios non virtute eorum confidere, sed aquarum inopia fretos despicere se intellexit, II Non. Apr. tertia vigilia egressus, ab Aggar XVI milia nocte progressus, ad Thapsum ubi Vergilius cum grandi praesidio praeerat, castra ponit oppidumque eo die circummunire coepit locaque idonea opportunaque complura praesidiis occupare, hostes ne intrare ad se ac loca interiora capere possent.

[79] After he could by no condition compel the adversaries to descend into level ground and to make trial of the legions, and he observed that he himself could not pitch camp nearer the enemy on account of scarcity of water, he understood that the adversaries did not confide in their own virtue, but, relying on the lack of waters, were looking down on him; on April 4, having gone out at the third watch, having advanced by night 16 miles from Aggar, he at Thapsus, where Vergilius was presiding with a large garrison, pitches camp and on that day began to fortify the town all around and to occupy with garrisons several suitable and opportune places, lest the enemies be able to enter to him and seize the inner places.

Scipio interim cognitis Caesaris consiliis ad necessitatem adductus dimicandi, ne per summum dedecus fidissimos suis rebus Thapsitanos et Vergilium amitteret, confestim Caesarem per superiora loca consecutus milia passuum VIII a Thapso binis castris consedit.

Scipio, meanwhile, having learned Caesar’s counsels, brought to the necessity of fighting, lest through the utmost disgrace he lose the Thapsitans—most faithful to his interests—and Vergilius, immediately, having followed Caesar by the higher places, encamped 8 miles from Thapsus in two camps.

[80] Erat stagnum salinarum inter quod et mare angustiae quaedam non amplius mille et D passus intererant; quas Scipio intrare et Thapsitanis auxilium ferre conabatur. Quod futurum Caesarem non fefellerat. Namque pridie in eo loco castello munito ibique III… praesidio relicto ipse cum reliquis copiis lunatis castris Thapsum operibus circummunivit.

[80] There was a salt-works pool, between which and the sea certain narrows intervened, no more than 1,500 paces; which Scipio was trying to enter and to bring aid to the Thapsitans. This was not something that had escaped Caesar. For the day before, in that place, having fortified a little fort and there, a garrison of 3… being left, he himself with the remaining forces, with the camp crescent-shaped, surrounded Thapsus with works.

Scipio interim exclusus ab incepto itinere supra stagnum postero die et nocte confecta caelo albente non longe a castris praesidioque quod supra commemoravi md passibus ad mare versus consedit et castra munire coepit. Quod postquam Caesari nuntiatum est, milite ab opere deducto, castris praesidio Asprenate pro consule cum legionibus duabus relicto ipse cum expedita copia in eum locum citatim contendit, classisque parte ad Thapsum relicta reliquas naves iubet post hostium tergum quam maxime ad litus adpelli signumque suum observare, quo signo dato subito clamore facto ex improviso hostibus aversis incuterent terrorem, ut perturbati ac perterriti respicere post terga cogerentur.

Meanwhile Scipio, shut out from his intended route above the lagoon, on the next day, the night having been completed and the sky whitening, took up position not far from the camp and the garrison which I mentioned above, at a distance of 1,500 paces toward the sea, and began to fortify a camp. When this was reported to Caesar, the soldiery having been drawn off from the works, he left Asprenas as proconsul with two legions as a garrison for the camp, while he himself with a light, unencumbered force hastened quickly to that place; and with part of the fleet left at Thapsus, he orders the remaining ships to be brought in as close as possible to the shore behind the enemy’s rear and to watch for his signal, and when that signal was given, with a sudden shout raised, to strike terror into the enemy taken unawares and turned away, so that, thrown into confusion and thoroughly terrified, they would be forced to look back over their shoulders.

[81] Quo postquam Caesar pervenit et animadvertit aciem pro vallo Scipionis [contra] elephantis dextro sinistroque cornu collocatis, et nihilo minus partem militum castra non ignaviter munire, ipse acie triplici collocata, legione X + secundaque dextro cornu, VIII et VIIII sinistro oppositis, quinque legiones + in quarta acie ad ipsa cornua quinis cohortibus contra bestias collocatis, sagittariis funditoribus in utrisque cornibus dispositis, levique armatura inter equites interiecta, ipse pedibus circum milites concursans virtutesque veteranorum proeliaque superiora commemorans blandeque appellans animos eorum excitabat. Tirones autem qui numquam in acie dimicassent, hortabatur ut veteranorum virtutem aemularentur eorumque famam locum nomen victoria parta cuperent possidere.

[81] When Caesar arrived there and noticed the battle-line before Scipio’s rampart, with the elephants placed on the right and left wing [against], and nonetheless a part of the soldiery not slothfully fortifying the camp, he himself, having arranged a triple line, with the 10th legion + and the second on the right wing, the 8th and 9th drawn up on the left, five legions + in the fourth line, at the very wings with five cohorts placed opposite the beasts, the archers and slingers positioned on both wings, and the light-armed interposed among the cavalry, he himself on foot running around the soldiers and recalling the virtues of the veterans and the former battles, and addressing them kindly, was arousing their spirits. The recruits, however, who had never fought in a battle-line, he exhorted to emulate the valor of the veterans and to desire, when victory had been won, to possess their fame, place, and name.

[82] Itaque in circumeundo exercitu animadvertit hostes circa vallum trepidare atque ultro citroque pavidos concursare et modo se intra portas recipere, modo inconstanter immoderateque prodire. Cum idem a pluribus animadverti coeptum esset, subito legati evocatique obsecrare Caesarem ne dubitaret signum dare: victoriam sibi propriam a dis immortalibus portendi. Dubitante Caesare atque eorum studio cupiditatique resistente sibique eruptione pugnari non placere clamitante, etiam atque etiam aciem sustentante, subito dextro cornu iniussu Caesaris tubicen a militibus coactus canere coepit.

[82] And so, as he was going around the army, he noticed the enemies around the rampart in a panic and running to and fro in fear, now withdrawing within the gates, now going out inconstantly and immoderately. When the same thing began to be observed by several, suddenly the legates and the Evocati besought Caesar not to hesitate to give the signal: that a victory of their very own was being portended to them by the immortal gods. As Caesar hesitated and resisted their zeal and eagerness, and kept crying out that it was not his pleasure that the fighting be done by a sally, and again and again held back the battle line, suddenly, on the right wing, without Caesar’s order, the trumpeter, compelled by the soldiers, began to sound.

Quo facto ab universis cohortibus signa in hostem coepere inferri, cum centuriones pectore adverso resisterent vique continerent milites ne iniussu imperatoris concurrerent, nec quicquam proficerent.

When this had been done, from all the cohorts the standards began to be borne against the enemy, while the centurions, with breast opposed, resisted and by force restrained the soldiers lest they should run together without the commander’s order, and they were accomplishing nothing.

[83] Quod postquam Caesar intellexit incitatis militum animis resisti nullo modo posse, signo Felicitatis dato equo admisso in hostem inter principes ire contendit. A dextro interim cornu funditores sagittariique concita tela in elephantos frequenter iniciunt. Quo facto bestiae stridore fundarum, lapidum plumbique + itata + perterritae sese convertere et suos post se frequentes stipatosque proterere et in portas valli semifactas ruere contendunt.

[83] After Caesar understood that, with the soldiers’ spirits incited, resistance could in no way be made, the signal of Felicity having been given, with his horse admitted at full gallop he hastened to go against the enemy among the foremost. Meanwhile, from the right wing the slingers and archers frequently cast their roused missiles into the elephants. This done, the beasts, terrified by the shrieking of the slings, and of the stones and lead, + itata +, turned themselves about and began to trample their own men behind them, numerous and packed close, and to strive to rush into the half-made gates of the rampart.

Item Mauri equites qui in eodem cornu elephantis erant praesidio, deserti praecipites fugiunt. Ita celeriter bestiis circumitis legiones vallo hostium sunt potitae, et paucis acriter repugnantibus interfectisque reliqui concitati in castra, unde pridie erant egressi, confugiunt.

Likewise the Moorish horsemen, who in the same wing were on guard for the elephants, left deserted, flee headlong. Thus, the beasts having been quickly circumvented, the legions took possession of the enemy’s rampart; and, a few resisting sharply having been slain, the rest, in a rush, took refuge in the camp whence the day before they had gone out.

[84] Non videtur esse praetermittendum de virtute militis veterani V legionis. Nam cum in sinistro cornu elephans vulnere ictus et dolore concitatus in lixam inermem impetum fecisset eumque sub pede subditum dein genu innixus pondere suo proboscide erecta vibrantique stridore maximo premeret atque enecaret, miles hic non potuit pati quin se armatus bestiae offerret. Quem postquam elephans ad se telo infesto venire animadvertit, relicto cadavere militem proboscide circumdat atque in sublime extollit.

[84] It does not seem right to omit the valor of a veteran soldier of the 5th legion. For when on the left wing an elephant, struck by a wound and incited by pain, made an attack upon an unarmed camp-follower and, having thrust him under its foot and then, braced upon its knee, with its own weight, with proboscis raised and quivering, with a very great stridor, pressed him down and killed him, this soldier could not endure not to offer himself armed to the beast. When the elephant noticed that he was coming at it with a hostile weapon, leaving the cadaver it coils the soldier with its proboscis and lifts him on high.

Armatus qui in eiusmodi periculo constanter agendum sibi videret, gladio proboscidem qua erat circumdatus, caedere quantum viribus poterat non destitit. Quo dolore adductus elephans milite abiecto maximo cum stridore cursuque conversus ad reliquas bestias se recepit.

Armed, seeing that in a peril of this kind he had to act steadfastly, he did not cease, with his sword, from cutting the proboscis by which he was encircled, as much as his strength allowed. Driven by this pain, the elephant, the soldier having been cast down, with the greatest screeching and at a run, turned and withdrew to the remaining beasts.

[85] Interim Thapso qui erant praesidio, ex oppido eruptionem porta maritima faciunt, et sive ut suis subsidio occurrerent, sive ut oppido deserto fuga salutem sibi parerent, egrediuntur, atque ita per mare umbilici fine ingressi terram petebant. Qui a servitiis puerisque qui in castris erant, lapidibus pilisque prohibiti terram attingere rursus se in oppidum receperunt. Interim Scipionis copiis prostratis passimque toto campo fugientibus confestim Caesaris legiones consequi spatiumque se non dare colligendi.

[85] Meanwhile those who were in garrison at Thapsus make a sally from the town by the sea-gate, and whether in order to run to the aid of their own, or to procure safety for themselves by flight with the town abandoned, they go out, and thus, having entered the sea to the navel’s limit, they were making for land. Kept from touching land by the slave-bands and boys who were in the camp, with stones and javelins, they withdrew back into the town. Meanwhile, with Scipio’s forces laid low and fleeing everywhere across the whole field, Caesar’s legions immediately pursue and do not give them space for rallying.

Qui postquam ad ea castra quae petebant perfugerunt, ut refecti castris rursus sese defenderent ducemque aliquem requirerent quem respicerent, cuius auctoritate imperioque rem gererent: – qui postquam animadverterunt neminem ibi esse praesidio, protinus armis abiectis in regia castra fugere contendunt. Quo postquam pervenerunt, ea quoque ab Iulianis teneri vident. Desperata salute in quodam colle consistunt atque armis demissis salutationem more militari faciunt.

Who, after they had fled for refuge to those camps which they were seeking, so that, once refreshed in camp, they might again defend themselves and seek some leader to look to, under whose authority and command they might conduct the affair: — who, after they perceived that there was no one there for protection, straightway, with arms thrown away, strive to flee into the royal camp. When they had arrived there, they see that this too is held by the Julian forces. With safety despaired of, they take their stand on a certain hill and, with their weapons lowered, make a salutation in military fashion.

Quibus miseris ea res parvo praesidio fuit. Namque milites veterani ira et dolore incensi non modo ut parcerent hosti non poterant adduci sed etiam ex suo exercitu inlustres urbanos quos auctores appellabant, compluris aut vulnerarunt aut interfecerunt; in quo numero fuit Tullius Rufus quaestorius qui pilo traiectus consulto a milite interiit; item Pompeius Rufus brachium gladio percussus, nisi celeriter ad Caesarem accucurrisset, interfectus esset. Quo facto complures equites Romani senatoresque perterriti ex proelio se receperunt, ne [a] militibus qui ex tanta victoria licentiam sibi adsumpsissent immoderate peccandi impunitatis spe propter maximas res gestas, ipsi quoque interficerentur.

For these unfortunates that circumstance was a small protection. For the veteran soldiers, inflamed with wrath and grief, could not be induced not only to spare the enemy, but even from their own army they wounded or killed many illustrious urban men, whom they called “auctores”; among whose number was Tullius Rufus, of quaestorian rank, who, transfixed by a pilum, perished, the soldier doing it deliberately; likewise Pompeius Rufus, his arm struck by a sword—unless he had run quickly to Caesar, he would have been killed. This having been done, several Roman equestrians and senators, terrified, withdrew from the battle, lest by [a] soldiers who, from so great a victory, had assumed for themselves a license of sinning immoderately, in hope of impunity on account of the very great deeds accomplished, they themselves also be killed.

Itaque ii omnes Scipionis milites cum fidem Caesaris implorarent, inspectante ipse Caesare et a militibus deprecante uti eis parcerent, ad unum sunt interfecti.

And so all those soldiers of Scipio, while they implored the faith of Caesar, with Caesar himself looking on and beseeching the soldiers to spare them, were slain to a man.

[86] Caesar trinis castris potitus occisisque hostium X milibus fugatisque compluribus se recepit L militibus amissis, paucis sauciis in castra, ac statim ex itinere ante oppidum Thapsum constitit elephantosque LXIIII ornatos armatosque cum turribus ornamentisque capit, captos ante oppidum instructos constituit. Id hoc consilio, si posset Vergilius quique cum eo obsidebantur, rei male gestae suorum indicio a pertinacia deduci. Deinde ipse Vergilium appellavit invitavitque ad deditionem suamque lenitatem et clementiam commemoravit.

[86] Caesar, having gotten possession of three camps and with 10,000 of the enemy slain and many put to flight, withdrew into camp with 50 soldiers lost, a few wounded; and immediately, straight from the march, he took his stand before the town of Thapsus, and he seizes 64 elephants, adorned and armed with towers and ornaments, and, once captured, he stationed them drawn up before the town. He did this with this design: if Vergilius and those who were being besieged with him might be led away from stubbornness by the evidence that their side had fared ill. Then he himself addressed Vergilius and invited him to a surrender, and he reminded him of his own lenity and clemency.

Quem postquam animadvertit responsum sibi non dare, ab oppido discessit. Postero die divina re facta contione advocata in conspectu oppidanorum milites collaudat totumque exercitum veteranum donavit, praemia fortissimo cuique ac bene merenti pro suggestu tribuit, ac statim inde digressus Rebilo proconsule cum III ad Thapsum legionibus et Cn. Domitio cum duabus Thysdrae ubi Considius praeerat ad obsidendum relictis, M. Messala Uticam ante praemisso cum equitatu, ipse eodem iter facere contendit.

When, after he noticed that he was not giving a response to him, he departed from the town. On the next day, the divine rite having been performed, an assembly having been called together in the sight of the townspeople, he highly praises the soldiers and gave a donative to the entire veteran army; he bestowed rewards from the platform upon each most brave and well‑deserving. And immediately departing from there, with Rebilus the proconsul left behind with 3 legions for Thapsus, and with Cn. Domitius left with two at Thysdra, where Considius was in command, for the besieging, with M. Messala sent on ahead to Utica with the cavalry, he himself strove to make a march to the same place.

[87] Equites interim Scipionis qui ex proelio fugerant, cum Uticam versus iter facerent, perveniunt ad oppidum Paradae. ubi cum ab incolis non reciperentur, ideo quod fama de victoria Caesaris praecucurrisset, vi oppido potiti in medio foro lignis coacervatis omnibusque rebus eorum congestis ignem subiciunt atque eius oppidi incolas cuiusque generis aetatisque vivos constrictosque in flammam coiciunt atque ita acerbissimo adficiunt supplicio. Deinde protinus Uticam perveniunt.

[87] Meanwhile the cavalry of Scipio who had fled from the battle, as they were making their way toward Utica, arrive at the town of Paradae; where, when they were not admitted by the inhabitants, for this reason—that the report of Caesar’s victory had outrun them—they by force got possession of the town, and in the middle of the forum, wood having been heaped up and all their goods piled together, they set fire, and they cast into the flame the inhabitants of that town, of every sort and age, alive and bound, and thus they afflict them with a most acerb punishment. Then straightway they arrive at Utica.

Superiore tempore M. Cato, quod in Uticensibus propter beneficium legis Iuliae parum suis partibus praesidii esse existimaverat, plebem inermem oppido eiecerat et ante portam Belicam castris fossaque parvula dumtaxat muniverat ibique custodiis circumdatis habitare coegerat; senatum autem oppidi custodia tenebat. Eorum castra ei equites adorti expugnare coeperunt, ideo quod eos Caesaris partibus favisse sciebant, ut eis interfectis eorum pernicie dolorem suum ulciscerentur. Uticenses animo addito ex Caesaris victoria lapidibus fustibusque equites reppulerunt.

At an earlier time, M. Cato, because among the Uticans, on account of the benefit of the Julian law, he had judged there was too little safeguard for his own party, had cast the unarmed plebs out of the town and had fortified them with a camp before the Belican gate with only a small ditch, and there, with guards set around, had compelled them to dwell; but he held the senate of the town under guard. Their camp his cavalry attacked and began to storm, for the reason that they knew they had favored Caesar’s side, so that, with them slain, by their ruin they might avenge their own grief. The Uticans, their spirit increased from Caesar’s victory, drove the cavalry back with stones and clubs.

Itaque posteaquam castra non potuerant potiri, Uticam se in oppidum coniecerunt atque ibi multos Uticenses interfecerunt domosque eorum expugnaverunt ac diripuerunt. Quibus cum Cato persuadere nulla ratione quiret, ut secum oppidum defenderent et caede rapinisque desisterent, et quid sibi vellent sciret, sedandae eorum importunitatis gratia singulis C divisit. Idem Sulla Faustus fecit ac de sua pecunia largitus est unaque cum his ab Utica proficiscitur atque in regnum ire intendit.

Therefore, after they had not been able to get possession of the camp, they threw themselves into the town of Utica, and there killed many Uticans and stormed and plundered their houses. And since Cato could by no method persuade them to defend the town with him and to desist from slaughter and rapine, and he knew what they were after, for the sake of quelling their importunity he distributed 100 to each. Faustus Sulla did the same and, out of his own money, bestowed largess; and together with these he set out from Utica and intended to go into the kingdom.

[88] Complures interim ex fuga Uticam perveniunt. Quos omnes Cato convocatos una cum CCC, qui pecuniam Scipioni ad bellum faciendum contulerant, hortatus ut servitia manu mitterent oppidumque defenderent. Quorum cum partem adsentire, partem animum mentemque perterritam atque in fugam destinatam habere intellexisset, amplius de ea re agere destitit navesque his attribuit, ut in quas quisque partes vellet proficisceretur.

[88] Meanwhile several from the rout arrive at Utica. Cato, having convoked them all together with the 300 who had contributed money to Scipio for making war, exhorted them to manumit their slaves and defend the town. But when he had understood that part of them assented, and part had their spirit and mind terrified and appointed for flight, he ceased to act further about that matter and assigned ships to them, that each might set out into whatever parts he wished.

Ipse omnibus rebus diligentissime constitutis, liberis suis L. Caesari qui tum ei pro quaestore fuerat commendatis, et sine suspicione, vultu atque sermone quo superiore tempore usus fuerat dum dormitum isset, ferrum intro clam in cubiculum tulit atque ita se traiecit. Qui cum anima nondum exspirata concidisset, [et] impetu facto in cubiculum ex suspicione medicus familiaresque continere atque volnus obligare coepissent, ipse suis manibus vulnus crudelissime divellit atque animo praesenti se interemit. Quem Uticenses quamquam oderant partium gratia, tamen propter eius singularem integritatem et quod dissimillimus reliquorum ducum fuerat quodque Uticam mirificis operibus munierat turribusque auxerat, sepultura adficiunt.

He himself, with all things established most diligently, his children commended to L. Caesar, who at that time had been his pro‑quaestor, and, without arousing suspicion, with the countenance and speech which he had used in the earlier time, when he had gone in to sleep, he secretly carried a blade into the bed‑chamber and thus transfixed himself. And when he had fallen, his breath not yet expired, and when, a rush having been made into the chamber out of suspicion, the physician and his familiars began to restrain him and to bind the wound, he with his own hands most cruelly tore the wound apart and, with a present (steadfast) mind, did away with himself. Whom the Uticenses, although they hated him for the sake of party, nevertheless, on account of his singular integrity and because he was most dissimilar to the rest of the leaders, and because he had fortified Utica with wondrous works and had augmented it with towers, honored with burial.

Quo interfecto L. Caesar ut aliquid sibi ex ea re auxilii pararet convocato populo contione habita cohortatus omnes ut portae aperirentur: se in C. Caesaris clementia magnam spem habere. Itaque portis patefactis Utica egressus Caesari imperatori obviam proficiscitur. Messala, ut erat imperatum, Uticam pervenit omnibusque portis custodias ponit.

With him killed, Lucius Caesar, in order to procure some aid for himself from that affair, after calling the people together and holding an assembly, exhorted all that the gates be opened: that he had great hope in Gaius Caesar’s clemency. And so, the gates having been thrown open, having gone out from Utica he sets out to meet Caesar the commander. Messala, as it had been ordered, arrives at Utica and sets guards at all the gates.

[89] Caesar interim ab Thapso progressus Ussetam pervenit, ubi Scipio magnum frumenti numerum armorum telorum ceterarumque rerum cum parvo praesidio habuerat. Id adveniens potitur, deinde Hadrumetum pervenit. Quo cum sine mora introisset, armis frumento pecuniaque considerata Q. Ligario C. Considio filio qui tum ibi fuerant vitam concessit.

[89] Meanwhile Caesar, having advanced from Thapsus, arrived at Usseta, where Scipio had had a great quantity of grain, arms, missiles, and other things, with a small garrison. Arriving, he gains possession of it, then he arrived at Hadrumetum. When he had entered there without delay, the arms, grain, and money having been examined, he granted life to Q. Ligarius and to C. Considius the son, who at that time had been there.

Deinde eodem die Hadrumeto egressus Livineio Regulo cum legione ibi relicto Uticam ire contendit. Cui in itinere fit obvius L. Caesar subitoque se ad genua proiecit vitamque sibi neque amplius quicquam deprecatur. Cui Caesar facile et pro natura sua et instituto concessit, item Caecinae, C. Ateio, P. Atrio, L. Cellae patri et filio, M. Eppio, M. Aquinio, Catonis filio Damasippique liberis ex sua consuetudine tribuit circiterque luminibus accensis Uticam pervenit atque extra oppidum ea nocte mansit.

Then, on the same day, having gone out from Hadrumetum and leaving Livineius Regulus there with a legion, he strove to go to Utica. On the march Lucius Caesar met him and suddenly threw himself at his knees and implored life for himself and nothing further. To whom Caesar readily, both in accordance with his nature and his established policy, granted it; likewise to Caecina, to C. Ateius, to P. Atrius, to L. Cella, father and son, to M. Eppius, to M. Aquinius, to Cato’s son, and to the children of Damasippus he accorded pardon according to his own custom; and at about the time when the lamps were lit he arrived at Utica, and he stayed that night outside the town.

[90] Postero die mane in oppidum introit contioneque advocata Uticenses incolas cohortatus gratias pro eorum erga se studio agit, cives autem Romanos negotiatores et eos qui inter CCC, pecunias contulerant Varo et Scipioni multis verbis accusat et de eorum sceleribus longiore habita oratione ad extremum ut sine metu prodirent edicit: se eis dumtaxat vitam concessurum; bona quidem eorum se venditurum, ita tamen qui eorum ipse sua bona redemisset, se bonorum venditionem inducturum et pecuniam multae nomine relaturum, ut incolumitatem retinere posset. Quibus metu exsanguibus de vitaque ex suo promerito desperantibus subito oblata salute libentes cupidique condicionem acceperunt petieruntque a Caesare ut universis CCC uno nomine pecuniam imperaret. Itaque bis miliens sestertio his imposito, ut per triennium sex pensionibus populo Romano solverent, nullo eorum recusante ac se eo demum die natos praedicantes laeti gratias agunt Caesari.

[90] On the next day in the morning he enters the town, and with a contio (public assembly) summoned he exhorts the Utican inhabitants and gives thanks for their zeal toward him; but he accuses at length the Roman citizens who were negotiators (merchants) and those who, among the 300, had contributed monies to Varus and Scipio, and, after a longer oration delivered about their crimes, at the end he proclaims by edict that they should come forth without fear: that he would grant them life only; that indeed he would sell their goods, yet thus—that whoever of them had himself redeemed his own goods, he would call off the sale of the goods and would treat the money as a mulct (fine), so that he might be able to retain safety. They, bloodless from fear and despairing of life because of their own deserts, when safety was suddenly offered, gladly and eagerly accepted the condition, and asked from Caesar that upon all the 300 he should impose the money under a single name. And so, with two million sesterces imposed on them, that they should pay to the Roman people over a three-year period in six installments, with none of them refusing and proclaiming that only on that day had they been born, they joyfully give thanks to Caesar.

[91] Rex interim Iuba ut ex proelio fugerat, una cum Petreio interdiu in villis latitando tandem nocturnis itineribus confectis in regnum pervenit atque ad oppidum Zamam, ubi ipse domicilium coniuges liberosque habebat, quo ex cuncto regno omnem pecuniam carissimasque res comportaverat quodque inito bello operibus maximis muniverat, accedit. Quem antea oppidani rumore exoptato de Caesaris victoria audito ob has causas oppido prohibuerunt quod bello contra populum Romanum suscepto in oppido Zamae lignis congestis maximam in medio foro pyram construxerat, ut si forte bello foret superatus, omnibus rebus eo coacervatis, dein civibus cunctis interfectis eodemque proiectis igne subiecto tum demum se ipse insuper interficeret atque una cum liberis coniugibus civibus cunctaque gaza regia cremaretur. Postquam Iuba ante portas diu multumque primo minis pro imperio egisset cum Zamensibus, dein cum se parum proficere intellexisset, precibus orasset uti se ad suos deos penates admitterent, ubi eos perstare in sententia animadvertit nec minis nec precibus suis moveri quo magis se reciperent, tertio petit ab eis, ut sibi coniuges liberosque redderent ut secum eos asportaret.

[91] Meanwhile King Juba, after he had fled from the battle, together with Petreius, hiding by day in villas, at last, night-journeys completed, arrived in his kingdom and came to the town Zama, where he himself had his domicile, wives, and children, to which from the whole kingdom he had transported all the money and dearest belongings, and which, the war having been entered upon, he had fortified with very great works. Him the townsmen, having heard the much-desired rumor of Caesar’s victory, for these reasons kept out of the town: that, when war against the Roman People had been undertaken, in the town of Zama, with wood piled up, he had constructed a very great pyre in the middle of the forum, so that if by chance he should be overcome in war, with all things heaped there, then all the citizens slain and cast there into the same place, fire having been applied beneath, then at last he would kill himself atop, and together with his children, wives, citizens, and the whole royal gaza be cremated. After Juba, before the gates, had for a long time and much at first dealt with the people of Zama by threats under color of his command, then, when he understood that he was making little progress, had begged with entreaties that they admit him to his own household Penates, when he perceived them to persist in their purpose and to be moved neither by his threats nor by his prayers so as the more to receive him back, for the third time he asked of them that they return to him his wives and children, so that he might carry them off with him.

Postquam sibi nihil omnino oppidanos responsum reddere animadvertit, nulla re ab his impetrata ab Zama discedit atque ad villam suam cum M. Petreio paucisque equitibus confert se.

After he observed that the townspeople were returning no response to him at all, and with nothing obtained from them, he departed from Zama and betook himself to his villa with Marcus Petreius and a few horsemen.

[92] Zamenses interim legatos de his rebus ad Caesarem Uticam mittunt, petuntque ab eo uti antequam rex manum colligeret seseque oppugnaret, sibi auxilium mitteret: se tamen paratos esse, sibi quoad vita suppeteret, oppidum seque ei reservare. Legatos collaudatos Caesar domum iubet antecedere ac suum adventum praenuntiare. Ipse postero die Utica egressus cum equitatu in regnum ire contendit.

[92] Meanwhile the people of Zama send envoys about these matters to Caesar at Utica, and they request from him that, before the king should gather a force and assault them, he would send aid to them: that they, however, are prepared, so long as life shall suffice, to reserve the town and themselves for him. Caesar, the envoys having been highly commended, orders them to go on ahead home and to pre-announce his arrival. He himself, on the following day, having gone out from Utica, hastens to go into the kingdom with the cavalry.

Interim in itinere ex regiis copiis duces complures ad Caesarem veniunt orantque ut sibi ignoscat. Quibus supplicibus venia data Zamam perveniunt. Rumore interim perlato de eius lenitate clementiaque propemodum omnes regni equites Zamam perveniunt ad Caesarem ab eoque sunt metu periculoque liberati.

Meanwhile, on the march, several leaders from the royal forces come to Caesar and beg that he forgive them. To these suppliants, pardon having been granted, they arrive at Zama. The rumor meanwhile having been spread about his lenity and clemency, well-nigh all the cavalry of the kingdom arrive at Zama to Caesar, and by him are freed from fear and peril.

[93] Dum haec utrobique geruntur, Considius qui Thysdrae cum familia sua gladiatoria manu Gaetulisque praeerat, cognita caede suorum Domitiique et legionum adventu perterritus desperata salute oppidum deserit seque clam cum paucis barbaris pecunia onustus subducit atque in regnum fugere contendit. Quem Gaetuli sui comites in itinere praedae cupidi concidunt seque in quascumque potuere partes conferunt. C. Interim Vergilius postquam terra marique clausus se nihil proficere intellexit suosque interfectos aut fugatos, M. Catonem Uticae sibi ipsum manus attulisse, regem vagum ab suisque desertum ab omnibus aspernari, Saburram eiusque copias ab Sittio esse deletas, Uticae Caesarem sine mora receptum, de tanto exercitu reliquias esse nullas, ipse sibi suisque liberis a C. Caninio proconsule qui eum obsidebat, fide accepta seque et sua omnia et oppidum proconsuli tradit.

[93] While these things are being carried on on both sides, Considius, who at Thysdra was commanding his own gladiatorial familia and a band of Gaetulians, once the slaughter of his men was known and, terrified at the arrival of Domitius and the legions, with hope of safety despaired of, abandons the town and secretly withdraws himself with a few barbarians, laden with money, and strives to flee into the kingdom. Him his Gaetulian companions, greedy for booty, cut down on the road and scatter themselves in whatever directions they could. Meanwhile Vergilius, after he understood that, shut in by land and sea, he was accomplishing nothing and that his men had been killed or put to flight, that Marcus Cato at Utica had laid hands upon himself, that the king, wandering and deserted by his own, was spurned by all, that Saburra and his forces had been destroyed by Sittius, that at Utica Caesar had been admitted without delay, that of so great an army no remnants remained, himself, upon a pledge having been received from Gaius Caninius, the proconsul who was besieging him, surrenders himself and his children and all his possessions and the town to the proconsul.

[94] Rex interim ab omnibus civitatibus exclusus desperata salute, cum iam cenatus esset, cum Petreio, ut cum virtute interfecti esse viderentur, ferro inter se depugnant, atque firmior imbecilliorem Iubam Petreius facile ferro consumpsit. Deinde ipse sibi cum conaretur gladio traicere pectus nec posset, precibus a servo suo impetravit ut se interficeret, idque obtinuit.

[94] Meanwhile the king, shut out from all the cities and despairing of safety, when he had already dined, with Petreius, so that they might seem to have been slain with virtue, fought it out with steel between themselves; and Petreius, the stronger, easily consumed Juba, the weaker, with steel. Then, when he tried to transfix his own breast with a sword and could not, he obtained by prayers from his slave that he kill him, and he achieved this.

[95] P. Sittius interim pulso exercitu Saburrae praefecti Iubae ipsoque interfecto cum iter cum paucis per Mauretaniam ad Caesarem faceret, forte incidit in Faustum Afraniumque qui eam manum habebant qua Uticam diripuerant, iterque in Hispaniam intendebant et erant numero circiter mille. Itaque celeriter nocturno tempore insidiis dispositis eos prima luce adortus praeter paucos equites qui ex primo agmine fugerant, reliquos aut interfecit aut in deditionem accepit, Afranium et Faustum cum coniuge et liberis vivos capit. Paucis post diebus dissensione in exercitu orta Faustus et Afranius interficiuntur; Pompeiae cum Fausti liberis Caesar incolumitatem suaque omnia concessit.

[95] Meanwhile P. Sittius, with the army of Saburra, prefect of Juba, routed and Juba himself slain, while he was making a journey with a few through Mauretania to Caesar, happened by chance to fall upon Faustus and Afranius, who had that band with which they had plundered Utica, and they were directing a march into Spain and were in number about one thousand. Therefore, swiftly, an ambush having been laid in the night-time, attacking them at first light, he, apart from a few horsemen who had fled from the van, either killed the rest or accepted them in surrender; he takes Afranius and Faustus alive, together with wife and children. A few days later, dissension having arisen in the army, Faustus and Afranius are killed; to Pompeia, along with Faustus’s children, Caesar granted safety and all her belongings.

[96] Scipio interim cum Damasippo et Torquato et Plaetorio Rustiano navibus longis diu multumque iactati cum Hispaniam peterent, ad Hipponem Regium deferuntur, ubi classis P. Sitti ad id tempus erat. A qua pauciora ab amplioribus circumventa navigia deprimuntur, ibique Scipio cum quos paulo ante nominavi interiit.

[96] Meanwhile Scipio, with Damasippus and Torquatus and Plaetorius Rustianus, long and much tossed in long ships as they were making for Spain, are borne to Hippo Regius, where the fleet of P. Sittius was up to that time. By which the fewer vessels, surrounded by the more numerous, are sunk, and there Scipio perished together with those whom I named a little before.

[97] Caesar interim Zamae auctione regia facta bonisque eorum venditis qui cives Romani contra populum Romanum arma tulerant, praemiisque Zamensibus qui de rege excludendo consilium ceperant tributis, vectigalibusque regiis irrogatis ex regnoque provincia facta atque ibique Sallustio pro consule cum imperio relicto ipse Zama egressus Uticam se recepit. Ibi bonis venditis eorum qui sub Iuba Petreioque ordines duxerant, Thapsitanis HS XX, conventui eorum HS XXX, itemque Hadrumetinis HS XXX, conventui eorum HS L multae nomine imponit; civitates bonaque eorum ab omni iniuria rapinisque defendit. Leptitanos quorum superioribus annis bona Iuba diripuerat, et ad senatum questi per legatos atque arbitris a senatu datis sua receperant, XXX centenis milibus pondo olei in annos singulos multat, ideo quod initio per dissensionem principum societatem cum Iuba inierant eumque armis militibus pecunia iuverant.

[97] Caesar meanwhile, with a regal auction held at Zama and the goods of those who, being Roman citizens, had borne arms against the Roman people sold, and rewards granted to the men of Zama who had conceived a plan for excluding the king, tributes and royal revenues having been imposed, and the kingdom made into a province and Sallustius left there as proconsul with imperium, he himself, having departed from Zama, withdrew to Utica. There, the goods of those who had led ranks under Juba and Petreius having been sold, he imposes, by way of penalty, upon the Thapsitani HS 20, upon their conventus HS 30, likewise upon the Hadrumetini HS 30, and upon their conventus HS 50; he safeguards the communities and their goods from all injury and rapine. The Leptitani, whose goods Juba had plundered in previous years and who, having complained to the senate through legates and, arbitrators having been assigned by the senate, had recovered what was theirs, he fines at 3,000,000 pounds by weight of oil for each year, for this reason: that at the beginning, through the dissension of their leading men, they had entered into alliance with Juba and had aided him with arms, soldiers, and money.

Thysdritanos propter humilitatem civitatis certo numero frumenti multat.

He fines the Thysdritans, on account of the lowliness of the city, in a certain quantity of grain.

[98] His rebus gestis Idibus Iun. Uticae classem conscendit et post diem tertium Caralis in Sardiniam pervenit. Ibi Sulcitanos quod Nasidium eiusque classem receperant copiisque iuverant, HS C multat et pro decumis octavas pendere iubet bonaque paucorum vendit et ante diem IIII Kal.

[98] These things having been done, on the Ides of June at Utica he boarded the fleet and after the 3rd day arrived at Caralis in Sardinia. There he fined the Sulcitans, because they had received Nasidius and his fleet and had aided with troops, HS 100, and he orders eighths to be paid instead of tenths and sells the goods of a few and on the 4th day before the Kalends.

Quint. navis conscendit et a Caralibus secundum terram provectus duodetricensimo die, ideo quod tempestatibus in portibus cohibebatur, ad urbem Romam venit.

In July he boarded a ship, and from Carales, sailing along the coast, on the thirty-second day—because he was being confined in harbors by storms—he came to the city of Rome.