Bacon: HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE

VIII. POST Cornubienses devictos venit Caleto ad regem honorifica legatio a rege Galliae, quae Caletum accesserat ante mensem. Ibique propter perturbationes regni remanserat, sed honorifice admodum et impensis regis Henrici excepta.

8. AFTER the Cornish had been vanquished, there came to the king at Calais an honorable legation from the king of France, which had reached Calais a month earlier. And there, on account of the disturbances of the realm, it had remained, but it was received very honorably and at the expense of King Henry.

2. Rex sub primum eorum ad Caletum adventum ad eos misit, rogans ut ibi paulisper manerent donec fumus pusillus qui in regno suo excitatus est dissiparetur. Quod propediem fore non dubitaret, more suo illud contemnens, cui nihilominus serio incumbebat.

2. The king, upon their first arrival at Calais, sent to them, asking that they remain there for a little while until the small smoke that had been stirred up in his kingdom might be dissipated; which he did not doubt would be very soon, in his wonted way making light of it, to which nevertheless he was applying himself in earnest.

3. Legatio ista negotium alicuius magni momenti non ferebat, sed tantum procrastinationem petebat diei ad solutionem pecuniarum praefixi, una cum aliis quibusdam particularibus quae ad limitaneos spectabant. Et revera nihil aliud fuit ista legatio quam blanditiae ad regem comitate deliniendum ut amice erga Gallum affectus esset. Sed nihil in ea tractatum est ad praeiudicium foederis cum Italis icti.

3. This legation was not bearing a business of any great moment, but was only seeking a procrastination of the day pre-fixed for the payment of monies, together with certain other particulars which pertained to the borderers. And in truth this legation was nothing else than blandishments to charm the king by courtesy, that he might be amicably disposed toward the Gaul. But nothing was handled in it to the prejudice of the treaty struck with the Italians.

4. Verum durante tempore profectionis Cornubensium versus Londinum, rex Scotiae (bene de rebus Anglicis informatus, certusque sibi bellum instare ab Anglis quamprimum illae turbae consedissent) opportunitatem non amisit, sed regem satis implicatum credens fines Angliae iterum cum exercitu ingressus est. Atque ipse praesens castellum Norhami obsedit cum parte tantum copiarum, reliquis ad agros depopulandos immisis. Verum Foxus episcopus Dunelmensis (vir prudens, quique per praesentia ad futura acri iudicio penetrare pterat) hoc ipsum praevidens, castrumm illud suum Norhami tormentis atque apparatu bellico omnigeno instruxerat et muniverat.

4. Yet during the time of the Cornubians’ setting-out toward London, the king of Scotland (well informed about English affairs, and certain that war was impending upon him from the English as soon as those tumults had settled) did not miss the opportunity, but, believing the king to be sufficiently entangled, entered the borders of England again with an army. And he himself, present in person, besieged the castle of Norham with only part of the forces, the rest sent in to ravage the fields. But Fox, bishop of Durham (a prudent man, who through present circumstances could with sharp judgment penetrate to the future), foreseeing this very thing, had equipped and fortified that his castle of Norham with artillery and warlike apparatus of every kind.

Quinetiam praesidium militum fortissimorum magno numero in eo collocaverat, magis quam pro castri magnitudines, expectans potius insultum acrem quam obsidionem longam. Populum praeterea regionis cum pecoribus et bonis suis in loca tuta et praerupta se recipere antea iusserat, et equis citatis ad comitem Surriae (qui in provincia Eboracensi non procul aberat) literas misit ut celeriter subveniret. Ita ut rex Scotiae et incoepto suo contra castellum intercideret et militibus praedam satis ieiunam compararet.

Moreover, he had placed in it a garrison of the bravest soldiers in great number, more than in proportion to the castle’s magnitude, expecting rather a sharp assault than a long siege. Furthermore, he had previously ordered the people of the region, with their flocks and their goods, to withdraw into safe and precipitous places, and, the horses spurred, he sent letters to the Earl of Surrey (who was not far off in the province of York) to come quickly to render help. Thus the king of Scotland both failed in his undertaking against the castle and procured for his soldiers booty quite meager.

Ac postquam intellexerat comitem Surriae magnis copias adventare, in Scotiam rediit. Comes, cum castrum liberatum et hostem retrocessisse comperisset, in Scotiam celeriter perrexit, sperans se regem Scotiae assecuturum ut praelio cum eo decertaret. Verum cum tarde venisset, castrum Atoni (quod inter Barwicum et Edinburgum pro munitissimo habebatur) obsedit, illudque intra paucos dies cepit.

And after he had understood that the Earl of Surrey was approaching with great forces, he returned into Scotland. The earl, when he had found that the castle had been relieved and the enemy had withdrawn, hurried on into Scotland, hoping that he would overtake the king of Scotland so as to contend with him in battle. But since he had come late, he besieged the castle of Ayton (which was held as most strongly fortified between Berwick and Edinburgh), and he took it within a few days.

Sed paulo post, rege Scotiae in interiora regni sui se recipiente, cumque tempestas anni esset praeter modum procellosa et aspera, comes in Angliam reversus est. Adeo ut summa expeditionum utrinque nihil aliud esset quam castrum captum et castrum oppugnatum. Sicque res gestae nec copiarum viribus nec odiorum fervori nec expectationis magnitudini respondebant.

But a little later, the king of Scotland withdrawing into the interior of his realm, and since the season of the year was beyond measure stormy and harsh, the earl returned into England. So that the sum of the expeditions on both sides was nothing other than a castle captured and a castle assailed. And thus the deeds did not answer either to the strength of the forces, nor to the fervor of hatreds, nor to the magnitude of expectation.

5. Inter hos tumultus et intestinos et externos, ex Hispania in Angliam venit Petrus Hialas (nonnulli eum Eliam dixerunt). Sane praecursor fuit faelicitatis qua hodie Anglia fruitur. Legatio enim eius inducias inter Angliam et Scotiam induxit; induciae pacem; pax matrimonium; matrimonium vero regnorum unionem. Hialas ister vir prudens fuit atque (pro ratione temporum illorum) non ineruditus.

5. Amid these tumults, both intestine and external, there came from Spain into England Peter Hialas (some called him Elias). Truly he was a precursor of the felicity which England enjoys today. For his legation introduced a truce between England and Scotland; the truce, peace; peace, marriage; and marriage, in truth, the union of the realms. This Hialas was a prudent man and (by the standard of those times) not unlearned.

Fuit autem a Ferdinando et Isabella regibus Hispaniae missus ad regem Henricum ut tractaret de nuptiis inter Catharinam filiam eorum secundogenitam et Arthurum principem. Tractatus iste dexteritate legati non segniter promotus, quin et fere ad maturitatem perductus fuit. Verum contigit interim ut colloquio quodam quod ei cum rege circa negotium Hispaniense intercessit, rex (cui proprium erat in sinus legatorum principum exterorum illabi, si viri ipsi ei placuissent, ita ut haud raro de negotiis propriis cum illis deliberare soleret, quin et eorum nonnunquam opera uti) obiter inciderit in sermones de rebus componendis cum Scotia.

Moreover, he had been sent by Ferdinand and Isabella, the kings of Spain, to King Henry to negotiate the nuptials between Catherine, their second-born daughter, and Prince Arthur. This negotiation, by the dexterity of the legate, was not sluggishly promoted, indeed was almost brought to maturity. But it befell in the interim that, at a certain colloquy which he had with the king concerning the Spanish business, the king (to whom it was proper to slip into the bosoms of the ambassadors of foreign princes, if the men themselves pleased him, so that he was not seldom wont to deliberate about his own affairs with them, and even sometimes to use their agency) incidentally fell into discourses about settling matters with Scotland.

Etenim rex naturaliter sterilia illa cum Scotis bella non amabat, etsi commodum interdum e fama eorum eliceret. Neque defuerunt ei in concilio Scotiae qui parata erant regi suo vicissim persuadere ut eandem viam iniret et bellum cum Anglia finiret, amorem patriae praetexentes, sed secreto rebus Henrici faventes. Solummodo spiritus nimis altos gerebat Henricus quam ut primus pacis mentionem facere sustineret.

For indeed the king naturally did not love those barren wars with the Scots, although at times he would elicit an advantage from their fame. Nor were there lacking for him in the council of Scotland those who were prepared to persuade their own king in turn to enter upon the same way and to finish the war with England, pretexting love of the fatherland, but secretly favoring Henry’s affairs. Only Henry bore a spirit too lofty to bring himself to be the first to make mention of peace.

Ex altera parte, affinem talem comparaverat, Ferdinandum scilicet Arragoniae, qualem optare poterat. Postquam enim ille rex certus iam matrimonii conficiendi personam fraterni affinis in se suscepisset, non dubitabat (Hispanica cum gravitate) regi in rebus suis propriis consilia praebere. Rex quoque ex altera parte sui non immemor, sed aliorum mores in rem suam vertere consuetus, usus est hoc quo diximus Arragoniensis ingenio ad negotia quae Henricus ipse aut se minus decere aut apud alios minus grata fore cognoverat.

On the other side, he had procured such an in-law—namely Ferdinand of Aragon—as he could have wished. For after that king, already resolved on bringing the marriage to completion, had taken upon himself the part of a brother-in-law, he did not hesitate (with Spanish gravity) to offer counsel to the king in his own proper affairs. The king also, on the other side, not unmindful of himself, but accustomed to turn the ways of others to his own advantage, made use of this Aragonese ingenium we have mentioned for those negotiations which Henry himself had recognized either to be less becoming for himself or likely to be less welcome among others.

Itaque libenter assensit ut Hialas (tanquam in re ex motu proprio nata) de concordia cum Scoto tractaret, eamque ob caussam in Scotiam proficisceretur. Hialas negotium suscepit atque ad regem profectus, postquam multa arte id effecisset ut rex Iacobus ad consilia saniora propenderet, scripsit ad regem Henricum se minime dubitare quin pax facile coalescere et coagmentari possit, si rex aliquem ex consiliariis suis prudentem et moderatum ad regem Scotiae de conditionibus pacis tractandis mitteret. Itaque rex episcopum Foxum (tunc apud castrum suum Norhami manentem) misit ut cum Hiala colloqueretur, atque post uterque cum delegatis regis Scotiae tractarent.

Therefore he readily assented that Hialas (as though in a matter arising from his own initiative) should negotiate about concord with the Scot, and for that cause set out into Scotland. Hialas undertook the business and, having gone to the king, after he had by much art brought it about that King James inclined to sounder counsels, wrote to King Henry that he in no wise doubted that peace could easily coalesce and be coagmented, if the king would send some prudent and moderate one of his counsellors to the King of Scots for treating about the conditions of peace. Therefore the king sent Bishop Fox (then staying at his castle of Norham) to confer with Hialas, and afterwards that both should treat with the delegates of the King of Scotland.

Delegati utrinque convenerunt. Sed post multas disceptationes de conditionibus pacis, m odo ab uno ex regibus, modo ab altero propositis, de pace quidem concludere nequiverunt. Praecipua caussa propter quam transigi non potuit de pace fuit regis Henrici postulatum ut Perkinus in manus suas traderetur tanquam regum omnium contumelia et persona iure gentium non privilegiata.

Delegates on both sides convened. But after many disputations about the conditions of peace, now proposed by one of the kings, now by the other, they were not able to conclude peace. The principal cause on account of which it was not possible to come to terms for peace was King Henry’s demand that Perkin be handed over into his hands, as an affront to all kings and as a person not privileged under the law of nations.

Rex Scotiae ex altera parte hoc facere constanter recusavit, dicens se pro sua parte de titulo Perkini iudicem non esse competentem, verum se eum recepisse ut supplicem, protexisse ut profugum, cum sanguinea sua desponsasse, atque armis suis iuvasse, cum crederet eum verum principem fuisse. Itaque nunc prorsus non posse salvo suo honore ita dissuere et quoddammodo mendacii arguere omnia ante a se dicta et acta essent, ut eum in manus hostium traderet. Episcopus similiter (qui mandata quaedem a rege superba acceperat saltem in fronte eorum, etsi in pede inserta fuisset clausula mollior, quae omnia ad episcopi arbitrium reiiceret, etiam disertis verbis praecipiens ut nullo modo pacis spem abrumperet), postquam traditio Perkini ei denegata fuisset, alterum articulum quem in mandatis habebat proposuit.

The king of Scotland on the other side steadfastly refused to do this, saying that on his part he was not a competent judge of Perkin’s title, but that he had received him as a suppliant, protected him as a refugee, had betrothed him with his blood-kin, and aided him with his arms, since he believed him to have been the true prince. Therefore now he could by no means, with his honor safe, so unsew and in a certain manner accuse of falsehood all that previously had been said and done by himself, as to hand him over into the hands of his enemies. The bishop likewise (who had received certain haughty mandates from the king, at least on the face of them, although in the foot a gentler clause had been inserted, which referred all to the bishop’s discretion, even in express words enjoining that he should by no means break off the hope of peace), after the surrender of Perkin had been denied to him, put forward the other article which he had in his mandates.

Ille fuit ut rex Scotiae cum rege Henrico apud Novum Castrum congredi et in colloquium venire vellet. Hoc ubi regi Scotiae relatum est, respondit se pacem tractare velle, non emendicare. Episcopus etiam (ut ei insuper erat in mandatis) restitutionem urgebat spoliorum per Scotos captorum, vel saltem compensationem eorum.

That was, that the king of Scotland should be willing to meet with King Henry at Newcastle and come into a colloquy. When this was reported to the king of Scotland, he replied that he wished to treat of peace, not to beg. The bishop also (as moreover he had in his mandates) pressed for the restitution of the spoils taken by the Scots, or at least their compensation.

Verum delegati Scotiae responderunt ea esse instar aquae in terram effusae, quae recolligi non posset, quodque subditi Henrici facilius possent damna illa tolerare quam rex Scotiae ea persolvere. Attamen in fine (ut homines moderati et rationi non recalcitrantes) recessum potius quendam ad tempus fecerunt quam tractratum interruperunt, et inducias pro certis mensibus consenserunt. Sed rex Scotiae, etsi iudicium suum formaliter de Perkino retractare recusasset, quod tantis pignoribus obstrinxeret, tamen intra secreta animi sui frequentibus Anglorum quos circa se habebat sermonibus et aliis diversis relationibus motus, coepit eum pro impostore ducere.

But the delegates of Scotland answered that those things were like water poured upon the ground, which could not be gathered up again, and that Henry’s subjects could more easily endure those losses than the king of Scotland could discharge them. Yet in the end (as men moderate and not recalcitrant to reason) they made rather a certain recess for a time than broke off the negotiation, and consented to a truce for certain months. But the king of Scotland, although he had refused formally to retract his judgment about Perkin, because he had bound it with such great pledges, nevertheless within the secrets of his mind, moved by the frequent discourses of the English whom he had about him and by other diverse reports, began to reckon him an impostor.

Quamobrem honorifice certe et more regio eum ad se vocavit, et beneficia sua et favores in eum collatos recensuit: quod consanguineam ei in matrimonium dedisset, quodque potentem et opulentem regem bello offensivo in caussa eius per spatium duorum annorum lacessisset. Imo etiam, quod pacem honorificam ultro oblatam, si eum dedere voluisset, omnino reiecisset, quodque etiam nobiles et populum suum non mediocriter, dum promisissis suis erga eum stare vellet, offendisset, quos diutius sibi infensos persistere tutum sibi non esset. Itaque monuit ut fortunis suis consuleret et locum exilio suo magis opportunum deligeret, simul inquiens illum negare non posse, quin Angli prius quam Scoti eum deseruissent, cum facto bis experimento nemo Anglus ad eum accessisset.

Wherefore, surely with honor and in royal fashion he summoned him to himself, and recounted the benefits and favors bestowed upon him: that he had given him a kinswoman in marriage, and that he had provoked a powerful and opulent king with an offensive war in his cause for the space of two years. Nay more, that he had altogether rejected an honorable peace offered of his own accord, if he had been willing to surrender him; and that he had also not moderately offended his nobles and his people, while he wished to stand by his promises toward him—whom it would not be safe for him to have persist hostile to himself any longer. Therefore he advised him to look to his fortunes and to select a place more opportune for his exile, at the same time saying that he could not deny that the English had deserted him sooner than the Scots, since, after the experiment had been made twice, no Englishman had resorted to him.

Nihilominus se, quod sub primum adventum eius dixerat confirmaturum, nimirum eum poenitentiam minime acturum quod in manus suas se commisisset, quandoquidem eum minime ablegare protinus consitituisset, sed navibus et pecuniis adiuvare ut quo vellet tuto transportaretur. Perkinus nihil omnino de theatrali suo fastigio descendens paucis respondit se satis videre tempus suum adhuc non venisse, sed quacunque tandem fortuna usus foret, se honorifice et sentire de rege et loqui non destiturum. Itaque a rege dimissus de Flandria amplius non cogitavit, utpote loco minus tuto post tractatum cum archiduce superiore anno conclusum, sed uxore, et amicis, et servis qui eum deserere nolebant comitatus in Hiberniam traiecit.

Nevertheless he [the king] declared that he would make good what he had said at his first arrival, namely that he would by no means cause him to do penitence for having committed himself into his hands, since he had determined by no means to send him away forthwith, but to aid him with ships and monies, that he might be transported safely whithersoever he wished. Perkin, by no means descending from his theatrical eminence, replied briefly that he saw well enough that his time had not yet come; but whatever fortune at last should befall him, he would not cease both to think and to speak honorably of the king. And so, dismissed by the king, he thought no more of Flanders, as being a less safe place after the treaty with the Archduke concluded the previous year, but, accompanied by his wife, and friends, and servants who were unwilling to desert him, he crossed over into Ireland.

6. Hoc anno, duodecimo scilicet regis, Alexander papa (qui maxime solitus est amare eos principes qui remotiores erant, et cum quibus minimum ei intercederet negotii) grato animo recolens regis ad foedus Italorum acceesionem propter defensionem Italiae, eum gladio consecrato et pileo quem vocant manutentionis per nuncium suum remundratus est. Idem ante eum fecerat papa Innocentius, sed minus cum solennitate et gloria recepta sunt. Etenim rex nunc mandavit maiori et aldermannis civitatis ut oratori papae ad pedem pontis Londinensis fierent, atque plateae universae inter pontem et palatium episcopi Londinensis (ubi rex tunc hospitabatur) civium fraternitatibus in sagulis suis vestitis utrinque clauderentur.

6. In this year, namely the king’s twelfth, Pope Alexander (who was especially wont to love those princes who were more remote, and with whom the least business intervened) recalling with a grateful mind the king’s accession to the League of the Italians for the defense of Italy, rewarded him, through his nuncio, with a consecrated sword and a cap which they call of maintenance. The same had Pope Innocent done before him, but they were received with less solemnity and glory. For the king now ordered the mayor and the aldermen of the city to be present for the pope’s orator at the foot of London Bridge, and that all the streets between the bridge and the palace of the Bishop of London (where the king was then lodging) should be enclosed on both sides by the fraternities of the citizens, dressed in their cloaks.

Quin et ipse rex die crastino (in quem incederat festum omnium Sanctorum), magna stipante caterva praelatorum, procerum, et aulicorum, solenni cum processione ad aedem D. Pauli perrexit, insignibus illis gladii et pilei ante se gestatis. Et processione illa finita, rege in choro sedente, archiepiscopus Cantuariensis super gradus ante chorum stans longum habuit orationem, amplitudinem et sublimitatem honoris illius extollens quo papa per haec ornamenta et insignia benedictionis regem decoravit, etiam quam raro, quamque eminentium meritorum contemplatione illa concedi consuessent. Denique praecipua regis acta et merita recensuit, quibus papa motus eum tali honore dignatus esset.

Nay, the king himself on the following day (into which the feast of All Saints had fallen), with a great throng of prelates, magnates, and courtiers pressing about him, proceeded with a solemn procession to the church of St. Paul, those insignia of the sword and the cap borne before him. And when that procession was ended, the king sitting in the choir, the Archbishop of Canterbury, standing upon the steps before the choir, delivered a long oration, extolling the amplitude and sublimity of that honor by which the pope through these ornaments and insignia of benediction had adorned the king, and also how rarely, and with what consideration of eminent merits, those things were wont to be granted. Finally, he reviewed the chief deeds and merits of the king, by which the pope, being moved, had deemed him worthy of such an honor.

7. Usque ad hoc tempus rebellio Cornubiensis (de qua iam diximus) mihil affine habere visa est cum rebus gestis Perkini, nisi forte quod edictum Perkini promisso innuisset se exactiones et tributa deinceps aboliturum, eoque effecisset ut interdum erga illum non pessime animati essent. Iam vero bullae hae frequenti agitatione concurrere coeperunt, ut in superficie aquarum facere solent. Regis clementia rebelles Cornubienses, postquam domum rediissent sine poena dimissi, verum (ut diximus) solidi unius aut duorum pretio redempti, magis animaverat quam sanaverat.

7. Up to this time the Cornish rebellion (of which we have already spoken) seemed to have nothing akin to the doings of Perkin, except perhaps that Perkin’s edict, by a promise, had hinted that he would abolish exactions and tributes henceforth, and by that had brought it about that at times they were not worst-disposed toward him. Now indeed these bubbles began, by frequent agitation, to run together, as they are wont to do on the surface of waters. The king’s clemency toward the Cornish rebels, after they had returned home dismissed without punishment—rather, as we said, ransomed at the price of a single shilling or two— had animated rather than healed them.

Adeo ut apud vicinos et populares suos iactare non dubitarent regem in iis ignoscendis prudenter sibi consuluisse, quoniam satis sciebat sibi paucos subditos in Anglia reliquos fore, si omnes suspendisset qui cum iis sensissent. Atque alii alios acuentes motum renovare coeperunt. Quidam autem ex iis astutiores clam ad Perkinum in Hiberniam miserunt, qui ei intimarent se, si ad illos venisset, ei praesto futuros.

So much so that among their neighbors and their own partisans they did not hesitate to boast that the king, in pardoning them, had prudently consulted his own interest, since he well knew that few subjects would be left to him in England, if he had hanged all who had felt with them. And others, whetting one another, began to renew the movement. But certain of them, more astute, secretly sent to Perkin in Ireland to intimate to him that, if he should come to them, they would be at his service.

8. Cum Perkinus hunc nuncium accepisset, coepit iterum se erigere, et cum consiliariis suis rem communicavit, ex quibus tres plurimum apud eum poterant, Hernus sercorum propola, qui obaeratus profugerat, Skeltonus scissor, et Astleius notarius. Etenim Frionus secretarius discesserat. Hi apud eum disserebant illum magnopere errasse cum in Cantium, et iterum cum in Scotiam profectus esset, quandoquidem locus alter tam prope Londinum esset et quasi sub oculis regis, alter autem locus nationis esset populo Angliae tam invisae ut quamvis eum summa benevolentia complexi fuissent Angli, nunquam tamen ei ita comitato adhaerere vellent.

8. When Perkin had received this message, he began again to lift himself up, and he consulted with his counselors, among whom three had the greatest influence with him: Hern, a peddler of dung, who, being a debtor, had fled; Skelton, a tailor; and Astley, a notary. For Frion, the secretary, had departed. These men argued before him that he had erred greatly when he set out into Kent, and again when he set out into Scotland, since the one place was so near London and, as it were, under the king’s eyes, while the other was of a nation so hateful to the people of England that, although the English might have embraced him with the greatest good will, they would nevertheless never be willing to adhere to him when so escorted.

Verum si fortuna in tantum arrisisset ut in principio motus Cornubiensis adesse ei contigisset, ante hoc tempus eum Westmonasterii coronatum iri. Reges enim istos (ut ipse iam satis expertus esset) principes calamitosos pro calceamentis vendere nihil pensi habere. Eius vero rationes postulare ut se totum populo committeret.

But if fortune had so far smiled that at the beginning of the Cornish rising it had befallen him to be present, he would by this time be crowned at Westminster. For those kings (as he had already sufficiently experienced) care nothing to sell calamitous princes for shoes. His calculations, moreover, demanded that he commit himself wholly to the people.

Itaque ei consilium dederunt ut cum qua poterat festinatione in Cornubiam traiiceret. Quod et fecit, secum ducens quatuor naviculas quae circiter centum et viginti milites vehebant. Mense Septembris appulit ad oram Whitsandi, et continuo Bodminum, oppidum fabri ferrarii de quo ante diximus, profectus est, quo ad eum confluxerunt circiter tria millia agrestium.

Therefore they gave him counsel that, with whatever haste he could, he should cross over into Cornwall. Which he also did, leading with him four small ships that were carrying about one hundred and twenty soldiers. In the month of September he put in at the shore of Whitsand, and immediately set out for Bodmin, the town of the blacksmith of whom we spoke before, where about three thousand rustics flocked to him.

Illic novum edictum promulgavit, populum bellis promissis demulcens, et favorem eorum invectivis in regem et regimen suum prensans. Et ut fit in fumo, qui cum in altissimum pervenit se perdit, magnifice admodum de seipso loquebatur. Consiliarii eius ante omnia eum moverunt ut in potestatem suam redigeret oppidum aliquod opulentum et munitum, quo et milites suos dulcedine praedae devinciret et homines perditos et sine lare undiquaque simili spe lucri alliceret; et rursus ut copiis suis oppidum illud praesidio et receptui esset, si forte in acie aliquid adversi contigisset.

There he promulgated a new edict, soothing the people by promises of wars, and grasping their favor by invectives against the king and his regimen. And, as happens with smoke, which, when it has reached the highest, loses itself, he spoke very magnificently about himself. His counselors, before all, moved him to bring under his power some opulent and fortified town, whereby he might bind his soldiers by the sweetness of prey, and allure from every quarter bankrupt men and those without a home by a like hope of gain; and again, that for his forces that town might be for garrison and for retreat, if perchance something adverse should occur in the battle-line.

Itaque animos sumentes processerunt et Exoniam obsidione cinxerunt, urbem in illis partibus tam munitionibus quam opulentia florentissimam.

Therefore, taking courage, they advanced and encircled Exeter with a siege, a city in those parts most flourishing both in fortifications and in opulence.

9. Circa Exoniam castrametati vi primo abstinuerunt, sed assiduis clamoribus et vociferationibus instabant ut oppidanos terrerent. Praeterea populum sub muris stantes saepe interpellabant ut se illis adiungerent, dicentes regem Richardum illud oppidum Londini aemulum effecturum, si primum in suas partes descendissent. Sed pro sua insulsitate viros nullos delectos ad eos miserunt qui animos eorum tentarent, et qui cum iis tractarent.

9. Around Exonia, having encamped, they at first abstained from force, but with assiduous clamors and vociferations they pressed on so as to terrify the townsmen. Moreover, they often addressed the people standing beneath the walls to join themselves to them, saying that King Richard would make that town a rival to London, if first they should descend to their side. But owing to their own insipidity, they sent no chosen men to them to test their spirits and to treat with them.

Cives Exonienses ex sua parte subditos se fidos et fortes praestiterunt. Neque inter eos erat tumultus aut dissensio ulla, sed unanimi consensu se ad defensionem oppidi compararunt. Nam viderunt rebelles adhuc non tantis viribus pollere ut ab iis metuere deberent, ac rursus sperebant, antequam numerus rebellium augeri possit, sibi a rege auxilia submissa fore.

The citizens of Exeter on their part proved themselves loyal and brave subjects. Nor was there tumult or any dissension among them, but with unanimous consent they prepared themselves for the defense of the town. For they saw that the rebels as yet did not possess such forces that they ought to fear them, and in turn they hoped that, before the number of the rebels could be increased, reinforcements would be sent to them by the king.

Atque utcunque eventus foret, extremum malorum putabant se illi famelicae et inconditae turbae permittere. Quare cum res oppidi bene ordinassent, nihilominus nuncios diversos de muris per funibus clam demiserunt (ut si unus interciperetur alius evaderet) qui regem de statu urbis certiorem facerent, eiusque auxilia implorarent. Similiter et Perkinus metuebat sibi ab auxiliis a rege celeriter mittendis, ideoque constituit ultimas suas vires experiri ad oppidum expugnandum.

And whatever the event might be, they reckoned it the extremity of evils to commit themselves to that famished and disorderly rabble. Wherefore, when they had well ordered the affairs of the town, nonetheless they secretly let down different messengers from the walls by ropes (so that if one were intercepted another might escape) to make the king more certain of the condition of the city and to implore his reinforcements. Likewise Perkin feared for himself from reinforcements being quickly sent by the king, and therefore resolved to try his last forces to storm the town.

Quamobrem admotis scalis ad muros in diversis locis simul insultum fecit in unam ex portis. Cum autem nec tormenta nec machinae ei suppeterent, et comperiens se arietatione truncorum ligneorum parum proficere, cumque etiam per clavas aut rostra ferrea ac per alia similia instrumenta quae praesto erant , nihil ei reliquum fuisset nisi ut ex portis unam incenderet. Illam rem adortus est, ut portam incenderet.

Wherefore, with ladders brought up to the walls in different places, at the same time he made an assault upon one of the gates. But since neither artillery nor engines were at his disposal, and discovering that by the battering of wooden trunks he was making little progress, and since even by clubs or iron beaks and by other similar instruments which were at hand (he had accomplished nothing), nothing remained for him except to set one of the gates on fire. He set about that business, to burn the gate.

At cives, periculum praevidentes, priusquam porta integra flamma corripi et consumi posset, portam ipsam ex interiore parte et spacii nonnihil adiacentis fascibus ligneis obstruxerunt. Quos similiter incenderunt, eo pacto ignem igne propulsantes. Atque interea propere aggeres terrae congesserunt cum fossis profundis, ut loco muri et portae essent.

But the citizens, foreseeing the danger, before the intact gate could be seized by flame and consumed, barricaded the gate itself on the inner side, and also somewhat of the adjacent space, with wooden fascines. These likewise they set on fire, in that way repelling fire with fire. And meanwhile they quickly heaped up earthen ramparts with deep ditches, so that they might serve in place of the wall and the gate.

Quantum vero ad aggressiones per scalas, eae tam perperam a rebellibus cesserunt, ut non sine iactura hominum ducentorum a maenis pulsi essent.

As for the assaults by ladders, they turned out so ill for the rebels that they were driven back from the walls not without the loss of 200 men.

10. Rex, cum de obsidione Exoniae per Perkinum nuncium accepisset, lusu rem exceipt, aiens ad eos qui circa eum erant regem nebulonem in Angliam occidentalem appulisse, seque iam tandem in spe esse honore conspectus eius fruendi, quod hactenus facere nequiverat. Atque revera praesentibus aulicis facile constabat regem magnopere laetari ob nuncium de Perkini in Anglicum solum adventu, ubi nulla ei spes erat per terram elabendi, sperans iam se liberatum in posterum iri secretis illis convulsionibus quae diu cor eius obsederant et interdum somnos suos in medio faelicitatis abruperant. Itaque, quo omnium animos et studia accenderet, cunctis quibus poterat modis palam fecit eos qui nunc alacriter ei adessent, ut finem his perturbationibus imponerent, non minus ei gratos et acceptos futuros quam ii qui hora diei undecima accesserant, qui tamen integrae diei mercedem acceperunt.

10. The king, when he had received news through Perkin of the siege of Exeter, took the matter in jest, saying to those who were around him that the kingling knave had put in to western England, and that he now at last was in hope of enjoying the honor of a sight of him, which hitherto he had been unable to do. And in truth it was easily evident to the courtiers present that the king rejoiced greatly at the news of Perkin’s arrival on English soil, where there was no hope for him of slipping away by land, hoping now that he would in future be freed from those secret convulsions which had long besieged his heart and had at times broken off his sleeps in the midst of felicity. And so, in order to inflame the spirits and zeal of all, by all the ways he could he made it public that those who now briskly stood by him, to impose an end to these perturbations, would be no less pleasing and acceptable to him than those who had come at the eleventh hour of the day, who nevertheless received the wage of a whole day.

Itaque nunc, velut sub finem ludi, complures simul in scaena astantes spectare erat. Camerarium suum, et baronem Brookum, et Ricium Thomasium equitem auratum cum expeditis militibus Exoniam misit ad oppidum obsidione liberandum, et una ad famam spargendam de celeri suo adventu cum copiis regiis. Comes Devoniae et filius suus cum Carois, et Fulfordiis, et aliis eiusdem provinciae viris eminentibus (non accersiti, sed audientes regem huic expeditioni tanto animi impetu incumbere) cum turmis et cohoritibus quas conscripserant festinabant ut primi urbi Exoniae auxiliarentur et regis ipsius copias praeverterent.

And so now, as at the close of a play, there were many to be seen standing together upon the stage. He sent his chamberlain, and Baron Brooke, and Sir Richard Thomas, a gilded knight, with light-armed soldiers to Exeter to free the town from siege, and at the same time to spread the report of his swift arrival with the royal forces. The Earl of Devon and his son, with the Carews and the Fulfords, and other eminent men of that province (not summoned, but hearing that the king was bearing down upon this expedition with so great an impetus of spirit), were hastening with the troops and cohorts they had levied, to be the first to aid the city of Exeter and to outrun the king’s own forces.

Dux etiam Buckinghamiae cum multis viribus fortibus et primariis arma sumpserant, neque ipse adventum regis aut camerarii profectionem opperiens, sed corpus quoddam copiarum ex sese conficiens quo meritum suum extolleret, regi significans se paratum atque in armis esse, et eius mandata expectare. Ita ut, iuxta adagium, in descensu omnes Sancti manum admoverent.

The Duke of Buckingham likewise, with many strong and principal forces, had taken up arms; and he himself, not waiting for the king’s arrival or the chamberlain’s setting out, but forming from his own resources a certain corps of troops whereby to exalt his desert, signified to the king that he was ready and under arms, and was awaiting his commands. So that, according to the adage, in the descent all the Saints put their hand to it.

11. Perkinus hos armorum sonitus et tonitrua audiens, et tantas undiquaque copias illi minari, obsidionem suam solvit, et Tauntoniam profectus est, iam tum incipiens alterum oculum, instar strabonum, in coronam, alterum in asylum flectere, etsi Cornubienses, instar metallorum saepe igitorum et vicissim extinctorum, facti essent obstinati, et potius frangi quam flecti sustinerunt, iurantes et voventes se nunquam eum, usquam ad ultimam sanguinus guttam, deserturos. Copias habebat circa se cum ab Exonia discederet fere septem millium hominum. Multi enim ad eum, postquam ad Exoniae oppugnationem se comparasset confluxerant, tum proter tanti incoepti famam, tum etiam ut ex spoliis participarent, etsi sub obsidionis solutione nonnulli dilapsi essent.

11. Perkin, hearing these noises of arms and thunderclaps, and so great forces on every side threatening him, raised his siege, and set out for Taunton, already then beginning, after the fashion of the cross‑eyed, to turn one eye toward the crown, the other toward sanctuary, although the Cornish, after the manner of metals often ignited and in turn extinguished, had become obstinate, and endured to be broken rather than bent, swearing and vowing that they would never, even to the last drop of blood, desert him anywhere. He had about him, when he departed from Exeter, nearly seven thousand men. For many had flocked to him after he had prepared himself for the assault of Exeter, both on account of the fame of so great an undertaking and also that they might share in the spoils, although upon the raising of the siege some had slipped away.

Cum autem ad Tauntoniam appropinquasset metum egregie dissimulavit, atque diem integrum absumpsit in praeparandis iis quae ad praelium necessaria futura essent. Verum circa mediam noctem cum sexaginta equitibus aufugit ad Bewleium in Nova Forresta, ubi ipse cum nonnullis ex comitibus suis nomina dederunt in asylum. Cornubienses autem suos in quamcunque fortunae aleam exposuit.

When he had approached Taunton he excellently dissembled fear, and spent a whole day in preparing those things which would be necessary for the battle. But about midnight he fled with sixty horsemen to Beaulieu in the New Forest, where he himself, with some of his companions, gave in their names for sanctuary. His Cornishmen, however, he exposed to whatever hazard of Fortune’s die.

Hoc tamen modo eos a votis suis solutos reddidit, et solita sua scilicet misericordia regali usus est ut neutiquam praesens esse vellet cum sanguinis subditorum suorum effunderetur.

Yet in this way he rendered them released from their vows, and, employing his accustomed royal mercy, he by no means wished to be present when the blood of his subjects was being poured out.

12. Rex, audita Perkini fuga, confestim equites quingentos expeditos misit qui eum comprehenderent antequam vel mare repeteret vel ad insulam illam exiguam (asylum scilicet) appelleret. Sed quatenus ad posterius ex his, tarde venerunt. Itaque quod potuerunt fecerunt, hoc est, asylum magno praesidio et vigilia diligentissima cinxerunt donec regis de ea re mandata accepissent.

12. The King, hearing of Perkin’s flight, forthwith sent five hundred cavalry, ready for action, to apprehend him before he should either return to the sea or put in at that tiny island (to wit, the asylum). But as regards the latter of these, they came late. Therefore they did what they could, that is, they surrounded the asylum with a great guard and a most diligent watch until they had received the king’s orders concerning that matter.

Quantum vero ad rebellos caeteros, illi (iam a duce suo destituti) se regis clementiae universos submiserunt. Rex autem, qui (medicorum more) phlebotomia uti solebat potius ad vitam conservandam quam eripiendam, neque unquam sanguinarius erat cum esset securus, postquam iam periculum transisse cerneret, omnibus tandem ignovit praeter paucos ex profligatissimis quos supplicio destinavit, ut clementia eius erga reliquos magis elucesceret. Missi sunt etiam quanta fieri poterat celeritate nonnulli equites ad Montem Sancti Michaelis in Cornubia, ubi Perkini uxor, domina Catharina Gordona, a marito suo relicta erat, quem in utraque fortuna unice semper dilexit, virtute nuptiali alias suas virtutes cumulans.

As for the other rebels, they (now deserted by their leader) all submitted themselves to the king’s clemency. The king, who (in the manner of physicians) was wont to use phlebotomy rather for preserving life than for taking it, and was never bloodthirsty when he was secure, after he now perceived that the danger had passed, at length pardoned all, save a few of the most profligate, whom he destined to punishment, so that his clemency toward the rest might shine forth the more. There were also sent, with all possible speed, some horsemen to St. Michael’s Mount in Cornwall, where Perkin’s wife, Lady Katherine Gordon, had been left by her husband—whom in either fortune she always singularly loved—by nuptial virtue augmenting her other virtues.

Rex autem tanto diligentius ad eam mittere festinavit, nesciens utrum gravida ex Perkino forte esset, unde turbae istae in persona Perkini desiturae non videbantur. Cum illa ad regem perducta esset, traditum est eum illam non tantum misericorditer, sed etiam cum nonnullo amoris affectu excepisse, misericordia formae eius, qua erat singulari, decus addente. Itaque solatus eam (ut simul et aspectu suo et famae inserviret) ad reginam illam misit ut cum ea maneret, honorificos ei reditus assignans quibus dignitatem suam sustentaret.

The king, moreover, all the more diligently hastened to send to her, not knowing whether she might perchance be pregnant by Perkin, whence those tumults did not seem about to cease in the person of Perkin. When she had been brought to the king, it is related that he received her not only mercifully, but even with no small affection of love, mercy adding an ornament to her beauty, which was singular. Therefore, having consoled her (so as at once to do service both to his sight and to his fame), he sent her to the queen that she might remain with her, assigning to her honorable revenues by which she might sustain her dignity.

Quos etiam retinuit tam durante vita regis quam multos annos post. Nomen certe rosae albae (quod falso mariti sui titulo applicatum erat) verae suae pulchritudini remansit.

Which also she retained both during the king’s lifetime and for many years after. The name of the white rose (which had been applied by her husband’s false title) certainly remained to her true beauty.

13. Rex profectionem suam nihilominus continuaavit, et magno cum iubilo et laetitia Exoniam ingressus est. Ibi civibus ingentes gratias egit, eosque miris laudibus cumulavit. Quinetiam gladium ipsum quo accinctus erat a latere suo solvit et maiori civitatis dedit, statuens ut semper postea coram maiore gestaretur.

13. Nevertheless the king continued his journey, and entered Exeter with great jubilation and joy. There he gave the citizens immense thanks and heaped them with wondrous praises. Moreover, he even unbelted from his side the very sword with which he was girded and gave it to the mayor of the city, decreeing that thereafter it should always be carried before the mayor.

Ibi quoque e Cornubiensibus praecipuos aliquot supplico affici iussit, uti piacula quaedam quae cives pro formidinibus et molestiis ipsorum placerent. Apud Exoniam rex cum consilio suo deliberavit utrum Perkino, si sponte ex asylo exiret seque regiae clementiae submitteret, de vita sua securum reddere oporteret. Consiliarii autem inter se opinionibus discrepabant.

There also he ordered several of the chief men among the Cornish to be subjected to capital punishment, as certain expiations (piacula) that might appease the citizens for their fears and vexations. At Exeter the king deliberated with his council whether, if Perkin should of his own accord come out of sanctuary and submit himself to royal clemency, it ought to be made him secure as to his life. But the councillors disagreed among themselves in their opinions.

Alii regi consilium dederunt ut vi eum ex asylo extraheret et morte mulctaret, utpote in causa necessitatis, quae ipso facto cum locis et rebus sacratis dispensat. Qua in re minime dubitabant quin rex papam facilem reperturus esset in facti sui ratihibitione, aut per viam declarationis, aut saltem per viam indulgentiae. Alii autem opinabantur postquam iam rex in portu navigaret et pericula omnia praetervolassent non opus esse regi novo scandalo aut invidia.

Others gave the king counsel to extract him from the asylum by force and to mulct him with death, as in a case of necessity, which ipso facto dispenses with sacred places and things. In this matter they in no wise doubted that the king would find the pope compliant for the ratification of his act, either by way of declaration, or at least by way of indulgence. But others thought that, after the king was already in port and had flown past all dangers, there was no need for the king of a new scandal or ill-will.

Tertium genus erat eorum qui regem diserte praemonebant eum neque de imposturae certitudine mundo satisfacere posse, neque coniurationis latebras et anfractus penitus excutere, nisi Perkinum promissis vitae et veniae, et aliis modis suavibus, in manus suas pertraxisset. At nemo ex conciliariis erat qui non in praefatione sua regis fortunae magnopere indolere visus est, una cum indignatione quadam quod rex tantus et tam insigni prudentia et virtute praeditus tam diu et tam crebro idolis eiusmodi vexatus fuisset. Verum rex intulit Dei omnipotentis proprium esse ut idolis vexaretur, ideoque illud nullum ex amicis suis male habere debere, quodque ipse pro sua parte ea semper despexisset.

The third kind were those who distinctly forewarned the king that he could neither satisfy the world as to the certainty of the imposture, nor thoroughly shake out the hiding-places and anfractuosities of the conspiracy, unless he should draw Perkin into his hands by promises of life and pardon, and by other gentle modes. But there was none of the counsellors who did not, in the preface of his speech, seem to be greatly pained at the king’s fortune, together with a certain indignation that so great a king, endowed with so notable prudence and virtue, had been so long and so often vexed by idols of that sort. But the king added that it is proper to God Almighty Himself to be vexed by idols; and therefore that this ought to trouble none of his friends, and that he for his own part had always despised them.

Se tamen multo dolore affectum fuisse quod populo suo tantas calamitates inflixissent. Verum in fine deliberationis tertiae opinioni rex se adiecit, ideoque quosdam misit qui cum Perkino tractarent. Qui se captivum videns et ab omni spe destitutum, iam principes et populos, summos et infimos, expertus, quos infidos, meticulosos, aut infelices deprehenderat, laetanter conditionem accepit.

Yet he had been affected with much grief that they had inflicted such calamities upon his people. But in the end of the deliberation the king joined himself to the third opinion, and therefore sent certain men to negotiate with Perkin. He, seeing himself a captive and bereft of all hope, having now experienced princes and peoples, the highest and the lowest, whom he had found faithless, timorous, or unfortunate, gladly accepted the terms.

Rex etiam dum Exoniae moratus est commissarios deputavit baronem Darcium et alios, qui omnes qui Perkino aut Cornubiensibus, sive in praelio sive in fuga, adhaeserant pecuniis mulctarent.

The king also, while he was staying at Exeter, appointed commissioners, the Baron Darcy and others, who should amerce with monies all who had adhered to Perkin or to the Cornishmen, whether in battle or in flight.

14. Comissarii autem isti tanto cum rigore et severitate processerunt ut clementiam regis in parcendo sanguini multum obscurarent, quod thesauri sanguinem tam duriter emunxissent. Perkinus ad aulam regis adductus est, ad conspectum eius minime, etsi rex (quo curiositati suae satisfaceret) spectaverit eum interdum in transitu. Specie tenus iam liber Perkinus erat, sed secreto magna diligentia et cura custoditus, et et in comitatu regis Londinum proficisci iussus est.

14. But these commissioners proceeded with such rigor and severity that they greatly obscured the king’s clemency in sparing blood, because, for the treasury, they had wrung blood so harshly. Perkin was conducted to the royal court, by no means into his presence, although the king (that he might satisfy his curiosity) did at times look upon him in passing. In appearance Perkin was now free, but secretly he was guarded with great diligence and care, and he was ordered to set out for London in the king’s retinue.

Verum sub primum hunc Perkini in scenam conscensum in persona sua nova, sycophantae scilicet et praestigiatoris, deposita persona sua priore quae erat principis, facile quivis existimare poterit quantae irrisioni et ludibrio expositus fuerit, non solum aulicorum verum etiam vulgi, qui circa eum ubique convolabant. Adeo ut quis coniicere posset ulula ubi esset ex congregatione avium, aliis irridentibus, mirantibus aliis, aliis execrantibus, aliis os eius et gestus curiose intuentibus ut materiam sermonum captarent, in tantum ut falsus ille honor quo tamdiu gavisus esset abunde repensus fuerit contemptu et contumelia. Quamprimum rex Londinum venit, etiam horum ludorum floralium civibus spectaculum et solatium exhibuit.

But upon this first ascent of Perkin onto the stage in his new persona—namely of a sycophant and a prestidigitator—his former persona, which had been that of a prince, having been laid aside, anyone could easily reckon to what mockery and sport he was exposed, not only from the courtiers but also from the common crowd, who flocked around him everywhere. So much so that one could infer where the owl was from the congregation of birds: some jeering, others marveling, others execrating, others curiously scanning his face and gestures to catch material for talk—so that that false honor in which he had rejoiced for so long was abundantly repaid with contempt and contumely. As soon as the king came to London, he even presented to the citizens a spectacle and solace of these floral games.

Etenim Perkinus equo insidens lentis passibus (sed absque habitu aliquo ignominioso) perductus est per plateas de Cheapside et Cornhill ad turrim Londinensem, atque exinde revectus est ad Westmonasterium cum choro mille maledictionum et contumeliarum. Verum ad spectaculi ornatum maiorem secutus est parvo a Perkino intervallo unus ex intimis eius consiliariis qui faber ferrarius regi fuerat. Iste erro, cum Perkinus profugisset ad asylum, optavit potius habitum sacratum sumere quam loco sacrato se munire, atque vestitum eremitae induit, et illo habitu per regiones obambulabat donec detectus et deprehensus est.

For indeed Perkin, sitting on a horse at slow pace (but without any ignominious attire), was led through the streets of Cheapside and Cornhill to the Tower of London, and thence was conveyed back to Westminster with a chorus of a thousand maledictions and contumelies. But for the greater ornament of the spectacle there followed, at a small interval from Perkin, one of his most intimate counselors, who had been a blacksmith to the king. This vagabond, when Perkin had fled to asylum, chose rather to assume a sacred habit than to fortify himself by a sacred place, and he put on the vesture of a hermit, and in that garb he wandered about the regions until he was detected and apprehended.

At praestigiator iste manibus pedibusque super equum vinctus fuit, neque cum Perkino rediit, sed paucis post diebus morte mulctatus est. Paulo post, cum Perkinus se quis esset melius cognovisset, stricte examinatus est, et capta eius confessione factum breve vel extractum earum rerum quas divulgari consentaneum foret, quod typis commissum et publicatum est. Qua in re rex famae suae minus consuluit.

But that prestidigitator was bound hand and foot upon a horse, nor did he return with Perkin, but a few days later was mulcted with death. A little after, when Perkin had better recognized who he himself was, he was strictly examined, and, his confession having been taken, a brief or extract was made of those matters which it was congruent to divulge, which was committed to the press and published. In this matter the king consulted his reputation the less.

Quemadmodum enim narrationem continebat laboriosam particularium de Perkini patre et matre, et avo et avia, et avunculis et cognatis per nomina et cognomina sua, et in quibus locus sursum deorsum erraverat, ita parum aut nihil proferebat de consiliis eius, aut de iis cum quibus consilia communicasset. Neque ipsa ducissa Burgundiae (quam omnes noverint instar animae fuisse universi negotii) vel nominata est aut descripta, sed prorsus silentio praetermissa. Ita ut homines quod expectabant non reperientes multa desiderarent et maiore in dubio essent quam prius.

For just as the narration contained a laborious recital of the particulars of Perkin’s father and mother, and grandfather and grandmother, and maternal uncles and kinsmen, by their names and surnames, and where the tale had wandered up and down; so it brought forth little or nothing about his counsels, or about those with whom he had communicated his counsels. Nor was the Duchess of Burgundy herself (whom all know to have been, as it were, the soul of the whole business) either named or described, but was altogether passed over in silence. So that men, not finding what they expected, missed much and were in greater doubt than before.

Verum regi magis placebat vulgo non satisfacere quam grandium animos irritare. Neque enim eo tempore coniicere erat ex novis aliquibus examinationibus aut incarcerationibus aliquem alium, praeter eos qui iam pridem innotuerant, detectum aut accusatum fuisse, etsi regis animus abditus hoc ipsum in dubio diu reliquisset.

But it pleased the king more not to satisfy the common people than to irritate the minds of the great. For neither at that time was there ground to infer from any new examinations or incarcerations that any other person, besides those who had long since become known, had been detected or accused, although the king’s hidden mind had left this very point long in doubt.

15. Circa hoc tempus noctu magnum coortum est incendium apud regis palatium de Shine prope cameras regis ipsius. Quo incendio magna pars aedium conflagravit, necnon multa lauta supellex absumpta est, id quod regi occasionem dedit usque a solo aedificandi nobilem illam structuram Richmondiae quae hodie cernitur.

15. Around this time, by night, a great fire broke out at the king’s palace of Shine, close to the king’s own chambers. By this fire a great part of the buildings burned, and many sumptuous furnishings were consumed as well, which gave the king the occasion to build up from the very ground that noble structure at Richmond which is seen today.

16. Etiam paulo ante hoc tempus evenit accidens quoddam memorabile. Fuit quidam Sebastianus Gabatus patria Venetus, qui Bristoiae habitabat, vir cosmographiae et navigationis peritus. Iste vir, successum videns et fortasse fortunae Christophori Columbi aemulatus in illa fortunata expeditione versus zephyro-austrum ante sex annos facta, cogitavit secum etiam novas terras detegi possi versus zephyro-boream.

16. Also a little before this time there befell a certain memorable occurrence. There was a certain Sebastian Cabot, by birth a Venetian, who was living at Bristol, a man skilled in cosmography and navigation. This man, seeing the success and perhaps emulous of the fortune of Christopher Columbus in that fortunate expedition made toward the southwest six years before, considered with himself that new lands also could be discovered toward the northwest.

Atque sane probabile est eius opinionem magis firmis et praegnantibus coniecturis fultam fuisse quam fuerat ea Columbi, cum enim duae illae magnae insulae, veteris et novis orbis, sint versus septentriones ipsa fabrica latae et exporrectae, versus austrum acuminatae. Verisimile est illic primum innotuisse terras novas, ubi minore intervallo a veteribus disiunctae essent. Quin et memoria extabat aliquarum terrarum ad zephyro-boream ante discoopertarum et pro insulis habitarum, quae tamen revera essent pars continentis Americae borealis.

And indeed it is plausible that his opinion was supported by more firm and pregnant conjectures than was that of Columbus; for those two great islands, of the Old and New World, are by their very structure broad and outstretched toward the north, tapered toward the south. It is likely that new lands first became known there where they were separated from the old by a smaller interval. Moreover, there survived a memory of certain lands toward the west-north previously discovered and regarded as islands, which nevertheless in truth were a part of the continent of North America.

Fieri autem possit ut aliqua notitia de hac re ad Columbum postea perveniens et ab eo suppressa (cupido fortasse ut in huiusmodi incoepto primus videretur) ei pro firmiore argumento fuerit ad credendum universum illud spatium ad occidentem Europae et Asiae pelagus perpetuum non fuisse, quam aut Seneca prophetia aut Platonis antiquitatus, aut currentium maris et ventorum a terra spirantium natura, et similae, quae, ut fama spargebatur, eum maxime moverunt. Etsi non sim nescius imputatum fuisse illud Columbi incoeptum fortuitae et tempestate actae navigationi (paulo ante) gubernatoris cuiusdam Hispani, qui in aedibus Columbi mortuus dicebatur. Gabatus autem iste, regi fidem faciens se insulam quandam mercibus pretiosis abundantem reperturum adduxit regem ut navem apud Bristoiam commeatu et nautis instrueret, pro ea insula detegenda.

But it could have happened that some notice about this matter, afterward reaching Columbus and by him suppressed (a desire perhaps that in an undertaking of this sort he might appear first), served him as a firmer argument for believing that the whole expanse to the west of Europe and Asia was not a continuous sea, than either the prophecy of Seneca or the antiquity of Plato, or the nature of the currents of the sea and of winds breathing from the land, and similar things, which, as rumor was being spread, especially moved him. Although I am not unaware that that undertaking of Columbus was imputed to the chance and storm-driven navigation (a little before) of a certain Spanish pilot, who was said to have died in the house of Columbus. But this same Gabatus, assuring the king that he would discover a certain island abounding in precious merchandises, induced the king to equip a ship at Bristol with commissariat and mariners, for the discovering of that island.

Quam navem regiam comitate sunt tres naviculae a mercatoribus Londinensibus missae mercibus quibusdam vilibus et levibus oneratae, quae essent commercio cum barbaris exercendo idoneae. Navigavit autem Gabatus (it ipse post reditum suum referebat, adducens etiam navigationis suae universae chartam) longe admodum versus occidentem qum quarta parte septentrionalis plagae iuxta boreale latus Terrae de Labrador usque dum ad latitudinem pervenisset sexaginta septem graduum cum dimidio, mare continuo reperiens apertum et pervium. Certum est etiam regis fortunae oblationem porrectam imperii illius amplissimi Indiae occidentalis.

Which royal ship was accompanied by three little ships sent by the London merchants, laden with certain cheap and light wares, which would be suitable for exercising commerce with the barbarians. Gabatus, moreover (as he himself after his return reported, also producing a chart of his entire navigation), sailed very far toward the west with a quarter of the northern quarter, along the northern side of the Land of Labrador, until he had reached the latitude of sixty-seven degrees and a half, continually finding the sea open and passable. It is certain also that there was proffered to the king’s fortune an oblation—the dominion of that very ample empire of the West Indies.

Neque tenuit ipse rex, sed mora fortuita res disturbata est. Etenim Christophorus Columbus a rege Portugalliae repulsam ferens (qui et occidentales et orientales Indias simul complecti consultum non putabat) Bartholomaeum Columbum fratrem suum ad Henricum regem nuncium misit, ut cum eo de suo incoepto negotiaretur. Contigit autem ut Bartholomaeus a piratis in mari captus fuisset, quo fortuito impedimeno detentus non nisi diu post ad regem pervenit, tam diu ut priusquam cum rege Henrico transegisset, expeditio illa a fratre suo Christophero suscepta esset.

Nor did the king himself hold to it, but by a fortuitous delay the matter was disturbed. For Christopher Columbus, suffering a repulse from the king of Portugal (who did not think it advisable to embrace both the western and the eastern Indies at the same time), sent his brother Bartholomew Columbus as a messenger to King Henry, to negotiate with him about his undertaking. It happened, however, that Bartholomew was seized at sea by pirates, and, detained by that fortuitous impediment, did not reach the king until long afterward, so long that, before he had concluded with King Henry, that expedition had already been undertaken by his brother Christopher.

Quo pacto providentia divina Indiae occidentales coronae Castiliae, ut tunc, reservatae fuerunt. Attamen haec regem acuerunt ut non solum Gabati expeditionem promovereet, verum etiam postea decimo sexto anno regni sui, atque iterum decimo octavo, dova diplomata concederet ad terras adhuc incognitas detegendas et occupandas.

Thus it came about, by divine providence, that the West Indies were, as at that time, reserved to the Crown of Castile. Nevertheless, these things spurred the king not only to promote Gabatus’s expedition, but also afterward, in the sixteenth year of his reign, and again in the eighteenth, to grant two diplomata for discovering and occupying lands still unknown.

17. Hoc etiam anno, decimo quarto scilicet regis (admirabili Dei providentia, qui res ad beneplacitum suum flectit, et in minimis maxima suspendit), occurrit accidens quoddam leve ac etiam perversum quod magnos et foelices effectus post se traxit. Durantibus cum Scotia induciis, quidam iuvenes nobiles ex Scotia ad oppidum Norhami venerunt, ibique cum quibusdam ex familiaribus suis Anglis, se exhilararunt. Cumque in otio essent, interdum ex oppido deambularant et castellum curiose spectarunt.

17. In this year also, specifically the king’s 14th (by the admirable providence of God, who bends things to His good pleasure, and hangs the greatest upon the least), there occurred a certain slight and even perverse incident which drew after it great and happy consequences. While a truce with Scotland was in force, certain noble youths from Scotland came to the town of Norham, and there, with some of their English familiars, they amused themselves. And when they were at leisure, they would at times stroll out of the town and curiously look upon the castle.

Quidam autem ex praesidiariis castelli, cum hoc bis aut ter animadvertissent, cumque animos adhuc exucleratos gererent ex hostilitate quae paulo ante intercesserant, eos pro exploratibus aut habebant aut calumniabantur. Unde iurgia inter eos orta sunt, et a iurgiis manus conserebant. Adeo ut complures ex utraque parte vulnerati esset, Scotis, verisimile erat, cum in oppido essent peregrini, duriores partes sustenentibus.

However, some of the garrison-soldiers of the castle, when they had noticed this twice or thrice, and since they were still carrying minds ulcerated from the hostility which had a little before intervened, either held them as scouts or were calumniating them. Whence quarrels arose between them, and from quarrels they joined hands—came to blows. So that several on either side were wounded, the Scots, it was likely, since in the town they were peregrine, bearing the harsher share.

Quinetiam nonnulli ex iis interfecti sunt, reliquis citato gradu in Scotiam redeuntibus. Haec res postquam inter custodes limitaneos ex utraque parte tractata est, nec finis controversiae impositus, rex Scotiae in suam contumeliam factam esse interpretatus est, et fecialem ad regem Henricum misit qui huius iniuriae reparationem postularet cum protestatione eum alias bellum denunciaturum. Rex autem (qui fortunae aleam saepius expertus est, et ad pacem inclinabat) respondit quod hactenus factum esset prorsus contra voluntatem suam, et sine consensu aut notitia contigisse.

Moreover, several of them were killed, the rest returning to Scotland at a quick pace. After this matter had been handled among the border-guards on both sides, and no end set to the controversy, the king of Scotland interpreted it as having been done to his contumely, and sent a fetial herald to King Henry to demand reparation for this injury, with a protestation that otherwise he would declare war. But the king (who had more than once tried the hazard of fortune’s die, and was inclined to peace) replied that what had been done was entirely against his will, and had occurred without his consent or knowledge.

Verum si praesidiarii in culpa fuissent, se in eos severe animadversurum atque inducias in omnibus conservaturum. Verum hoc responsum regi Scotiae dilatio quaedam visa est, ut querela interposito spacio elanguesceret. Itaque eum magis irritavit quam placavit.

However, if the garrison troops were at fault, he would take severe action against them and would preserve the armistice in all respects. But this answer seemed to the king of Scotland to be a kind of delay, so that the complaint, with an interval interposed, might languish. Thus it irritated him more than it appeased him.

At episcopus Foxus a rege audiens quod rex Scotiae adhuc exaestuaret et impatiens esset, turbatus occasionem rupturae induciarum a suis hominibus ortam esse, quamplures humiles et deprecatorias literas ad regem Scotiae misit quibus eum placeret. Unde rex Iacobus, episcopi mollibus et blandis literis delinitus, ad eum rescripsit se licet haud parum literis suis tribuerit, tamen plenam satisfactionem non recipere posse nisi cum eo colloqueretur, tam circa praesentis controversiae compositionem quam circa res alias quae ad bonum utriusque regni spectarent. Episcopus mandata a rege accipiens in Scotiam profectus est.

But Bishop Fox, hearing from the king that the king of Scotland was still seething and was impatient, and troubled that the occasion for a rupture of the truce had arisen from his own men, sent many humble and deprecatory letters to the king of Scotland to placate him. Whereupon King James, soothed by the bishop’s soft and bland letters, wrote back that, although he set no small value on his letters, nevertheless he could not receive full satisfaction unless he conferred with him, both concerning the composition of the present controversy and concerning other matters that looked to the good of both kingdoms. The bishop, receiving mandates from the king, set out for Scotland.

Convenerunt apud Melrosse abbatiam Cisterciorum, ubi rex tum morabatur. Rex primo disertis verbis episcopo significavit quam inique tulerat insolentem illam rupturam induciarum ab hominibus eius apud castrum de Norhamo factam. Quibus Foxus respondit tam humiliter et tam blande, ut instar olei esset vulneri infusi, unde sanari coepit.

They met at Melrose, the abbey of the Cistercians, where the king was then staying. The king at first signified to the bishop in eloquent words how ill he had borne that insolent rupture of the truce, committed by his men at the castle of Norham. To this Fox replied so humbly and so blandly that it was like oil poured into a wound, whence it began to be healed.

Atque hoc factum est rege et concilio suo praesentibus. Postea rex cum episcopo collocutus est solus, atque intima animi sui expromsit, dicendo temporarias istas inducias et paces cito conclusas cito etiam ruptas esse solere. Se autem arctiorem cum rege Angliae amicitiam capere, ideoque si rex Henricus promogenitam suam filiam dominam Margaretam in matrimonium ei dare vellet, ita demum nodum fore indissolubilem.

And this was done with the king and his council present. Afterwards the king conferred alone with the bishop, and expressed the innermost things of his mind, saying that these temporary truces and peaces, quickly concluded, are also wont to be quickly broken. As for himself, he embraced a closer amity with the king of England; and therefore, if King Henry were willing to give his firstborn daughter, Lady Margaret, to him in matrimony, then at length the knot would be indissoluble.

Se satis nosse quantum episcopus auctoritate et gratia apud regem suum merito possit. Itaque si ipse huic rei studiose incumbere vellet, se minime dubitare quin pro voto suo successura esset. Episcopus sobrie respondit quod se potius faelicem quam dignum reputaret, qui in tali negotio minister esset, operam vero suam libentissime colluturam.

He said that he knew well enough how much the bishop could, by his authority and grace with his king, deservedly accomplish. And so, if he himself were willing zealously to apply himself to this matter, he did not at all doubt that it would succeed according to his desire. The bishop soberly replied that he reckoned himself rather fortunate than worthy to be a minister in such a business, and that he would most gladly contribute his effort.

Episcopus igitur ad regem Henricum reversus, quaeque acta essent referens regemque propensum et fere cupidum inveniens, regi consilium dedit ut primum pacem stabiliret, deinde tractatum matrimonii gradiatim consummaret. Pax itaque facile conclusa, quae paulo ante natalem domini promulgata est decimo quarto regis anno, duratura in vitam amborum regum simul aut eorum superstitis, et annum unum deinceps. In hac pace continebatur articulus ut nullus Anglus Scotiam aut Scotus Angliam ingrederetur nisi cum literis commendatoriis suis regis.

Bishop therefore, having returned to King Henry and reporting what had been done and finding the king well‑disposed and almost desirous, gave the king counsel that he should first establish peace, then by degrees consummate the matrimonial negotiation. Peace, therefore, was easily concluded, which was promulgated a little before the Nativity of the Lord in the 14th year of the king, to endure for the lifetimes of both kings together or of the survivor of them, and for one year thereafter. In this peace there was contained an article that no Englishman should enter Scotland nor a Scot England unless with letters commendatory of his own king.

Hoc primo intuitu videri posset eo spectare ut familiaritas inter nationes abrumperetur, sed factum est ad limitaneos coercendos, qui dissidiorum causa esse consueverant.

At first glance this might seem to aim at the familiarity between the nations being severed, but it was done to restrain the borderers, who were wont to be the cause of dissensions.

18. Hoc etiam anno natus est regi filius tertius, Edmundus nominatus, qui paulo post obiit. Circa idem fere tempus allatus quoque est nuncius de morte Caroli regis Galli, cuius nomine celebratae sunt exequiae solennes et regiae.

18. In this same year a third son was born to the king, named Edmund, who shortly after died. About nearly the same time, a message was also brought of the death of Charles, king of the French, in whose name solemn and royal exequies were celebrated.

19. Nec multum temporis intercessit quin Perkinus (qui ex argento vivo compositus erat, quod non facile contineri aut incarcerari potest) turbare coepit. Etenim custodibus delusis se in fugam dedit et versus mare properavit. Verum statim omnes anguli excussi, tamque sedula facta est inquisitio, ut redire compulsus esset, et ad domum de Bethleem, dictam prioratum de Shine (qui asyli privilegio gaudebat) confugere, seque priori illius monasterii in manus tradere.

19. Nor did much time intervene before Perkin (who was composed of quicksilver, which cannot easily be contained or incarcerated) began to disturb. For, the guards having been deluded, he betook himself to flight and hastened toward the sea. But straightway every corner was ransacked, and so sedulous was the inquisition that he was compelled to return, and to take refuge at the house of Bethlehem, called the Priory of Shine (which rejoiced in the privilege of asylum), and to deliver himself into the hands of the prior of that monastery.

Prior iste pro sancto admodum viro habitus est, quem omnes eo tempore multum reverebantur. Ille ad regem accessit, et pro vita tantum Perkini deprecatus est, eum alias regis arbitrio relinquens. Multi apud regem ardentius etiam quam antea institerunt ut rex eum sine mora ex asylo abriperet et suspenderet.

This prior was held as a very holy man, whom all at that time greatly revered. He approached the king and petitioned only for Perkin’s life, leaving him otherwise to the king’s discretion. Many pressed with the king even more ardently than before that the king should snatch him from the asylum without delay and hang him.

Verum rex (qui elati erat animi, neque odisse quenquam poterat quem despiceret) iusset ut nebulo ex asylo extraheretur et in cippis poneretur. Atque ita vitam eius prioris precibus largitus Perkinum educi fecit. Et intra duos aut tres dies super pegma in area palatii Westmonasteriensis erectum, compedibus vinctus et cippo clausus, per integrum diem sedit.

But the king (who was of an elated spirit, and could not hate anyone whom he despised) ordered that the knave be dragged out of sanctuary and put in the stocks. And so, granting his life at the prior’s prayers, he had Perkin led forth. And within two or three days, upon a scaffold erected in the courtyard of the palace of Westminster, bound in fetters and shut in the pillory, he sat for the whole day.

Dieque sequente similiter cum eo ad crucem de Cheapside actum est. Atque in utroque loco confessionem suam (de qua supra mentionem fecimus) perlegit. Exinde autem in turrim Londinensem perductus est.

And on the following day likewise he was conducted to the Cheapside Cross. And in both places he read through his confession (of which we have made mention above). Thereafter he was led into the Tower of London.

Verum (ut paulo ante notavimus) rex talem societatem cum fortuna inierat ut nemo distinguere possit quae actiones fortunae, quae autem regis industriae, deberentur. Creditum enim est ubique Perkinum proditum fuisse, eumque non sine regis notitia tenuisset, regemque hoc fecisse ut caussam haberet eum morte mulctandi et finem illis rebus imponendi. Verum hoc minus probabile est, quandoquidem iidem ministri qui eum in fuga sua observabant etiam ab asylo intercludere potuissent.

But (as we noted a little before) the king had entered into such a society with Fortune that no one could distinguish which actions ought to be attributed to Fortune, and which to the king’s industry. For it was believed everywhere that Perkin had been betrayed, and that someone had detained him not without the king’s notice, and that the king had done this so that he might have a cause for mulcting him with death and for imposing an end to those affairs. But this is less probable, since the same ministers who were watching him in his flight could also have shut him off from the asylum.

20. Verum fatale erat ut hedera ista serpens Plantagenistae veram Plantagenistae arborem necaret. Perkinus enim haud diu post se in gratiam et favorem custodum suorum, servorum Ioannis Digbeii equitis aurati praefecti turtis, numero quatuor (Strangwaii, Blewetti, Astwoodi, et Rogeri Longi) insinuaverat, atque nebulones istos promissorum montibus corrumpere annisus est ut carcere se eximeret. Sed satis gnarus fortunam suam tam contemptibilem redditam ut nullius spes pascere possit (spe autem perficienda res erat, nam praemia deerant), apud se vastum et tragicum facinus machinatus est.

20. But it was fated that that ivy, creeping Plantagenist, would slay the true Plantagenet tree. For Perkin not long after insinuated himself into the good grace and favor of his keepers, the servants of John Digby, a knight, prefect of the Tower, four in number (Strangway, Blewett, Astwood, and Roger Long), and he strove to corrupt those rascals with mountains of promises, in order to exempt himself from prison. But being well aware that his fortune had been rendered so contemptible that it could feed the hope of no one (and yet the matter had to be effected by hope, for rewards were lacking), he contrived within himself a vast and tragic deed.

Illud fuit ut in societatem consiliorum suorum Edwardum Plantagenistam comitem Warwici, tum in turre detentum, pertraheret, quem taedium diuturnae incarcerationis et recurrentes subinde metus mortis ita emolliverant ut ad quamlibet impressionem de libertate sua recuperanda recipiendam aptus esset. Hunc principem iuvenem, arbitrabatur Perkinus, servos illos quos supra memoravimus officiose reverituros, licet ipse iis despicatui esset. Itaque postquam per nuncium unum aut alterum per aliquos ex illis servis comitis consensum degustasset, constitutum inter eos fuit ut quatuor hi dominum suum praefectum turris noctu secreto obtruncarent, et pecunias et bona eiusdem praefecti quae commodi exportari possent eriperent, clavesque turris caperent, et Perkinum cum comite statum emitterent.

His plan was to draw into the partnership of his counsels Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick, then detained in the Tower, whom the tedium of long incarceration and the recurrent, ever and anon, fears of death had so softened that he was apt to receive any impression touching the recovery of his liberty. Perkin supposed that those servants whom we have mentioned above would dutifully revere this young prince, although he himself was to them a thing of contempt. And so, after he had, through one messenger or another, tasted the earl’s consent by means of some of those servants, it was agreed among them that these four should secretly cut down by night their master, the governor of the Tower, and seize the money and goods of that same governor which could conveniently be carried out, and take the keys of the Tower, and forthwith let out Perkin together with the earl.

Atque in hac quoque re regis praealta prudentia eum gravi individia onerabat, Perkinum ei tantum instar escae fuisse ad comitem captandum. Atque eodem temporis momento dum coniuratio ista iniretur (quasi etiam illud ipsum regis industria effectum esset) in fatis erat ut adulterinus quidam comes Warwici prodieret, calcearii filius cui nomen erat Radulphus Wilfordus. Adolescens autem edoctus et instructus erat a fratre quodam Augustiano, Patricio dicto.

And in this matter too the king’s most profound prudence burdened him with grievous ill-will, that Perkin had been to him only as bait for catching the earl. And at the same moment of time while that conspiracy was being entered upon (as if even that very thing had been effected by the king’s industry), it was fated that a certain adulterine—i.e., counterfeit—Earl of Warwick should appear, the son of a shoemaker, whose name was Ralph Wilford. The youth, moreover, had been taught and coached by a certain Augustinian brother, called Patrick.

Uterque horum a partibus Suffolciae in Cantium pervenerunt, ubi non solum clam et per susurros rumores spargebant Wilfordum istum verum comitem Warwici esse, verumetiam frater ille populum ad credendum propensiorem expertus impudentissime conciones de ea re ad populum habuit, eosque ut in auxilium suum properarent hortatus est, unde uterque comprehensus est et supposititius comes morte affectus, frater autem perpetuo carceri damnatus. Hoc vero opportune admodum accidit ad repraesentandum periculum quod regi a comite Warwici imminebat, et ad velandam regis severitatem quae secuta est. Eaque ipsa opportunitas, accedente vesania fratris qui tantam proditionem antequam ullas nacta esset vires publicare esset ausus, quin et eiusdem fratris vitae condonatio (cuius tamen revera nihil aliud in causa fuit quam ordinis ui privilegium), denique misericordia vulgi (quae si gurgite rapido fluat, semper coenam invidiae et scandale excitat), effecerunt ut ubique potius sermone hominum iactatum quam plane creditum esset omnia artificio regis instructa fuisse.

Each of these men came from the parts of Suffolk into Kent, where they not only secretly and by whispers scattered rumors that this Wilford was the true Earl of Warwick, but even that friar, having found the people more inclined to believe, most impudently held harangues to the people on that matter, and exhorted them to hasten to his aid; whence both were apprehended, and the counterfeit earl was visited with death, but the friar was condemned to perpetual prison. This indeed happened very opportunely both for representing the danger which threatened the king from the Earl of Warwick, and for veiling the king’s severity which followed. And that very opportuneness—together with the friar’s madness, who dared to publish so great a treason before it had obtained any strength, and even the remitting of the same friar’s life (of which, however, in truth nothing else was in the case than the privilege of his order), finally the compassion of the common crowd (which, if it flows in a swift torrent, always excites a banquet of envy and scandal)—brought it about that everywhere it was rather bandied about in men’s talk than plainly believed that everything had been contrived by the king’s artifice.

Sed utcunque hoc fuerit, Perkinus (qui iam tertio contra gratiam peccarat) tandem in iudicium adductus est apud Westmonasterium, et coram commissarris de audiendo et terminando impetitus de diversus proditionis commissis et perpetratis post eius in Angliam adventum (ita enim iudices consuluerunt, quoniam extraneus esset) denique condemnatus est, et intra paucos dies apud Tiburne capitali supplicio affectus. Ubi rursus confessionem illam suam perlegit, et verum esse iam sub ipsam mortem agnovit. Atque is exitus fuit basilisci huius, qui potis erat eos necare qui eum primi non aspexissent.

But however this may have been, Perkin (who had now for the third time sinned against grace) was at length brought to judgment at Westminster, and, before commissioners of oyer and terminer, was accused of diverse treasons committed and perpetrated after his coming into England (so the judges advised, since he was a foreigner); finally he was condemned, and within a few days at Tyburn he suffered capital punishment. There he again read through that confession of his, and at the very point of death acknowledged it to be true. And such was the end of this basilisk, who was able to slay those who had not first looked upon him.

Fabula erat certe ex huius generis fabulis quae memorantur longissima, et alium fortasse finem sortita esset nisi res incidisset in regem prudentem, animosum, et fortunatum.

The fable was certainly, among fables of this kind that are commemorated, one of the longest, and perhaps would have obtained another end, had not the affair fallen upon a king prudent, high‑spirited, and fortunate.

21. Quantum vero ad tres Perkini consiliarios, ii se asylarios registrari fecerunt, cum Perkinus id ipsum fecisset. Verum, sive quod iis ignotum esset, sive quod intra privilegium se continuissent, in iudicium minime adducti sunt. Una cum Perkino suspensi sunt maior civitatis de Corke in Hibernia et filius eius, qui proditionum Perkini inter praecipuos fautores fuerant.

21. As for the three counsellors of Perkin, they had themselves registered as sanctuary-men, after Perkin had done the same. However, whether because this was unknown to the authorities, or because they kept themselves within the privilege, they were not at all brought to trial. Together with Perkin were hanged the mayor of the city of Corke in Ireland and his son, who had been among the chief supporters of Perkin’s treasons.

Paulo post, similiter morti adiudicati sunt octo alii propter coniurationem factam in turre, quorum quatuor praefecti turris servi erant. Et statim post, in iudicium adductus coram comite Oxoniae (seneschallo magno Angliae ea vice facto) infelix ille princeps comes Warwici, non propter conatum e turre evadendi (hoc enim peractum non est, atque etiam, cum incarceratio propter proditionem minime fuisset, evasio pro proditionis crimine lege haberi non debuit), sed propter coniurationem cum Perkino initam seditiones in regno excitandi et regem destruendi. Comes autem Warwici accusationem confessione sua firmavit, et paulo post apud collem turris decapitatus est.

A little later, eight others were similarly adjudged to death on account of a conspiracy made in the Tower, of whom four were servants of the warden of the Tower. And immediately after, brought to judgment before the earl of Oxford (made Great Seneschal of England on that occasion) was that unhappy prince, the Earl of Warwick, not for an attempt to escape from the Tower (for this was not accomplished, and also, since the imprisonment had by no means been for treason, the escape ought not in law to be held as the crime of treason), but for a conspiracy entered into with Perkin to stir up seditions in the realm and to destroy the king. The Earl of Warwick confirmed the accusation by his own confession, and a little after was beheaded at Tower Hill.

22. Sic etiam finivit non solum nobilis istius et vere commiserabilis personae comitis Warwici, primogeniti ducis Clarentiae, tragoesia, verum etiam stirps et linea mascula Plantagenistarum, quae tanto cum splendore et gloria floruerat usque a temporibus celeberrimae memoriae regis Henrici Secundi regis Angliae. Fuerat autem haec stirps saepe sanguine proprio intincta. Manet autem adhuc progenies illa, sed in alias familias tam imperiales quam nobiles transplantata.

22. Thus there ended not only the tragedy of that noble and truly commiserable person, the earl of Warwick, firstborn of the duke of Clarence, but also the stock and male line of the Plantagenets, which had flourished with so great splendor and glory down to the times of King Henry II, of most celebrated memory, king of England. However, this stock had often been stained with its own blood. Yet that progeny still remains, but transplanted into other families, both imperial and noble.

Verum nec crimine reatus nec rationes status invidiam extinguere poterant quae regi ob executionem incumbebant. Itaque consultum putabat rex invidiam istam ex Anglia exportare, eamque in novum suum affinem Ferdinandum regem Hispaniarum exonerare. Regibus enim istis duobus vel solo nutu se mutuo intelligentibus, res ita se habuit ut literae ex Hispania reperirentur atque ostenderentur quibus inter alios sermones circa tractatum matrimonii, Ferdinandus ad regem Henricum disertis verbis scripserat se securitatem nullam de liberorum regis in regnum succesione videre quamdiu comes Warwici in vivis esset, seque filiam suam in manifesta pericula et turbas mittere haud libenter sustenturum.

But neither the charge of guilt nor reasons of state could extinguish the odium that lay upon the king on account of the execution. Therefore the king judged it advisable to export that odium out of England, and to offload it upon his new affine, Ferdinand, king of the Spains. For these two kings, understanding each other with even a mere nod, managed the matter thus: letters from Spain were found and exhibited, in which, among other discourses touching the marriage treaty, Ferdinand had written to King Henry in express words that he saw no security for the succession of the king’s children to the kingdom so long as the Earl of Warwick was among the living, and that he would by no means be willing to countenance sending his daughter into manifest perils and tumults.

Verum hoc facto, etsi rex aliquatenus invidiam a se ipso amoliretur, tamen non animadvertit se simul maledictionem quandam et omen infaustum nuptiis ipsis impingere. Quod quidem eventu ita completum est, ut princeps Arthurus uxore sua ad breve tempus potiretur, atque ipsa principissa Catharina (foemina tristis et religiosa) diu post, cum regis Henrici Octavi dea repudianda consilium ei primum nunciatum est, diceret se quidem culpa vacare, sed hoc iusto iudicio Dei factum esse, quod nuptiae suae in sanguine fundatae fuissent, intelligendo sanguinem comitis Warwici.

Yet, this having been done, although the king to some extent removed the invidia from himself, nevertheless he did not observe that he was at the same time fastening a certain malediction and inauspicious omen upon the nuptials themselves. Which indeed was thus fulfilled in the event, that Prince Arthur came to possess his wife for a brief time; and the princess Catherine herself (a sad and religious woman), long after, when the plan of King Henry VIII for repudiating her was first announced to her, said that she indeed was clear of fault, but that this was done by the just judgment of God, because her nuptials had been founded in blood—meaning the blood of the Earl of Warwick.