Albert of Aix•HISTORIA HIEROSOLYMITANAE EXPEDITIONIS
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Postea conventu Christianorum de die in diem comminuto, aliis redeuntibus navigio, aliis per diversas [0625D] regiones in reditu suo dispersis, Conradus, stabularius imperatoris Romanorum, Albertus de Blandraz, Stephanus Blesensis, Stephanus princeps Burgundiae, Otho cognomine Altaspata, Arpinus de Buduordis, Hugo de Falckenberg, Hugo de Lezenais, Baldewinus de Hestrut, Gutmanus de Brussela, Rudolfus de castello Alos, quod est in Flandria, Hugo de Botuns, Gerbodo de castello Wintine, Rotgerus de Roscit, et caeteri quamplurimi nobiles et egregii viri, qui ad sanctum Pascha celebrandum tunc de universis locis convenerant, et in omni devotione ac charitatis plenitudine feliciter sanctum tempus celebraverant, in civitate Jerusalem cum rege remanserunt.
Afterwards, the assembly of the Christians being diminished from day to day, some returning by ship, others in their return being scattered through diverse [0625D] regions, Conrad, constable of the emperor of the Romans, Albert of Blandraz, Stephen of Blois, Stephen, prince of Burgundy, Otto by the cognomen High-Sword, Arpinus of Buduordis, Hugh of Falkenberg, Hugh of Lezenais, Baldwin of Hestrut, Gutman of Brussels, Rudolf of the castle Alos, which is in Flanders, Hugh of Botuns, Gerbodo of the castle Wintine, Rotger of Roscit, and very many other nobles and distinguished men, who had then gathered from all places to celebrate Holy Pascha, and in all devotion and fullness of charity had happily celebrated the holy season, remained in the city of Jerusalem with the king.
Appropinquante dehinc festo sanctae Pentecostes, et collectione Christianorum nimium attenuata, aliis navigio, aliis per siccum regressis, exercitus regis [0626D] Babyloniae innumerabilis, et nunquam antea copiosior factus, ab Ascalone alii navigio, alii per aridam in equis et copioso apparatu armorum descendentes, templum S. Georgii, distans milliari a civitate Rames, combusserunt cum universis, quos in eo repererunt fugientes a facie eorum cum armentis et gregibus; quin etiam sata regionis depopulati sunt, novum laborem peregrinorum, et spem totius anni. At Robertus, civitatis episcopus, vir christianissimus, videns tam copiosum exercitum tam repentinis flammis et praedis regioni incumbere, et post captam urbem Rames in civitatem Jerusalem velle descendere ad expugnanda ejus moenia et obsidendum regem cum populo Christiano, subito equum [0627A] ascendens, et ab hostium incursu elapsus praecucurrit Jerusalem ut nuntiaret regi quantus exercitus descendisset a Babylonia, et quomodo omnia sata et vicina loca civitatis Rames jam flamma et praeda consumpsisset.
With the feast of holy Pentecost then approaching, and the gathering of Christians greatly attenuated, some having returned by ship, others over dry land, the army of the king of Babylon [0626D] innumerable, and never before made more copious, from Ascalon—some by ship, others over the arid by horses and with a copious apparatus of arms descending—burned the temple of St. George, a mile distant from the city Rames, together with all whom they found in it, fleeing before their face with herds and flocks; nay more, they laid waste the sown fields of the region, the new labor of the pilgrims, and the hope of the whole year. But Robert, the bishop of the city, a most Christian man, seeing so copious an army bearing down upon the region with such sudden flames and depredations, and, after capturing the city Rames, wishing to descend into the city Jerusalem to assault its walls and to besiege the king with the Christian people, suddenly mounting a horse, and having slipped from the inroad of the enemies, ran ahead to Jerusalem to announce to the king how great an army had descended from Babylon, and how all the crops and the places near the city Rames had already been consumed by flame and plunder. [0627A]
Rex itaque et universa domus ducis Godefridi fratris ipsius et caeteri nobiles, qui adhuc cum illo remanserant, audientes supervenisse tot millia adversariorum ad delendos catholicos populos, sine mora ad arma festinant; et jam ad septingentos adunati et loricati, cum rege versus hostiles impetus in tubis et cornibus et vexillis ostreis regia via ferebantur. Vix a montanis Jerusalem rex et sui [0627B] egressi sunt, et ecce in valle et amplissima planitie Rames inimica agmina Sarracenorum, Arabumque et Azopart appropinquabant cum infinitis millibus equitum et peditum, volentes in virtute hac Jerusalem recuperare, regem et fideles Christi expugnare.
Thus the king and the entire house of Duke Godfrey, his brother, and the other nobles who had still remained with him, hearing that so many thousands of adversaries had come upon them to destroy the catholic peoples, hasten to arms without delay; and now, seven hundred having been assembled and loricated, with the king they were borne toward the hostile onsets with trumpets and horns and purple standards along the royal way. Scarcely had the king and his men gone out from the mountains of Jerusalem, [0627B] and behold, in the valley and the very broad plain of Ramla the inimical battle-lines of the Saracens, and of the Arabs and the Azopart, were drawing near with countless thousands of horse and foot, wishing by this might to recover Jerusalem, to storm the king and the faithful of Christ.
Rex igitur et omnis comitatus illius videntes tam propinquas acies inimicorum astitisse, omni timore mortis deposito, et animae suae parcere non curantes, atrociter et unanimiter per medios hostes ad eorum millia irruunt, acies penetrantes in virtute militari, et nimiam caedem suis armis multiplicantes. [0627C] Dum vero hi solum septingenti, pauca quidem manus, sed milites egregii et fortissimi, sic caedendo et hostium muros diruendo, penetrare conarentur, gens intolerabilis Azopart, quae in mediis millibus gentilium constituta erat, cum fustibus, in modum malleorum ferro et plumbo compositis, occurrerunt regi et suis, et non solum milites, sed etiam equos illorum in fronte et caeteris membris fortiter ferientes, gravi ictu eos a praelio absterrebant. Alii vero sagittis et fundibulis viros egregios coronantes, incessanter affligebant, tanquam grando indeficiens quae de coelo cadit, quousque vim ultra sufferre non valentes rex et universi in fugam conversi sunt.
Therefore the king and all his retinue, seeing that the battle-lines of the enemies had stood so near, with all fear of death laid aside, and not caring to spare their own life, savagely and with one mind rush through the midst of the foes upon their thousands, penetrating the ranks by military prowess, and multiplying excessive slaughter with their arms. [0627C] While these, only seven hundred, indeed a small band, but outstanding and very stout soldiers, were thus, by cutting down and by tearing down the walls of the enemy, trying to break through, the intolerable people Azopart, who had been stationed in the midst of the thousands of the gentiles, with cudgels fashioned in the manner of hammers, composed of iron and lead, met the king and his men, and, striking hard not only the soldiers but also their horses on the forehead and on the other limbs, by heavy blows kept deterring them from the battle. Others, for their part, encircling the distinguished men with arrows and slings, were incessantly afflicting them, like an unfailing hail which falls from heaven, until, being no longer able to endure the force, the king and all were turned to flight.
Rudolph of Alos, Gerbodo of Wintin, Gerard of Avesnes, Geoffrey short in stature, at Stablo [0627D] the chamberlain of Duke Godfrey, Count Host of the castle Rura, Hugh of Hamach from the Poitevin land, Hugh Botuns, Gerard Barson, and all the rest perished in the midst among the enemies. Of these, 50, seizing flight toward Rames, were admitted to the gates of the city. But Lithard of Cambrai, Rotger of Roseit, Philip of Boulogne, Baldwin of Hestrut, Walter of Berg, Hugh of Burg, and Addo of Keresi took flight toward Jaffa, where 10,000 met them, who were hastening to aid the king.
His itaque civitati cum fugitivis militibus immissis, [0628A] et portis clausis, Sarraceni qui eos insequebantur ad societatem reversi sunt, et urbem Rames, undique positis castris, obsederunt. Rex autem vitae diffisus, propter urbis infirmitatem, per quamdam muri fracturam cum solo Hugone de Brulis in Gezela residens, cum armigero suo versus montana Jerusalem diffugium fecit, et tota die ac nocte errans, frustra iter peregit, donec maxima pars Sarracenorum erranti, et Jerusalem tendenti, occurrit: à quibus illi fuga per montana interdicta, graviter insecutione illorum oppressus est, nescius quo vagari coeperit. Rex itaque intelligens, se per montana evadere non posse, jam crastino mane orto, et via aliquantulum recognita, versus Assur civitatem Christianorum secessit, licet sagittis insequentium [0628B] trans loricam paulisper sauciatus: qui per diem et noctem in montanis et deviis multum laboravit, donec tandem in campi planitie sine requie et cibo vel equi pabulo assistens, regionis et viarum coepit reminisci.
Thus, when these had been admitted into the city together with the fugitive soldiers, [0628A] and the gates shut, the Saracens who were pursuing them returned to the main company, and, with camps placed on every side, besieged the city Rames. But the king, despairing of life on account of the infirmity of the city, through a certain breach of the wall, with only Hugh of Brulis, sitting on a pillion, and with his armor-bearer, took flight toward the mountains of Jerusalem; and wandering all day and night, he made his journey in vain, until a very great part of the Saracens met him as he wandered and was tending toward Jerusalem: by whom, flight through the mountains being denied to him, he was grievously oppressed by their pursuit, not knowing whither he had begun to wander. Therefore the king, understanding that he could not escape through the mountains, now, with the next morning arisen, and the road somewhat recognized, withdrew toward Assur, a city of the Christians, although for a while wounded by the arrows of the pursuers [0628B] through the hauberk; and he labored much through day and night in mountainous and out-of-the-way places, until at last, standing on the level plain without rest and food, or fodder for the horse, he began to recollect the region and the roads.
In the morning, with things thus, he entered Assur. There Rorgius, who had received the city of Caiphas in benefice and was holding it, welcomed him with great joy; for he supposed that he had collapsed with the rest. Thus the king, having slipped from the siege of Rames and from the hand of the Saracens, came to Assur.
Altera autem die Sarraceni, nec non Azopari, ruptis muris civitatis in virtute magna, ipsam turrim infringere et expugnare fortiter coeperunt ferreis uncis et ligonibus, donec tandem turri cavata, ignem et fumum in ea suscitaverunt, ut sic calore et fumo arctati et suffocati milites, aut perirent aut prodirent. Sed milites egregii, eligentes potius honesta defensione consumi, quam misera morte suffocari et exstingui, tertia die invocato nomine Jesu, confisi ejus gratia egressi sunt, et plurimum cum Sarracenis facie ad faciem dimicantes, plurimo sanguine et strage illorum animas [0628D] suas ulti sunt. Conradus vero audacia et viribus incomparabilis, gladio praecipuas Sarracenorum strages exercuit, quoad omnes admirati qui aderant et exterriti, procul ab eo absistentes, continuerunt manus suas, rogantes eum ut cessaret a caede horribili, et eorum dextras susciperet pro vivendi gratia, et sic in regis Babyloniae deditionem redderetur donec placata regis ira tam famosus et mirabilis miles in oculis ejus gratiam inveniret, et post vincula praemia mereretur.
But on the next day the Saracens, and likewise the Azopari, the walls of the city having been broken with great force, began stoutly to break and storm the tower itself with iron hooks and mattocks, until at last, the tower having been hollowed out, they stirred up fire and smoke in it, so that the soldiers, cramped and suffocated by heat and smoke, would either perish or go forth. But the distinguished soldiers, choosing rather to be consumed in honorable defense than to be suffocated and extinguished by a wretched death, on the third day, with the name of Jesus invoked, trusting in his grace, went out, and, fighting very much with the Saracens face to face, with much blood and the slaughter of them avenged their own souls [0628D]. Conrad, moreover, incomparable in audacity and in strength, with the sword wrought the chief slaughters of the Saracens, until all who were present, amazed and terrified, standing far off from him, withheld their hands, begging him to cease from the horrible killing and to receive their right hands for the sake of living, and thus he should be handed over in submission to the king of Babylon until, the king’s wrath appeased, so famous and wondrous a soldier might find favor in his eyes, and after bonds might merit rewards.
Which was indeed done. Arpinus likewise was captured and preserved alive, because it had there become known from veridical witnesses that he had been a soldier of the emperor of the Greeks. But all the others, together with Stephen and the other Stephen, the highest princes, were beheaded on the spot.
Interea rex Baldewinus hoc triduo Assur resedit ut audiret eventum rerum. Sed fama haec crudelis Jerusalem transvolans, omnes eam inhabitantes vehementer perterruit, et in luctum ac ploratum tota civitas conversa est. Coeperunt enim adeo omnium corda metu fluxa deficere, ut noctu et in enebris a civitate recedere pararent, nisi Gutmanus quidam ortus de Brussela, qui vix evaserat, plurimum eis consolationis attulisset et saepius admonuisset ne facile a civitate recederent, donec intelligerent si rex Baldewinus adhuc superesset.
Meanwhile King Baldwin for these three days remained at Assur that he might hear the outcome of affairs. But this cruel report, flying across to Jerusalem, greatly terrified all inhabiting it, and the whole city was turned into mourning and lamentation. For the hearts of all, loosened by fear, began so to fail that by night and in the darkness they were preparing to withdraw from the city, unless a certain Gutman, sprung from Brussels, who had scarcely escaped, had brought them very much consolation and had repeatedly admonished them not to withdraw from the city lightly, until they should understand whether King Baldwin still survived.
At length, after a little while, a report was brought that the king [0629B] was still unharmed: hearing this, all rejoiced and were comforted. And therefore from then on, day by day, diffused along the walls, they defended the city from the assaults of the Saracens, who, in the pride of their victory, were assiduously coming hither in troops to provoke the Christian citizens.
His itaque decollatis, sed Conrado et Arpino in dextris eorum susceptis et in urbem Ascalonem in carcerem transmissis, Meravis et cuncti potentes Babyloniae in virtute magna, et manu robusta, ad civitatem Japhet profecti sunt ac plurimo assultu, instrumento et tormentis lapidum ac bellico apparatu [0629C] et impetu viros in ea repertos vexaverunt. Caput vero Gerbodonis et ejus crura pretioso ostro calceata et induta amputantes, defensoribus urbis ostenderunt, asserentes regis esse Baldewini, eo quod similis ejus esset: et ideo eos ab urbe exire, et in potestatem regis Babyloniae sanis membris et vita incolumi venire plurimum arctabant. Christiani vero arbitrantes verum, et regis caput et crura procul ostentari, nimia desperatione correpti sunt cum omnibus rebus suis egredi, sibi invicem consulentes, et sic navigio liberari.
These, therefore, having been beheaded, but Conrad and Arpin having been received under their right hands and sent into the city of Ascalon into prison, Meravis and all the potentates of Babylon, in great valor and with a robust hand, set out for the city Japhet, and with very many assaults, with engines and stone-hurling artillery and warlike apparatus [0629C] and with an onrush, they harried the men found in it. In fact, having cut off the head of Gerbodon and his legs, shod and clothed in precious purple, they showed them to the defenders of the city, asserting that they were King Baldwin’s, because he was like him; and therefore they were very strongly constraining them to go out from the city, and to come with limbs sound and life unhurt into the power of the king of Babylon. But the Christians, supposing it true, and that the king’s head and legs were being displayed from afar, were seized by excessive desperation to go out with all their goods, consulting among themselves, and thus to be freed by ship.
Verum dehinc septem diebus evolutis, rex ab Assur exiens, navem, quae dicitur buza, ascendit, et cum eo Godericus pirata de regno Anglia, ac vexillo hastae praefixo et elato in aere ad radios solis usque Japhet cum paucis navigavit: ut hoc ejus signo cives Christiani recognito, fiduciam vitae regis haberent, et non facile hostium minis pavefacti, turpiter diffugium facerent, aut urbem reddere cogerentur: sciebat enim eos multum de vita et salute ejus desperare. Sarraceni autem viso ejus signo et recognito, ea pars, quae navigio urbem cingebat, illi in galeis viginti et carinis tredecim, [0630A] quas vulgo appellant Cazh, occurrerunt volentes buzam regis coronare. Sed Dei auxilio, undis maris illis ex adverso tumescentibus ac reluctantibus, buza autem regis facili et agili cursu inter procellas labente ac volitante, in portu Joppe, delusis hostibus, subito adfuit, sex ex Sarracenis in arcu suo e navicula percussis ac vulneratis.
But then, with seven days elapsed, the king, going out from Assur, boarded a ship which is called a buza, and with him Goderic, a pirate of the kingdom of England; and with a standard fastened to a spear and raised aloft into the air to the rays of the sun, he sailed with a few companions as far as Japhet: so that, with this his sign recognized by the Christian citizens, they might have confidence that the king was alive, and not easily, panic-stricken by the threats of the enemy, make a shameful flight, or be compelled to surrender the city; for he knew that they greatly despaired concerning his life and safety. But the Saracens, when his sign was seen and recognized, that part which was surrounding the city with a fleet, they, in 20 galleys and 13 hulls, [0630A] which in the vernacular they call Cazh, came up to meet him, wishing to overtake and seize the king’s buza. But by God’s aid, the waves of the sea swelling and resisting against them, while the king’s buza, with an easy and agile course, was gliding and darting through the storms, he suddenly appeared in the harbor of Joppe, the enemies deluded, with six of the Saracens struck and wounded by his bow from the little boat.
[0630B] Jam dies media flagrabat, et rex mox equum ascendens, portas civitatis cum sex tantum illustrissimis militibus egressus est ut lacesseret tantum Sarracenos circumsidentes, et pateret omnium aspectui quomodo adhuc vivus et sospes haberetur. Cognito autem rege vivo et salvo, universa multitudo gentilium, ablatis tentoriis a Joppe, in campos Ascalonis descenderunt, illic per tres septimanas commorantes donec intelligerent si aliqua virtus regi Baldewino ad subveniendum augeretur. Legatio enim regis ad universos confratres per castella et civitates ac regiones propter auxilium directa est.
[0630B] Now midday was blazing, and the king, soon mounting his horse, went out through the gates of the city with only six most illustrious knights, to challenge only the Saracens who were encircling it, and to lie open to the sight of all, how he was still held to be alive and safe. But when it was known that the king was alive and unharmed, the whole multitude of the gentiles, lifting their tents from Joppa, descended into the plains of Ascalon, remaining there for three weeks until they might understand whether any force would be augmented to King Baldwin for bringing help. For the king’s legation was sent to all the confratres through the castles and cities and regions for assistance.
Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur, ducentae naves Christianorum navigio Joppen appulsae sunt, ut adorarent in Jerusalem. Horum Bernhardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae, Hardinus de Anglia, Otho de Roges, Hadewerck, unus de praepotentibus Westfalorum, primi et ductores fuisse referuntur. Sarraceni quidem, qui ex adverso urbem in superiore parte navigio obsederant, videntes tot Christianorum acies adesse, constituerunt cum eis navali impetu confligere.
Meanwhile, while this siege was being carried on, two hundred ships of the Christians, under sail, put in at Joppa, to adore in Jerusalem. Of these, Bernhard Witrazh of the land of Galicia, Hardin of England, Otto of Roges, Hadewerck, one of the very powerful among the Westphalians, are reported to have been the first and the leaders. The Saracens, indeed, who over against the city on the upper side had besieged it with their fleet, seeing so many battle-lines of Christians present, determined to engage them with a naval impetus.
But the ships of the Christians, with sails and oars [0630D] and, with a more prosperous wind, prevailing by the clemency of God, the forces of the gentiles having been strongly repressed, came to a stand on dry land, and, the citizens together with the king himself added to their aid, they entered the city; but the larger part settled in lodging on the open plain of the fields opposite, with the tents likewise fixed. Now it was Tuesday in the month of July, when these forces of the Christians, God protecting, were by ship brought hither as help to the constrained and besieged. But the bands of the Saracens, seeing that the virtue (valor) of the Christians, boldly, face to face, was joining close to them with a nearby encampment, in the middle of the night, with darkness pressing upon the world, the tents having been removed, withdrew and sat down more than a mile away, until, with light arisen, they might enter counsel whether to return to Ascalon, or to vex the citizens of Japhet with frequent assaults.
Ab ipso vero die tertiae feriae dum sic in superbia et elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Sarraceni persisterent, et multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent, sexta feria appropinquante, rex Baldewinus in tubis et cornibus a Japhet egrediens, in manu robusta equitum et peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus, magnis hinc et hinc clamoribus intonantes. Christiani quoque qui navigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum rege Baldewino et gravi strepitu vociferantes, Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt aggressi, saevissimis ac mortiferis plagis eos affligentes, donec bello fatigati et ultra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem [0631B] inierunt. Alii vero ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes et mari se credentes, intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt.
From that very Tuesday, while the Saracens, motionless, persisted thus in the pride and exaltation of their multitude and vexed the Christian people with many terrors of arms, with Friday drawing near, King Baldwin, going out from Jaffa with trumpets and horns, with a strong hand of horsemen and foot-soldiers, assailed their might in cruel war, thundering with great shouts on this side and that. The Christians, too, who had made landfall by ship, likewise with horrible clamor together with King Baldwin and crying out with heavy din, attacked the Babylonians with vehement battle, afflicting them with most savage and death-bringing blows, until, wearied by war and no longer able to withstand the force, they took to flight toward Ascalon [0631B]. Others, however, thinking to be snatched from their pursuers and committing themselves to the sea, were swallowed up by the intolerable surging of storms.
Rex ergo Baldewinus triumphum de inimicis gloriose adeptus, noctem hanc in Joppe in laetitia magna exegit cum universis peregrinis qui convenerant, habentibus spolia multa. Altera vero die clarescente, [0631C] Jerusalem cum omnibus peregrinis profectus est, pacifice et potenter omnia disponens, et peregrinis ad adorandum Christum et vota sua reddenda in Jerusalem templum Dominici sepulcri aperiri jubens. Ante haec omnia, cum nondum auxilium novi et peregrini exercitus adfuisset, Baldewinus rex anxius et nimium desperatus ob interitum suorum, legationem Antiochiam Tankrado et Baldewino de Burg in civitatem Rohas misit, quatenus festinanter sibi auxilio adessent, aut totam regionem Syriae et regnum in Jerusalem in brevi amitteret, Sarracenorum audaciam et contumacem victoriam annuntians, et quantum casum suorum egregiorum militum nuper ab hostibus passus sit.
Therefore King Baldwin, having gloriously obtained a triumph over the enemies, spent this night in Joppe in great joy with all the pilgrims who had gathered, having many spoils. But on the next day, as it grew light, [0631C] he set out to Jerusalem with all the pilgrims, arranging all things peacefully and powerfully, and ordering that the temple of the Lord’s Sepulchre in Jerusalem be opened to the pilgrims for adoring Christ and for rendering their vows. Before all these things, when as yet the aid of the new and pilgrim army had not arrived, King Baldwin, anxious and exceedingly despairing on account of the destruction of his men, sent an embassy to Antioch to Tancred and to Baldwin of Burg into the city of Rohas, to the end that they might hasten to be present with aid for him, or else he would shortly lose the whole region of Syria and the kingdom at Jerusalem, announcing the boldness of the Saracens and their stubborn victory, and how great a loss of his distinguished soldiers he had lately suffered at the hands of the enemies.
Who, the army having been gathered at once, Tancred indeed in the circuit of Antioch, [0631D] Baldwin at Rohas to the number of 700 horsemen and 1000 foot-soldiers, on the appointed day unanimously came together to Antioch itself, William the Poitevin, a prince, having been taken into the same retinue, who recently, after the Lord’s Pasch, with the Lord’s sepulcher adored at Jerusalem, had returned to Tancred: and now, descending through the valley of Damascus and Camolla, but passing by Tiberias, they came to Caesarea of Cornelius, pitching their tents there and spending the night. Therefore, when morning came, they encamped at the river Assur, determining to lodge no more than a single mile from Japhet. They had, moreover, come down in the time of autumn, in the month of September, when the plenitude of all fruits is wont to redound.
Baldewinus itaque rex in civitate Japhet tunc moram faciens, ac tam fortium virorum adventum intelligens, nuntios egregios illis in occursum constituit, qui omnia vitae necessaria illis procurarent in pane, carne, vino, oleo et hordeo ad refocillandos milites et eorum equos longo itinere fatigatos. Erat autem Dagobertus in eorumdem egregiorum virorum comitatu, reprobatus ab eodem rege: qui patriarchatus dignitatem recuperare arbitrans, cum Tankrado Japhet descendere disposuit. Unde Tankradus et Baldewinus de Burg, Willhelmus quoque comes Pictavii, pariterque Willhelmus Carpentarius, [0632B] consilio inito qualiter patriarcha restituatur, regi legationem direxerunt, videlicet ut patriarcham in suam sedem relocaret, alioqui nequaquam eos in ultionem suorum Ascalonem posse descendere.
Therefore King Baldwin, then making a stay in the city of Japhet and understanding the arrival of such valiant men, appointed distinguished envoys to go to meet them, who would procure for them all the necessities of life—in bread, meat, wine, oil, and barley—to refresh the soldiers and their horses wearied by the long journey. Now Dagobert was in the company of these same distinguished men, having been rejected by that same king; thinking to recover the dignity of the patriarchate, he resolved to go down to Japhet with Tancred. Whence Tancred and Baldwin of Bourcq, William likewise the count of Poitiers, and William the Carpenter, [0632B] having held counsel as to how the patriarch might be restored, sent an embassy to the king, namely that he should replace the patriarch in his seat; otherwise by no means could they go down to Ascalon in avenging their own men.
The king, on hearing their legation, reluctantly acquiesced to their entreaties, exceedingly indignant against the patriarch because of the money buried underground. Nevertheless, overcome by the counsel of his men, he granted to his magnificent intercessors: that first they should descend to Ascalon against the arms and soldiers of the king of Babylon; thereafter that he would transact everything concerning the patriarch with equitable judgment and by their counsel. He also decreed that all these things be done under the examination of Robert the Parisian, cardinal, bishop, and legate; who, Maurice having died some time before, sent by Paschal, the Roman pontiff, had come [0632C] for the discussion and correction of unlawful matters of the holy and oriental Church in these eastern regions.
Tankradus autem et Baldewinus de Burg, Willhelmus itemque Willhelmus, hac regis audita promissione, sub obtentu fidei in armis et virtute suorum cum rege Ascalonem profecti sunt, per dies octo ejus moenia obsidentes, vineas et sata et universam spem anni illius devastantes, et crebro assultu muros impugnantes. Dum tandem creberrimis assultibus illic saevirent, turres et moenia oppugnarent, quidam Ammiraldus Babyloniae regis [0632D] nobilissimus, Merdepas nomine, qui ad tuendos cives remanserat, subito in virtute magna ab urbe erupit, et viros Christianorum ferro et sagittarum grandine in manu suorum lacessivit; sed Dei gratia et virtute repente a Christianis occisus et attritus est. Merdepa tam nominatissimo Ammiraldo regis Babyloniae sic exstincto, et universis gentilibus civibus Ascalonis repressis, et ultra repugnare diffidentibus, portas vero in faciem Christianorum claudentibus, rex assultus et labores suorum incassum fieri intuens, ex consilio majorum ab urbe quae ab humanis videtur viribus insuperabilis recessit, et Joppen una cum Tankrado et Baldewino de Burg, Willhelmo et altero Willhelmo divertit, [0633A] ubi in omni gloria et laetitia simul epulati sunt.
Tancred, however, and Baldwin of Bourcq, William and likewise William, this promise of the king having been heard, under the warrant of faith, trusting in their arms and in the valor of their men, set out with the king to Ascalon, for eight days besieging its walls, laying waste the vineyards and the sown fields and the entire hope of that year, and by frequent assault attacking the walls. While at length they were raging there with very frequent assaults and were besieging the towers and the walls, a certain Admiral of the king of the Babylonians [0632D], most noble, by name Merdepas, who had remained to defend the citizens, suddenly burst forth from the city with great prowess, and provoked the Christian men with steel and with a hail of arrows at the head of his own; but by the grace and power of God he was suddenly slain and crushed by the Christians. Merdepa, so very renowned an Admiral of the king of the Babylonians, thus extinguished, and all the pagan citizens of Ascalon repressed and despairing to resist further, but shutting the gates in the face of the Christians, the king, seeing the assaults and the labors of his men to be made in vain, by the counsel of the elders withdrew from the city, which seems insuperable by human forces, and turned aside to Joppa together with Tancred and Baldwin of Bourcq, William and the other William [0633A], where in all glory and gladness they feasted together.
Dehinc consilio ibidem habito cum episcopis, abbatibus et universis ordinatis clero, et ex judicio omnium Patrum qui aderant, omni honore et dignitate, qua erat privatus patriarcha a rege, reinvestitus ac Jerusalem reductus, honorifice in cathedram episcopalem relocatus est. Reducto itaque sic patriarcha Dagoberto Jerusalem ac in sede suae majestatis relocato, proxima die in templo Dominici sepulcri concilium statutum est, ubi idonei testes et accusatores in praesentia et audientia domini cardinalis ac totius Ecclesiae convenerunt, Baldewimus Caesareae urbis episcopus, et episcopus de Bethlehem, [0633B] Robertus episcopus de Rama, Arnolfus cancellarius et archidiaconus Dominici sepulcri et clerici multi. Ibi alii hunc ex Simonia; alii ex homicidio Christianorum Graecorum in insula Cephali ejus instinctu a Genuensibus perpetrato; alii ex traditione regis Baldewini; quidam vero ex oblatione et pecunia fidelium subterrata constanter et obnixe criminati sunt.
Thereafter, counsel having been held there with the bishops, abbots, and all the ordained clergy, and by the judgment of all the Fathers who were present, the patriarch—of every honor and dignity of which he had been deprived by the king—was reinvested and brought back to Jerusalem, and was honorably re-seated upon the episcopal cathedra. With the patriarch Dagobert thus brought back to Jerusalem and relocated in the seat of his majesty, on the next day in the Temple of the Lord’s Sepulcher a council was appointed, where suitable witnesses and accusers assembled in the presence and hearing of the lord cardinal and of the whole Church: Baldwin, bishop of the city of Caesarea, and the bishop of Bethlehem, [0633B] Robert, bishop of Ramah, Arnulf, chancellor and archdeacon of the Lord’s Sepulcher, and many clerics. There some accused him of Simony; others, of the homicide of Greek Christians on the island of Cephalos, perpetrated by the Genoese at his instigation; others, of the betrayal of King Baldwin; and certain men, indeed, of the offerings and money of the faithful being buried, steadfastly and strenuously brought criminal charges.
Present likewise together in the same council were Engelhardus, bishop of Laon, similarly also the bishop of Piacenza, the bishop of Tarsa, the bishop of Mamistras, and other bishops and archbishops reckoned to 18; the abbot also of Saint Mary of the Latins, the abbot of the Valley of Josaphat, the abbot of Mount Thabor; and others from the land of Gaul, about six, are reported to have sat there [0633C].
Ibidem vero in medio tantorum probabilium virorum conventu, cardinale praedicto residente et aequo judicio rem examinante, patriarcha, victus et confusus ab idoneis testibus de perfidia et caeteris, obmutuit. Qui in satisfactione Deo et cardinali rebellis et inobediens existens, et in pertinacia suae pravae excusationis permanens, sub judicio omnium fidelium depositus ac anathemate percussus est. Tankradus vero et caeteri principes, videntes rem ex puro judicio veritatis finem accepisse, non ultra renisi sunt; sed rege salutato, in terram Antiochiae et Edessae, patriarcha abjecto, utque aiunt, precibus [0633D] tantorum procerum absoluto, secum abducto reversi sunt.
There likewise, in the midst of an assembly of so many reputable men, with the aforesaid cardinal sitting and examining the matter with equitable judgment, the patriarch, overcome and confounded by suitable witnesses concerning perfidy and the rest, fell silent. He, being rebellious and disobedient in making satisfaction to God and to the cardinal, and persisting in the pertinacity of his depraved excuse, under the judgment of all the faithful was deposed and stricken with anathema. Tankradus, however, and the other princes, seeing that the matter had taken its end from a pure judgment of truth, did not resist further; but, the king having been saluted, to the land of Antioch and Edessa, the patriarch having been cast out, and, as they say, absolved by the prayers of so many nobles, [0633D] having led him away with them, they returned.
The king indeed remained at Jerusalem in great joy and glory. Without delay, by the counsel of that same Robert the cardinal, and by the election of the clergy and of all the people, a certain Evermerus, a man and cleric of good testimony, a distinguished and cheerful distributor of alms, was appointed to succeed in the stead and place of Patriarch Dagobert, with every zeal for religion and good conduct, in the love of fraternity and charity, serving God there in the temple of the Lord’s Sepulchre, and being a faithful helper to King Baldwin against the Saracens and the unbelievers.
Regresso itaque Tankrado cum caeteris principibus supra centum et quadraginta millia virorum peregrinorum, qui Jerusalem hoc anno adorare convenerant, taedio diutinae morae affecti, navigio nunc velis et remis aptato, rege vero salutato, alto mari invecti sunt ut ad terram nativitatis suae redirent, aequore ab omni fervore et turbine ventorum sedato. Sed illis vix duobus diebus in tranquillo navigantibus, circa aequinoctium hiemale serenitas coepit turbari, venti horribiles suscitari, naves usquequaque gravi turbine inquietari, et saevis procellis dejici et quassari, dum tandem nautae et homines [0634B] peregrini fessi, et tumidis fluctibus oppressi, alii attritis velis et remis in profundum ferebantur; alii validis ventorum flatibus dispersi, ac per ignotum jactati mare et vagi facti, Accaron pervenerunt; alii apud Sagittam, alii Ascalonem, civitates gentilium consistentes, aut capti, aut trucidati, aut undis suffocati sunt. Fuerunt autem naves Christianorum, qui perierunt, trecentae, quarum decima pars vix salvata fuisse perhibetur.
Tancred therefore having returned, with the other princes, together with more than 140,000 pilgrim men who had gathered this year to adore Jerusalem, being affected by the tedium of a long delay, with their shipping now fitted with sails and oars, and having indeed saluted the king, they put out upon the high sea that they might return to the land of their birth, the surface being calmed from all heat and the whirl of winds. But when they had scarcely been sailing for two days in calm, around the winter equinox the serenity began to be troubled, horrible winds were stirred up, the ships on every side were disquieted by a heavy whirlwind, and were cast down and shaken by savage tempests, while at length the sailors and the pilgrim men [0634B] wearied and overwhelmed by the swollen waves—some, with sails and oars worn to shreds, were borne into the deep; others, scattered by strong blasts of winds and tossed over an unknown sea and made wanderers, came to Accaron; others at Sagitta, others at Ascalon, cities of the gentiles being situated there, were either captured, or butchered, or suffocated by the waves. Now the ships of the Christians that perished were 300, of which scarcely a tenth part is reported to have been saved.
When the disaster of so great a multitude was heard of in Jerusalem, the king and all the men and women of the city were turned to excessive lamentation and bewailing, because by so bitter a death so many thousands of their fellow-brethren were extinguished not only by the waves, but also by the arms of the gentiles.
Post haec anno tertio regni sui rex Baldewinus vehementer indignatus adversus civitatem Accaron, eo quod saepius insidiae et assultus ab ea peregrinis accrevissent, jam hiemis gravi frigore deterso et veris temperie aspirante, post octavas Paschae anni illius praecedentis, quo in campestribus Rames praelia commisit, et omnibus suis attritis, cum paucis reliquis suorum militum vix Sarracenorum vires evasit, exercitum congregans ad quinque millia virorum, ad praefatae civitatis applicuit moenia. Quam, undique posita obsidione, curriculo quinque hebdomadarum sic mangenarum jactu et machinarum [0634D] sublimitate oppugnavit, ut ultra vim et difficiles militum lapidumque creberrimos ictus cives sufferre non valentes, jam in manu regis, impetrata vita, urbem reddere cogerentur. Jam enim tres ab urbe exierant Sarraceni, quod caeteros prorsus latuit, ut sibi regem placarent et parcere animae suae impetrarent, omnem casum et defectionem fortium virorum et civium illi referentes, et universos interius adeo metu concussos ut si semel adhuc valide urbem impugnarent, procul dubio portis apertis, in manu regis traderetur.
After these things, in the third year of his reign King Baldwin, vehemently indignant against the city of Accaron, because ambushes and assaults had often from it increased upon the pilgrims, now that the grievous cold of winter had been wiped away and the temperateness of spring was breathing, after the Octave of Easter of the year just preceding, in which on the plains of Rames he had engaged battles and, with all his men worn down, with a few of his soldiers remaining, had scarcely escaped the forces of the Saracens, assembling an army to five thousand men, drew up to the walls of the aforesaid city. Having laid siege to it on every side, in the course of five weeks he attacked it by the cast of mangonels and by the loftiness of the machines [0634D], so that, no longer able to endure the force and the most frequent and grievous blows of the soldiery and of stones, the citizens, now in the king’s hand, with life granted, were compelled to surrender the city. Already indeed three Saracens had gone out from the city, which entirely escaped the notice of the others, to appease the king and to obtain that he spare their life, reporting to him every mishap and the failure of the brave men and citizens, and that all within were so shaken by fear that, if once more they should strongly assail the city, without doubt, the gates opened, it would be handed over into the king’s hand.
Hardly had these three completed their discourse and counsel with the king, and lo, when evening had come, from Sur, which is Tyre, and from Tripla, which is Tripolis, cities of the kingdom of Babylonia, twelve galleys came down with many armed soldiers, and with [0635A] a certain huge ship containing five hundred fighting men, who, entering the city the whole night through, were dispersed along the ramparts and through the city. Without delay, by no means awaiting day, but kindling a rapid fire with sulphur, oil, pitch, and tow, they suddenly cast it upon the king’s machine, so that they might frighten away from it the men who were assiduously hurling arrows from above and vigorously assaulting the city.
Verum illorum adventu cognito, et igne jam circa machinam saepius advolante, Reynoldus quidam miles regis, arte sagittandi peritissimus et magister sagittariorum, socios ad defensionem admonet; ipse vero arcu Baleari arrepto, supra centum et [0635B] quinquaginta Sarracenos mortifero vulnere exstinctos percussit. Mane autem facto, bellum utrinque coepit vehementius ingruere et invalescere, ac saepius a portis erumpentes Sarracenorum milites lanceis peregrinos Christi, alios gravi vulnere percusserunt, alios momentanea morte exstinxerunt. Eadem denique die Reynoldus plurimum belli et caedis dum a machina adversus hostes exerceret, incautus et intrepidus nimium in aperto assistens, subito mangenellae impetu lapis emissus illi in verticem venit; et sic mortuus jussu regis sublatus, in monte Thabor a religiosis monachis sepultus est.
But when their arrival was known, and fire already was flying repeatedly about the engine, a certain Reynold, a knight of the king, most skilled in the art of archery and master of the archers, admonishes his comrades to defense; but he himself, having snatched up a Balearic bow, struck down with a deadly wound more than one hundred and [0635B] fifty Saracens. When morning, however, had come, the war on both sides began to press more vehemently and to grow strong, and the soldiers of the Saracens, bursting out more often from the gates, with lances smote the pilgrims of Christ—some they struck with a grievous wound, others they extinguished with instantaneous death. Finally, on that same day, while Reynold was conducting much fighting and slaughter from the engine against the enemy, incautious and all too intrepid, standing in the open, suddenly a stone, sent forth by the impetus of a mangonel, came upon his crown; and thus, dead, taken up by the king’s order, he was buried on Mount Tabor by religious monks.
But seeing that the king, because the valor of the Saracens was prevailing by reason of the intolerable multitude which had lately by ship flocked together from the aforesaid [0635C] cities to this city for aid, and because the troop of his own men, not only burdened by war but also by the long siege, was failing to resist, by the counsel of his magnates he ordered that fire be put to the machine; excessively disturbed and grieving as he withdrew from there, because he had been unable at this time to have a prosperous success.
Eodem vero anno, quo rex Acram invictam deseruit, et a Joppe Jerusalem ascendit, ut illic aliquantulum bellis intermissis quiesceret, quadam die circa tempus Julii mensis cum decem tantum militibus in venationem profectus, dum saltus civitati Caesareae [0635D] contiguos a montanis intraret et hujus recreationis studio vacaret, Sarraceni circiter sexaginta ab Ascalone et Acra descenderunt ad insidias Christianorum, ut tam in plano quam in montanis deprehensos detruncarent ac rebus exspoliarent. Tunc quidam forte Christianae professionis illis obviam facti sunt, quos nimia audacia freti gentiles praefati, persequi, occidere et rebus exspoliare decreverunt, ut sic in gloria et victoria cum spoliis fidelium ad suas civitates repedarent. Hac itaque crudeli intentione Sarracenis Christianorum vestigia insequentibus, universa vero regione fama eorum commota ac tremefacta, eo quod vires illorum ampliores quam fuissent aestimarentur, Baldewino regi, omnium horum ignaro, et solummodo [0636A] venationi intento, nuntiatum est, quomodo Sarraceni regionem ingressi fuissent ad insidiandum et trucidandum populum Dei vivi, et ideo citius eum oportere in hac necessitate subvenire.
In the same year, in which the king deserted unconquered Acre and ascended from Joppa to Jerusalem, that he might there, wars somewhat intermitted, take rest, on a certain day about the time of the month of July, having set out into the hunt with only ten knights, while he entered the woodland tracts contiguous to the mountains and was at leisure in the pursuit of this recreation near the city of Caesarea [0635D], Saracens about sixty in number descended from Ascalon and Acre to lay ambushes for the Christians, that, both on the plain and in the mountains, those caught they might cut down and strip of their goods. Then certain men, by chance of Christian profession, met them, whom, relying on excessive audacity, the aforesaid gentiles resolved to pursue, to kill, and to despoil of their goods, that thus, in glory and victory, with the spoils of the faithful, they might return to their cities. Therefore, with this cruel intention, the Saracens following the tracks of the Christians, and the whole region stirred and terror-struck at their report, because their forces were reckoned to be greater than they were, to King Baldwin—ignorant of all this and intent only [0636A] upon the hunt—it was announced how the Saracens had entered the region to lie in ambush and to slaughter the people of the living God, and that therefore he ought more quickly to come to the aid in this necessity.
Who, immediately upon hearing this, nobly admonishes the ten companions who were with him to pursue the enemies without intermission, and never to allow them to go out from the region with impunity; but, fighting bravely with them, to strip off the booty and the rapines from their fellow-brethren. Soon, forgetful of the venatorial art, Otto Altaspata, Albert of Blandraz, and the others who were taking part in the hunt with the king, although unarmed with corselet, shield, and lance, but only girt with a sword and a quiver, with all fear of death removed afar, press their horses with spurs, and, following on a straight track, pursuing the Saracens—by chance already sighted—with arrows and swords drawn, [0636B] they suddenly charged, and on this side and that they joined battle atrociously.
Baldewinus vero rex prae cunctis acrius per medios hostes irruens, et caedem gladio multiplicans, ex improviso juxta fruteta humilis silvae in rapido cursu volantis equi astitit: ubi a quodam satellite Sarracenorum, qui inter ramos et opaca folia delituit, furtiva lancea trans femur et renes perforatus est. Nec mora, a tam crudeli vulnere tam potentis regis rivi sanguinis graviter eruperunt, vultusque illius pallescere; animus et virtus deficere, manus a gladii percussione cessare coeperunt, donec tandem [0636C] in terra ab equo corruens, ac si mortuus et exstinctus expirasse crederetur. Quod sui commilitones ut viderunt, statim dolore inaestimabili commoti, amplius et validius coeperunt hostes caedere et persequi, quousque alii occisi, alii in fugam versi, per montana et invia dispersi et elapsi sunt.
But King Baldwin, more keenly than all, rushing through the midst of the enemies and multiplying slaughter with the sword, suddenly, near the thickets of a low wood, in the rapid course of his flying horse, came up: where by a certain satellite of the Saracens, who had hidden among the branches and the shady leaves, he was perforated by a furtive lance through the thigh and the reins (kidneys). Without delay, from so cruel a wound of so mighty a king, streams of blood burst forth grievously; his face began to grow pale; his spirit and valor to fail; his hands to cease from striking with the sword, until at length [0636C] falling from his horse to the ground, he was believed to have breathed his last, as if dead and extinguished. When his fellow-soldiers saw this, immediately, moved with inestimable grief, they began to cut down and pursue the enemies more and more stoutly, until some were slain, others turned to flight, and were scattered and slipped away through the mountains and the pathless places.
Then, standing around the king and weeping very much, and placing him upon a litter, they carried him to Jerusalem amid the excessive lamentation of men and women, procuring for him most expert physicians, by whose art and expertise the king and strong athlete might convalesce from this death-bringing wound.
[0636D] Audita hac regis Baldewini vulneratione et aggravatione, rex Babyloniae et Meravis, congregato ab omni regno exercitu, navali expeditione Japhet descenderunt, quam fixis anchoris versus maritima obsederunt. Ascalonitae vero ex praecepto regis per aridam ad auxilium venientes, et pariter hinc et hinc, et ab intus et de foris praelia committentes, diversis assultibus eam expugnare moliti sunt. Interea dum haec obsidio fieret, et diuturnis praeliis ad invicem cives Joppe et hostes Ascalonitae contenderent, duae naves, quarum altera minor, quam vocant Galeidam, et altera major, quam vocant Dromonem, ex improviso cum Christianorum coetu advectae sunt ut adorarent in Jerusalem.
[0636D] Upon hearing of King Baldwin’s wounding and worsening, the king of Babylonia and the Meravis, having gathered an army from the whole realm, put to sea in a naval expedition and made for Japhet, which, having fixed their anchors, they besieged from the seaward side. But the Ascalonites, by the king’s command coming by land to give aid, and engaging in battles alike on this side and that, both from within and from without, attempted to storm it by various assaults. Meanwhile, while this siege was going on and in long-drawn battles the citizens of Joppe and the Ascalonite enemies contended with one another, two ships—one smaller, which they call a Galeida, and the other larger, which they call a Dromon—arrived unexpectedly with a company of Christians, to worship in Jerusalem.
Of these, the larger ship, which contained above five hundred men, matrons excluded, [0637A] the army of the gentiles being unaware, secretly in the dark night, borne in by sudden rowing, with the guardians of the watches of the night deceived, came to rest in the harbor and on the shore of the city of Japhet. But, shaken by excessive impact and by swift flight, and by the burden of goods and of men, bursting apart and gaping, it was fixed in the sand. The Saracens, however, seeing this vessel worn by a trackless course and by an over-hastened flight, and stuck fast in the slime of the sandy shore, quickly came by ship to strike the shipwrecked men, and to plunder their property and all things that were necessary for life, and to divide them among themselves.
But the Christians, who, standing on the very shore of the city of Japhet, had gathered both to observe the outcome of the matter and to bring aid to the shipwrecked, seeing the peril of their fellow-Christians, resisting with vehement assault, [0637B] drove off the importunate multitude, until, by the help of God, with the gentiles repulsed, they prevailed in the liberation of their brothers.
Altera autem minor navis non recto gubernaculo sulcans, sed ignaro magistro invecta errans, caeca nocte repentino et facili cursu super naves hostium irruit. Quo agnito, magister navis cum septem sociis suis clam exigua navicula evasit, et navem inter hostes destitutam reliquit. Erant enim in eadem navi homines centum et quinquaginta praeter femineum sexum; equites vero septem cum equis suis et plurima armatura.
The other, however, a smaller ship, not furrowing with a straight helm, but, the master being unaware, borne along and wandering, in blind night with sudden and easy course rushed upon the ships of the enemy. When this was recognized, the master of the ship with his seven companions secretly escaped in a tiny skiff, and left the ship abandoned among the enemies. For in that same ship there were one hundred and fifty men apart from the female sex; and seven horsemen with their horses and a very great quantity of armature.
But the Gentiles, perceiving [0637C] that this Christian ship had glided in among them by a foolish error, encircling it on all sides, for the whole night harried its inhabitants with a depraved assault; and they, on the contrary, stoutly resisted, until, dawn having arisen, being no longer able to endure so many thousands of javelins and the violence, and ceasing from defense, all, together with the seven horsemen and all the women, were captured and beheaded, save only the armiger, who by rash daring amid the billowy storms scarcely escaped by swimming. And despoiling all the spoils of those slain or submerged, they divided them among themselves, rejoicing and exulting that this fortune of their victory had thus unexpectedly fallen into their hands.
At Baldewinus rex intellecta hac longa obsidione circa urbem Japhet, et suorum confratrum consumptione, jam paulisper sanitate recuperata, ad Japhet descendere disposuit, ut audito ejus adventu minus Christianos cives Sarraceni terrerent et in urbis obsidione manerent. Sarraceni autem tam potentis regis adventum et vitam incolumem operientes, et illi copias adfuturas aestimantes, nequaquam illic ultra remanere praesumpserunt; sed assumpta occasione Octobris mensis et temporis hiemalis, quo maris procellae amplius intumescunt, reditum suum sine intermissione paraverunt. Rex vero et Christiani urbis Joppe velocibus buzis et remis eos insequi constituerunt, si forte aliqui [0638A] secure et tarde navigantes possent comprehendi.
But King Baldwin, having understood this long siege around the city of Japhet and the consumption of his fellow-brethren, now with his health for a little while recovered, resolved to go down to Japhet, so that, when his coming was heard, the Saracens might less terrify the Christian citizens and less remain in the siege of the city. The Saracens, however, awaiting the arrival of so mighty a king and his unharmed life, and reckoning that forces would be at hand for him, by no means presumed to remain there any longer; but, taking advantage of the occasion of the month of October and of the winter season, when the storms of the sea swell up more, they made ready their return without delay. The king indeed and the Christians of the city of Joppe decided to pursue them with swift busses and oars, if perchance any [0638A] sailing securely and slowly might be seized.
But at that time no opportunity, nor any vengeance for the blood of the Christian brethren, was granted. The king himself indeed, and all the faithful of Christ who dwelt at Joppe, rejoiced over all the things which had gloriously befallen them, and, exalted, slept securely and from then on cultivated fields and vineyards. The Ascalonites, however, as the king recovered, no longer dared to provoke the men of Joppe to war; but they too, rejoicing in peace, and because the king’s hand was free from war, likewise themselves, not sparing in their labor in the sown fields and vineyards this year, were at rest.
Proximo dehinc anno, mensis Martii tempore [0638B] aspirante, anno scilicet quarto regni ipsius Baldewini, rursus Pisani et Genuenses, qui causa adorandi in Jerusalem convenerant, a Laodicea ubi hicmaverant, amoventes, Gibelot navali apparatu applicuerunt. Ubi comes Reymundus illis a Tortosa civitate occurrit, auxilium et vires illorum ad expugnandam ipsam Gibelot quaerens ut, Sarracenis civibus exterminatis, urbs Christianorum haberetur. Qui facile precibus ejus acquiescentes, urbem multitudine copiosa navium obsederunt, fortiter eam oppugnantes.
In the next year thereafter, with the time of the month of March [0638B] breathing favorably, namely in the 4th year of the reign of Baldwin himself, again the Pisans and Genoese, who had assembled at Jerusalem for the sake of adoring, departed from Laodicea where they had wintered, and put in at Gibelot with a naval armament. There Count Raymond met them from the city of Tortosa, seeking their aid and forces to take that same Gibelot by storm, so that, the Saracen citizens having been exterminated, the city might be held by Christians. They, easily acquiescing to his entreaties, besieged the city with a copious multitude of ships, assailing it stoutly.
Nec diu post urbis illius captionem ipsis Genuensibus et Pisanis legatio regis Baldewini adfuit, qua nimium ex parte ipsius salutati sunt. Deinde permagna regis precatio ad universos facta est, quatenus causa Dei et sanctorum Jerusalem, civitatem Ptolemaidem, quam nunc vocant Acram, exercitu navali in mari obsidentes oppugnarent; ipso autem auxilio Dei et copiis fidelium Christi in sicco obsidionem locaret. Audita hac regis precatione et admonitione, gavisi universi continuo navigio et manu robusta Acram vel Accaron applicuerunt.
Nor long after the capture of that city, an embassy of King Baldwin arrived to the Genoese and the Pisans themselves, by which they were very greatly saluted on his behalf. Then a very great entreaty of the king was made to all, that, for the cause of God and of the saints of Jerusalem, they should attack the city Ptolemais, which they now call Acre, besieging it with a naval army at sea; but he himself, with the help of God and the forces of the faithful of Christ, would place the siege on dry land. On hearing this royal entreaty and admonition, all rejoiced, and at once with their fleet and with a stout hand made landfall at Acre, or Accaron.
But the king encamped on dry ground in the circuit of the walls [0638D]. There indeed for several days, fashioning stone‑hurling engines and machines, then assailing the city and the citizens without measure, manfully and not sparingly, they attacked on every side, until both the strength and the hands of the Saracens, wearied for resisting, dared nothing further.
Videns ergo Ammiraldus urbis, quia sui a defensione defecerant, et quoniam nulla spe auxilii freti non ulterius adversus virtutem regis stare audebant, pacem et belli dilationem fieri rogavit, ut sic consilium ageret quatenus urbs in regis potestate, civibus salvatis, traderetur. Pax denique ex petitione Ammiraldi, [0639A] utrinque datis dextris, firmata est ac populus ab omni impugnatione quievit. Tunc Ammiraldus universo coetu Sarracenorum in unum convocato, consilium anxie tenuit, et in hunc modum coram omnibus locutus est: Diu hanc civitatem etiam usque ad sanguinem defendimus.
Therefore, seeing, Ammiraldus of the city, that his own had failed from the defense, and that, relying on no hope of aid, they no longer dared to stand against the king’s virtue, he asked that peace and a postponement of the war be made, so that thus he might take counsel to the extent that the city be handed over into the king’s power, with the citizens saved. Peace at length, at the petition of Ammiraldus, [0639A] with right hands given on both sides, was confirmed, and the people rested from all assault. Then Ammiraldus, the whole assembly of the Saracens having been convoked into one, anxiously held counsel, and in this manner spoke before all: For a long time we have defended this city even unto blood.
But now we hope for no aid for us from our king of Babylon, nor from his cities, as was wont to be done, on account of the infestation of the naval siege. Wherefore, if it were now pleasing to all our people, in this last necessity the city ought to be returned and opened to King Baldwin, before we perish by his arms, and, perishing, at the last we hold neither life nor city. Whence, if my counsel seems useful, nor can a sounder one now be found, before the city be opened to him, let a pact be concluded between us [0639B] and himself, that we may go out unharmed with our wives and our sons and all our goods, having everywhere the way peacefully and without impediment and without the ambushes of his men.
All unanimously conceded to this counsel of the Ammiral; and this too became known to the king’s ears without delay, namely that, under pure faith, with right hands given, a peaceful exit should be granted to the citizens, and thus, no longer resisting the king, they should open the gates of the city. Therefore the king and Patriarch Evermerus entered into counsel with their own regarding this, since, if by contradicting their petition they were to deny faith and pact, and the citizens, fearing to go out of the city except with safety, it seemed that it could not be taken by assault without the destruction and peril of Christians. Wherefore they assented thus to their petition: that, the city having been surrendered and laid open, migrating peacefully with all their goods, they should fear no danger.
[0639C] But the Pisans and Genoese, inflamed by avarice for the goods of the Gentiles, replied that it should by no means be done thus, that the riches of the city and its inestimable treasures be carried out peacefully. At length, corrected and appeased from this contradiction by the king and the lord patriarch, they gave assent in all things which seemed to them weightier for the safety of the Christians. And so, by an oath, the peace promised by the king to the Saracens having been confirmed, the city and its gates were opened on that very holy and celebrated day of the Lord’s Ascension.
Rex autem et exercitus ejus intromissus est; principes vero civitatis et caeteri inhabitatores pacifice [0639D] cum uxoribus et filiis, cum pecoribus et omni substantia egressi sunt. Sed Pisani et Genuenses, videntes eos cum omni supellectile egredi, et gazam illorum inauditam efferri, avaritia vehementer excaecati, fidemque et pactum quod cum rege pepigerant obliti, subito per mediam urbem irruentes cives occiderunt, aurum, argentum, ostra diversi generis et plurima pretiosa rapientes. Populus autem Galileae qui ab arido cum rege urbem intraverat videns Pisanos per urbem discurrere, cives occidere, thesauros inauditos diripere, pariter et ipsi avaritiae flammis aestuantes et jurisjurandi obliti, circiter quatuor millia civium in ore gladii percusserunt, gazam, vestes, pecora, et omnes divitias illorum incomputabiles diripientes.
But the king and his army were admitted; the princes of the city, in truth, and the other inhabitants went out peaceably [0639D] with their wives and sons, with their herds and all their substance. But the Pisans and Genoese, seeing them go out with all their furnishings, and their unheard-of treasure being carried off, vehemently blinded by avarice, and forgetful of the pledged faith and the pact which they had struck with the king, suddenly, rushing through the midst of the city, killed citizens, seizing gold, silver, purples of diverse kinds, and very many precious things. But the people of Galilee, who from the dry country had entered the city with the king, seeing the Pisans running through the city, killing citizens, plundering unheard-of treasures, likewise they too, seething with the flames of avarice and forgetful of their sworn oath, struck down about 4,000 citizens at the edge of the sword, plundering their treasure, garments, cattle, and all their uncountable riches.
This unjust sedition at length [0640A] having been appeased, the king was vehemently indignant at the injury inflicted on him by the Pisans and Genoese on account of the oath. And therefore, lest they be believed to prevaricate the faith and the pact by his guile and consent, after admonishing his associates and domestics he wished to avenge this crime grievously, unless the lord patriarch, intervening and frequently prostrating himself at his feet, by prudent counsel had rendered the king appeased and had restored peace and concord on both sides.
Eodem vero anno post captionem Ptolemaidis, quae et Accaron dicitur, vulgariter vero Acra, in mense Septembri jam mediato, ipso die Exaltationis S. crucis, milites Arabes circiter quingenti in equis [0640B] et armis ab Ascalone exsurgentes, Joppen descenderunt; ac jam sole flagrante medio axe coeli, ante urbis januam assistentes, milites catholicos bello lacessere conati sunt. Et ecce Otho, nomine Altaspata, filius sororis Alberti de Blandraz, miles tiro imperterritus, tantum cum viginti qui aderant ad custodiendam urbem, galea et lancea indutus, quingentis occurrit militibus. Quos plurimo equestri luctamine provocantes, et temerario ausu copias illorum impetentes, novissime medio agmine nimiae gentis permisti, nequaquam ab his extorqueri aut redire potuerunt, quousque Otho inimicorum armis exstinctus cum quinque fratribus ibidem fuisse perhibetur.
In the same year, after the capture of Ptolemais, which is also called Accaron, but commonly Acre, in the month of September now half-spent, on the very day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, about five hundred Arab soldiers, on horses [0640B] and in arms, rising up from Ascalon, descended upon Joppa; and now, with the sun blazing at the mid axis of heaven, standing before the gate of the city, they tried to provoke the Catholic soldiers to war. And behold Otho, by name Altaspata, the son of the sister of Albert of Blandraz, a raw recruit of a soldier, undaunted, with only twenty who were at hand to guard the city, equipped with helmet and lance, met the five hundred soldiers. Provoking them to very great mounted combat, and with reckless daring assailing their forces, at last, mingled in the middle of the battle-line of that over-numerous host, they were by no means able to be torn away from them or to return, until Otho, extinguished by the arms of the enemies, together with five brothers, is reported to have been slain there.
Abhinc diebus septem vix evolutis, sexaginta Arabes, viri militares, nomen pariter gloriae et victoriae aliquo insigni facto sibi acquirere volentes, moverunt iter versus civitatem Caesaream in die natali apostoli et evangelistae Matthaei, si forte illis occurrerent aliqui incauti ex Christianis. Sed nemine illis obviam facto, praedam boum oviumque Christianorum ante urbis moenia in pascuis repertam abduxerunt, ut vel hac occasione Christiani ab urbe egressi, et eos insequentes, ex hostili industria punirentur. Hanc [0640D] itaque praedam illis abducentibus, Christiani cives urbis Caesareae ira commoti, ab urbe ferme ducenti sunt progressi cum solo equite, qui diu etiam febre correptus, vehementer elanguit, et adhuc parum sanitatis recuperaverat, ac milites Arabes in arcu et sagitta et lancea sunt persecuti, ut praedam excuterent et reducerent.
Scarcely seven days having elapsed from then, sixty Arabs, military men, wishing alike to acquire for themselves a name of glory and victory by some distinguished deed, set out toward the city Caesarea on the natal day of the apostle and evangelist Matthew, if by chance there might meet them some incautious persons from among the Christians. But with no one meeting them, they drove off a booty of the Christians’ oxen and sheep, found in the pastures before the city’s walls, so that at least on this occasion the Christians, having gone out from the city and pursuing them, might be punished by hostile industry. As they were thus driving off this [0640D] booty, the Christian citizens of the city of Caesarea, moved with anger, about 200, set out from the city with the only horseman, who had also for a long time been seized by fever, had become exceedingly enfeebled, and had as yet recovered little health; and they pursued the Arab soldiers with bow and arrow and lance, so that they might shake out and bring back the booty.
Econtrariwise the Arabs, stoutly resisting and carrying off the booty, were repeatedly sending the Christian infantry into flight; indeed even, they slew the still-languid horseman who was pressing them in closest pursuit, his head having been cut off and carried with them in the sacks of their armigers, in which they were accustomed to bear horses’ fodder. Without delay it was made public to King Baldwin, staying at Japhet or Joppe, how sixty Ascalonite soldiers had turned aside to Caesarea for the sake of depredation [0641A]. He, having only forty horsemen with him, detached thirty and sent them through the mountains so that they might forestall all the paths by which he hoped they would return.
He himself indeed, having taken ten, set out by the straight path by which one goes from Joppe to Caesarea, in case the aforesaid sixty soldiers might fall in with him, so that they could repay to them in worthy turn the evil they had done to Caesarea. Therefore, when the king and his men had accomplished a little of the journey, the armor-bearers and servants of the Arabs, in arms and in cuirass, sent ahead with the booty and the head of the Christian knight, the king not knowing and they unaware of the king, were met; but the sixty soldiers, loricated and armed, were following at a distance by the same road. The king, however, and his men, seizing the armor-bearers and asking whither their journey was, and opening their packs, [0641B] found in the sack of one of them the head of the Christian knight.
On seeing and learning this, the cruelty of the Ascalonites was revealed; and the king at once compelled the apprehended armor-bearers, by threats and the terrors of punishments, to disclose the whole affair; but if they should refuse, he threatened to punish them all on the spot with a capital sentence. They immediately professed that their lords were following by the same route by which they themselves had come, and had fixed their return through the highlands of Japhet. The king, on hearing this, straightway, his shield drawn over his breast and his spear seized, with ten companions, the road taken and with overmuch haste, made for the enemies, fearing lest by some rumor they might turn aside from this road.
Not long thereafter, the sixty Arabs, as they approached, rushed incautiously upon the king and his men, suspecting by no means [0641C] either the king or any ambushes there on the road. But since they had thus incautiously delivered themselves into the king’s very hands, the king, stoutly thumping the flanks of his horse, and his men no less thumping, attacked the men suddenly with a shout and a charge, burst through their midst, some piercing with the lance, others casting them down from their horses, and, not sparing, raging with the sword in their slaughter. At length, as the king waxed strong in every valor and was penetrating and scattering the Arabs like stubble, the enemies, unable to endure the weight of the combat any further, turned their backs.
Of whom ten were captured and held, apart from those who perished by arms. Their horses too, not fewer than forty, were captured, then their arms and spoils, along with which the king returned to Joppa in great glory and in vengeance for his decollated soldier. Japhet, moreover, and all the cities of the faithful who heard these things from that [0641D] day rejoiced and were strengthened.
Eodem quoque tempore et anno comes Reymundus, adunata manu Christianae gentis a diversis locis et regnis, civitatem Tripolin, quam vulgo Triplam vocant, obsedit multis diebus et annis, eam machinis et armis expugnare molitus. Sed longo [0642A] tempore dum circa hanc et ejus moenia incassum laboraret, nec famis angustia eos compellere valeret in ejus redditionem, eo quod a Babylonia, Ascalone, Sagitta et Sur auxilium illis frequenter adesset, et navigio rerum abundantia superesset, comes Reymundus, consilio cum suis habito, novum praesidium fieri decrevit, a quo semper urbi adversaretur, et ad quod sui assidue protectionis causa ab hostili impetu repedarent. Appellatum est idem praesidium mons peregrinorum, eo quod peregrinis et Christianis militibus illic munimen contra gentilium vires semper haberetur.
At the same time and in the same year Count Raymond, with a band of the Christian people gathered from diverse places and kingdoms, besieged for many days and years the city of Tripoli, which they commonly call Tripla, striving to storm it with engines and arms. But for a long [0642A] time, while he toiled in vain around it and its walls, nor was the straitness of famine able to compel them to its surrender, because from Babylonia, Ascalon, Sagitta, and Sur help was frequently at hand for them, and by shipping there was an abundance of supplies to spare, Count Raymond, counsel taken with his men, decreed that a new stronghold be made, from which the city might always be opposed, and to which his own might continually withdraw, for the sake of protection, from hostile assault. The same stronghold was called the Mount of the Pilgrims, because for pilgrims and Christian soldiers a bulwark was always maintained there against the forces of the gentiles.
But, with a biennium elapsed after the capture of Ptolemais and the construction of this new stronghold, which is called the Mount of the Pilgrims, the count, after the Purification of the holy Mother of God [0642B] Mary, died in the month of February, and in that same new stronghold which he had constructed he was buried with Catholic rites.
Interea dum praefata longa negotia circa Acram, quae et Ptolemais, in civium redemptione et urbis deditione agerentur, Alexius imperator Constantinopolis, cui semper Boemundus suspectus erat ne eum a regno expelleret, pecuniam ducentorum et sexaginta millium byzantiorum creberrimis legationibus epistolarum obtulit Donimano magnifico principi Turcorum, quatenus Boemundum principem Siciliae, quem adhuc tenebat in vinculis, suae manciparet ditioni, volens eum aut aeterno exsilio aut perpetua damnatione perire, ne ultra regno ejus [0642C] aliqua machinatione nocere posset.
Meanwhile, while the aforesaid long negotiations around Acre, which is also Ptolemais, were being conducted for the redemption of the citizens and the surrender of the city, Alexius, emperor of Constantinople, to whom Bohemond was always suspect lest he expel him from the kingdom, by very frequent embassies of letters offered the money of 260,000 byzants to Donimanus, the magnificent prince of the Turks, to the end that he would deliver Bohemond, prince of Sicily, whom he still held in chains, over to his own dominion, willing that he should perish either by eternal exile or by perpetual damnation, so that he could no longer harm his rule [0642C] by any machination.
Hujus itaque tam grandis pecuniae massam Solymanus, ante hos annos princeps Nicaeae civitatis, intelligens pro redemptione Boemundi imperatorem polliceri, cauta et privata epistolarum legatione compellat comprimorem suum Donimanum ut eum tantae pecuniae participem faceret, eo quod amici et socii in bellis et plurimis praedis semper fuissent; sed universum hujus thesauri talentum Donimanus inhians indivisum retinere, callida occasione sibi assumpta id fieri prorsus interdixit. Hoc Solymanus graviter accipiens, amicitiam et foedus quod cum eo [0642D] percusserat abrumpens, coepit ei assiduis infestationibus adversari, ac depopulari quae illius erant; quin assumptis copiis jam tertio bello lacessitum, plurimisque insidiis vexatum superavit, ac in fugam misit. Sic calumniatus et humiliatus Donimanus ex industria Solymani, coepit multis lamentationibus ac crebris suspiriis hoc infortunium suum rememorari in audientia universorum amicorum suorum, quatenus eorum adjutorio aliquam vindictam de illatis sibi injuriis consequeretur.
Accordingly, understanding that the emperor was promising the mass of so great a sum of money for the redemption of Bohemond, Solymanus, in former years prince of the city of Nicaea, with a cautious and private embassy of letters urges his confederate Donimanus to make him a participant in so great a money, for the reason that they had always been friends and allies in wars and in very many raids; but Donimanus, gaping after the entire talent of this treasury to keep it undivided, having assumed to himself a crafty pretext, utterly forbade this to be done. Solymanus, taking this grievously, breaking the friendship and the pact which he had struck with him [0642D], began to oppose him with assiduous infestations, and to ravage what was his; indeed, taking up troops, now for the third time he challenged him in war, and, harassed by very many ambushes, he overcame him and put him to flight. Thus calumniated and humbled, Donimanus, by the design of Solymanus, began with many lamentations and frequent sighs to recall this misfortune of his in the hearing of all his friends, so that by their help he might obtain some vengeance for the injuries inflicted upon him.
Has itaque Donimani principis urbis Nixandriae, querimonias Boemundus paulatim callida aure auscultans, dum adhuc teneretur in vinculis, coepit [0643A] clanculum a custodibus et procuratoribus requirere quidnam esset quod Donimanus tam magnificus princeps triste ferret ac tota domus ejus plus solito turbata nunc esset. Tandem die quadam dum res Donimano innotuit, quomodo Boemundus de injuriis et calumniis ejus requisivisset, et quomodo nimium super his ingemuisset, ad ipsum locum carceris in quo catenis ferreis astrictus servabatur descendit: quas pertulerit insidias et adversitates a Solymano sibi recensens pro pecunia in ejus redemptione ab imperatore sibi oblata, sed Solymano ejus divisione negata; sciens eumdem Boemundum virum astutum et magni consilii adinventorem ut, eo audito, forte Solymano dignam vicem injuriarum rependere addisceret. Cui Boemundus prudentiori, quo potuit, [0643B] consilio de universis, quae ab eo intellexerat, sic respondit: Ex his omnibus quae tibi adversantur satis sanum consilium capere potes, quo Solymano facile in caput reddes cuncta quae tibi tuisque intulit, si non tam leviter cum imperatore Alexio faedus pepigisses pro hac ingenti pecunia et mei venditione.
Thus Boemundus, gradually listening with a crafty ear to these complaints of Donimanus, prince of the city Nixandria, while he was still held in chains, began [0643A] secretly to inquire from the guards and stewards what it was that Donimanus, so magnificent a prince, was taking sadly, and why his whole household was now more than usual disturbed. At length, on a certain day, when it became known to Donimanus how Boemundus had inquired about his injuries and calumnies and how he had groaned exceedingly over these, he went down to the very place of the prison in which he was kept, bound with iron chains: recounting to him what ambushes and adversities he had borne from Solymanus on account of the money offered to him by the emperor for Boemundus’s ransom, but the division of which was denied to Solymanus; knowing that this same Boemundus was a shrewd man and an inventor of great counsel, so that, on hearing it, he might perhaps learn to repay to Solymanus a worthy recompense for the injuries. To him Boemundus, with the wisest counsel he could, [0643B] concerning all the things he had learned from him, thus replied: From all these things that are adverse to you, you can take quite sound counsel, whereby you will easily pay back upon Solymanus’s head all that he has brought upon you and yours, if you had not so lightly struck a treaty with Emperor Alexius for this huge sum of money and for my sale.
To this Donimanus, seething with excessive cares in the avengement of his injury, more resolutely begs Boemundus to teach him the counsel which he judged sounder. He straightway replied: “Since, if you will choose to refuse the emperor’s money, and to receive from me half of so great a talent, to restore me to my former liberty, to absolve me from these manacles, on whatever condition you shall have pleased, swearing by my God, I shall be bound to you by the bond of inseparable affection and fidelity—nay, even all the princes of the Christians. [0643C] My friends indeed and kinsmen, both those who are at Antioch and those who are at Rohas, and those who dwell at Jerusalem, and in all places, will be associated to you under the same bond of faith, always consulting and acting for your honor and welfare.”
But if you will incline more to the money which is offered to you as the cause of my perdition than to my and my confreres’ faith, friendship, and service, be sure that money will be diminished and divided from day to day, but that hatreds, enmities, and noxious counsels of my kinsmen and confreres will never be lacking to you and to your land, so long as one (of us) shall live and prevail in these parts. If, however, you will turn your mind to me and to the service of my men and to friendship, will have refused the emperor’s money, and will have received from [0643D] me as much as I have vowed, albeit less than a talent, be sure of the friendship of all my confreres; and believe that their military obsequy in all your affairs will, without doubt, always be ready for you in all faith and subjection: for thus, federated on both sides and made friends under oath, not only Solyman himself, who is thus exalted and puffed up against you and meditates to calumniate you, we shall easily overcome by your and our valor, and the land which he possesses, he being expugnated and driven out, we shall subjugate; but also the emperor’s realm and lands, as quickly as you shall decree, we shall subject to our dominion.
Donimanus his Boemundi verbis et promissis [0644A] acceptis, non parum mente in diversa fluctuans, angustiari coepit quid primum eligeret, quid refutaret. Unde et haec responsa illi dedit: Placent satis universa, quae de ore tuo audivi, si dicta factis inviolabilis fidei compleveris. Sed dextram tibi dare non absque meorum consiliis decet: et ideo in brevi consilium cum illis faciens, eisque tuam intentionem et suggestionem aperiens, aut cito faciam, quod hortaris; aut meorum consiliis acquiescam, utiliora tamen non relinquens.
Donimanus, these words and promises of Bohemund [0644A] having been accepted, not a little fluctuating in mind in diverse directions, began to be in straits as to what he should choose first, what he should refute. Whence also he gave him these responses: The whole of what I have heard from your mouth pleases me sufficiently, if you shall complete the words with deeds of inviolable faith. But to give you my right hand does not befit without the counsels of my men: and therefore, shortly, taking counsel with them, and laying open to them your intention and suggestion, either I will quickly do what you urge; or I will acquiesce in the counsels of my men, yet not relinquishing the more useful things.
Thereafter, after some days when counsel had been held, all the things which Donimanus had heard from Bohemond and had reported to his own pleased, and therefore it seemed that his petition and counsel ought no longer to be refused, but to be done, as good and useful to all; with this stipulation ratified and firm, however, that each, using his own law [0644B] and profession, should keep friendship and the foedus entire. Which was so done: and half of the money which the emperor had promised was remitted for Bohemond; and only one hundred thousand byzants were permitted to be paid and received. This therefore having been confirmed and conceded, Donimanus sent a legation to the emperor to countermand the talent of gold which he had offered.
Boemundus therefore, rejoicing exceedingly because, now after a biennium having suffered chains and prisons, he had found favor in the eyes of Donimanus, God having had mercy, and very great clemency for his redemption, sent to all his kinsmen and friends both to Antioch and to Rohas and into Sicily for the gathering of money, and that what was gathered they should bring on the appointed day into the region of the city of Malatina, [0644C] where he was to be led back and restored, and a concord and treaty with Donimanus were to be made firm. Soon all, on hearing of his redemption, were filled with joy and exultation, and, diligently fulfilling his mandate, having gathered and arranged money from wherever, they assembled, bringing it to the aforesaid place on the determined day. There, finding Donimanus and Boemundus, as had been decreed, delivering the money to Donimanus himself and his men in number and in weight, with friendship and a treaty struck alike on both sides, they were reconciled to one another and were made friends.
Thus, this money having been taken up and put away by Donimanus’s private attendants and chamberlains, Bohemond, with right hands given, commended in the bond of highest affection [0644D], is sent back free from all submission, with his men, to Antioch. In which city he was received with no small joy by all the fellow-Christian citizens, honored and conducted in.
Haec Solymanus intelligens, moleste nimium accepit eo quod pecuniae particeps esse nequiverit. Unde adversus Donimanum loquens, Soldanum, regem Corrozan et Baldach, quae est civitas et caput regni Turcorum, cum universis principibus gentilium commovit ut ei adversarentur, et ultra auxilio et gratia regis privaretur, quod Boemundum hominem belligerum et tam astutum in omnibus negotiis rei militaris, et qui semper Turcis regnoque [0645A] Turcorum et Graecorum malum et insidias moliretur, ignorante rege absolvisset. Nec diu, dum hae sinistrae legationes ex accusatione Solymani ad regem Turcorum factae essent, ex his vero regis ira et indignatio cunctorum procerum Turcorum in aures Donimani insonuissent, et variis minis eum suosque perterruissent, et plurimum sollicitassent, quadam die Solymanus in hunc modum epistolam scripsit: Donimane, frater et fili de gente Turcorum, nunc usque vir illustris et acceptus regi et omni regno Turcorum fuisti in bellis et victoriis, quas gessisti.
Solyman, understanding these things, took it exceedingly grievously because he had not been able to be a participant in the money. Wherefore, speaking against Donimanus, he stirred up the Soldan, the king of Corrozan and of Baldach, which is the city and head of the kingdom of the Turks, together with all the princes of the gentiles, that they might oppose him, and that further he might be deprived of the king’s aid and favor, because he had, with the king ignorant, released Bohemond—a warlike man and so astute in all the business of military affairs, and one who always was contriving harm and ambushes against the Turks and the realm of the Turks and of the Greeks. Nor was it long, while these sinister legations, made at Solyman’s accusation, had been carried to the king of the Turks, and from these the king’s wrath and the indignation of all the nobles of the Turks had sounded in the ears of Donimanus, and with various threats had terrified him and his men and had greatly agitated them, when one day Solyman wrote a letter in this manner: Donimanus, brother and son from the race of the Turks, until now you have been a distinguished man and acceptable to the king and to the whole kingdom of the Turks in the wars and victories which you have waged.
But behold, your name has been greatly diminished; and now with the king of Corrozan, and your whole nation, you have become most devalued, made hateful to all, because you permitted Bohemond to be so lightly ransomed [0645B], and you held our counsel in this convention and redemption as vile and as nothing. But if you will to change that disgrace and to placate the king’s wrath and the magnates of Corrozan, that same Bohemond, whom we hold more suspect than all Christians, you will feign to summon to the place which I shall designate, as if for aid, and then, with our ambushes set, he will be suddenly surrounded and snatched away. Otherwise know that you will never recover the king’s favor, nor escape the hands and indignation of the Turks.
Post haec eodem anno, quo Ptolemaide vel Acra capta, [0645C] in mense Maio, Boemundus Antiochiam ab exsilio et vinculis reversus est, Geigremich, magnificus princeps Turcorum, cognatus Corbahan, frater Sochomani, qui regno Jerusalem, quod injuste invasit, nunc per virtutem regis Babyloniae amisso, in primo adventu Christiani exercitus Damascum aufugit, ut illic a Turcis protegeretur, unus de praepotentibus regni Corrozan, collecto exercitu sexaginta millium Turcorum profectus est in superbia et virtute magna ad obsidendos muros et moenia civitatis Rohas, quae et Edessa nuncupatur.
After these things, in the same year, in which, Ptolemais or Acre having been captured, [0645C] in the month of May, Bohemond returned to Antioch from exile and chains, Geigremich, a magnificent prince of the Turks, kinsman of Corbahan, brother of Sochoman—who, the kingdom of Jerusalem, which he had unjustly invaded, now lost by the power of the king of Babylonia, at the first arrival of the Christian army fled to Damascus, that there he might be protected by the Turks—one of the prepotent of the kingdom of Corrozan, having assembled an army of sixty thousand Turks, set forth in great pride and great might to besiege the walls and ramparts of the city Rohas, which is also called Edessa.
Hujus igitur infinitae multitudinis adventu et subito [0645D] rumore Baldewinus de Burg attonitus, princeps ejusdem civitatis a rege Baldewino constitutus, universos, qui secum crant in conventione solidorum, ad defendenda moenia convocat ac disponit; quin ab urbe egrediens Boemundum et Tankradum ad opem et vires augendas, missa legatione, invitavit; rogans eos ac deprecans in nomine Domini, ne Turcorum superbiam Christianis confratribus dominari paterentur. Hujus vero legatione accepta, et protinus collectione facta de omnibus locis et castellis Antiochiae, circiter tria millia equitum, septem vero peditum applicuerunt ad locum praesignatum, in campos scilicet civitatis Aran vel Caran, ubi Baldewinus adventum eorum cum omni populo, quem contraxerat, [0646A] praestolabatur. Illic a quodam Arabe innotuit comiti Baldewino, Boemundo, Tankrado, quomodo illa adunatio Turcorum festinanter appropinquaret ad obsidendos muros et expugnandas munitiones civitatis Rohas.
At the arrival therefore of this infinite multitude and the sudden [0645D] rumor, Baldwin of Bourcq, astonished—the prince of that same city appointed by King Baldwin—summons and arranges all who were with him under a compact for solidi, to defend the walls; indeed, going out from the city, he invited Bohemond and Tancred, by sending a legation, to augment aid and forces; begging and beseeching them in the name of the Lord not to allow the pride of the Turks to lord it over their Christian brethren. This embassy having been received, and forthwith a levy made from all the places and castles of Antioch, about three thousand horsemen, and indeed seven thousand foot-soldiers, arrived at the place designated, namely in the fields of the city Aran or Caran, where Baldwin was awaiting their arrival with all the people whom he had gathered [0646A] together. There, by a certain Arab, it became known to Count Baldwin, to Bohemond, to Tancred, how that gathering of the Turks was hastening to approach to besiege the walls and to storm the fortifications of the city of Rohas.
Hearing, therefore, these reports of so many supervening adversaries, they moved the camp and all their apparatus to the river Cobar, whose channel runs from the parts of the kingdom of Babylonia all the way to these regions: where, their tents having been pitched, they are reported to have spent the night on the brink of the channel. Then at first daybreak, striking camp, they halted on the plain of the city Racha, where, making confession of all faults and committed offenses before the patriarch of Antioch and Benedict, bishop of the city Rohas, recalling all discord into charity, and composing twenty battle-lines, they stationed them on the right [0646B] and on the left to resist the enemies and to bring help to their Christian associates, and so that they might thus more lightly bear the burden of war. Hardly had the lines been ordered, and behold, Sochomanus on the right flank with 30,000 strong fighters and archers was approaching to engage battle with a bold onset and the dread-sounding blare of the trumpets.
Bohemond, however, Tancred, and all the soldiery of Antioch, no less briskly, were hurrying to face them with arms, cuirass and helm, and with a tortoise of shields to make a stand, loudly crying out on trumpets and horns. From the left, moreover, Baldwin of Bourcq, Gozelin of Corton—also Turbaysel—which he held in benefice by the gift of Baldwin himself, mail-clad, ran to meet them with lances and swords and the swiftest horses, on this side and that stoutly thundering with trumpets and horns, and [0646C] joining battle. But Bohemond and Tancred, who on the right wing were wrestling with the enemies, God having taken pity, began to prevail, to assail and to strew the foes, until the enemies’ strength was diminished, and they themselves entered upon flight.
Five hundred soldiers of the Turks fell in that same battle which on the right Bohemond was conducting; nearly two hundred Christians were slain. Baldwin of Bourcq, Gozelin of Cortona, and the other distinguished knights, more than a mile removed from Bohemond with their battle-line, hearing that Bohemond and Tancred were already joining battle and prevailing, by the velocity of their horses tried to break into and crush the dense and resisting ranks with a rapid impetus, fervent to be associated between the battle-line of Bohemond and Tancred and to be mingled for aid; but suddenly ten thousand Turks [0646D] rising from ambush, with bow and arrows fiercely met them face-to-face, grievously assailing them and fixing them with arrows, until the whole band was turned to flight. Of these, some were taken captive and killed, and more were led away to eternal exile.
In hoc tam crudeli diffugio clerici octodecim, monachi vero tres, qui ad corroborandos milites Christi spiritualibus armis convenerant, decollati sunt; Benedictus vero episcopus captus et abductus est; quin ipse Baldewinus, princeps Rohas, nimium avidus caedis et incaute accelerans, nec victrices aquilas Boemundi opportune praestolatus, victus, [0647A] captus et abductus est. Ad haec Tankradus a presenti caede Turcorum gloriose descendens, sed sinistro nuntio consternatus, sine mora cum suis advolans, Turcos in Baldewini suorumque strage factos victores insequitur ut captivos excuteret; sed maturata via elapsi sunt. Solus episcopus cum tribus tantum militibus liberatus et reductus est.
In this so cruel a scattering, eighteen clerics, and in truth three monks, who had come together to strengthen the soldiers of Christ with spiritual arms, were beheaded; but Bishop Benedict was captured and carried off; indeed Baldwin himself, prince of Rohas, too eager for slaughter and hastening incautiously, nor having opportunely awaited the victorious eagles of Bohemund, was defeated, [0647A] captured and carried off. To these things Tancred, descending gloriously from the present slaughter of the Turks, but dismayed by a sinister message, flying without delay with his men, pursues the Turks—made victors by the slaughter of Baldwin and his men—in order to shake out the captives; but with their way quickened they slipped away. The bishop alone, with only three soldiers, was freed and led back.
Dehinc primo galli cantu absentia Baldewini comperta, momentaneo metu correpti, ad civitatem [0647B] Rohas omnes celeri fuga contenderunt, quatenus ad defendendos muros et moenia praevenirent, ne Turcis in victoria sua praecurrentibus civitas traderetur. Cives autem Rohas, qui et ipsi Christiani, casum et interitum suorum audientes, et tam magnifici principis abductionem, in lamenta et complorationem sunt versi, sed ad protegendum universos milites Christianos plurimum consolati sunt. Erat enim dies illa Dominica populo Christianorum celeberrima.
Thereafter, at the first cockcrow, Baldwin’s absence having been discovered, seized with momentary fear, they all hastened in swift flight to the city [0647B] of Rohas, so that they might anticipate in defending the walls and bulwarks, lest, with the Turks running ahead in their victory, the city be handed over. But the citizens of Rohas, who themselves also were Christians, hearing of the mischance and destruction of their own people, and of the abduction of so magnificent a prince, were turned to laments and loud wailing; yet for the protecting of all the Christian soldiers they took much heart. For that day was the Lord’s Day, most celebrated among the Christian people.
But on the next day, when it had dawned, the Armenian citizens of that same city, having taken counsel with all who had convened to lament so illustrious a prince, appointed Tancred in his place, to see whether Baldwin could be ransomed or freed. Bohemond thereafter, with Tancred thus appointed to obtain the city and its principate, [0647C] having been established in Baldwin’s stead, returned to Antioch with his own.
Post haec, octo diebus evolutis, et Tankrado praesidium Rohas et ejus moenia vigili custodia procurante, Geigremich et sui, successu victoriae suae et Baldewini captione gloriantes, et adhuc altiora sperantes conari, Tankradum vero et ejus dominium nunc ab urbe Rohas, et omnem Gallorum potentiam facile posse exterminari, nimium adversus eumdem Tankradum indignati, longe majores prioribus contraxerunt copias ab universis locis et regno Turcorum, cum quibus in manu forti in campum Rohas [0647D] ad obsidendas portas et ejus moenia descenderunt, spatiose tentoria sua locantes. Tot itaque millibus et tentoriis, tot diversis hostium armaturis visis, Tankradus non modica angustia coepit aestuare, eo quod tenuis sibi virtus esset militum Gallorum ad occurrendum et resistendum tot Turcorum adunatis et innumeris legionibus. Quapropter accepto consilio, urbem fideli custodia munivit, ac cives confortans, sine diutina mora se cum his adversariorum turmis confligere et viriliter agere promisit.
After these things, with eight days elapsed, and Tankradus providing the garrison of Rohas and its walls with vigilant custody, Geigremich and his men—glorying in the success of their victory and in the capture of Baldwin, and striving while hoping for still loftier aims, supposing moreover that Tankradus and his dominion could now from the city of Rohas, and the whole puissance of the Gauls, be easily exterminated—excessively indignant against that same Tankradus, drew together forces far greater than the former from all places and from the kingdom of the Turks; with these, with a strong hand, they descended into the plain of Rohas [0647D] to besiege its gates and its walls, spaciously pitching their tents. Therefore, at the sight of so many thousands and tents, so many diverse armatures of the foe, Tankradus began to seethe in no small strait, because the valour of the Gallic soldiers was slight for him to meet and to withstand the so-assembled and numberless legions of the Turks. Wherefore, counsel having been taken, he fortified the city with faithful custody, and, strengthening the citizens, he promised without long delay to engage with these bands of the adversaries and to act manfully.
Understanding his consolatory words, and that he was a man of great confidence and audacity, all the citizens and soldiers of the city, spread along the walls and ramparts, were meeting the enemies and driving them back from afar, nor did they delay to fortify the bars and the gates with every skill.
Sed dum hinc et hinc diu praelia consererent, Tankradus, vir astutus in omni opere militari, clanculum legationem Antiochiam direxit in hunc modum: Domino et avunculo suo, Boemundo, magnifico Principi Antiochiae a Deo constituto, Tankradus prospere agere et vivere. Ex quo a nobis recessisti, et me tutorem ac defensorem civitatis Rohas, loco fidelis fratris nostri Baldewini, praefecisti, Geigremich et Sochomanus readunatis viribus et copiis suis repentina obsidione civitatem Rohas et ejus muros occupaverunt, ut expugnatis turribus et moenibus, cives trucidantes urbem exspolient, et me, sicut Baldewinum, captum tenentes, in [0648B] barbaras nationes abducant. Quapropter charitatem tuam, quam semper erga fideles Christi habuisti, considerantes, tribulationes et pericula nostra tibi nota facere decrevimus; quatenus mala et angustias nostras intelligens, citius accitis sociis et amicis ab Antiochia et caeteris locis, festinato ad subveniendum nobis obsessis et oppressis viam insistas; Turcorum minas et jactantiam minuas, et in nomine Christi a praesenti obsidione repellas.
But while on this side and that they were for a long time joining battle, Tankradus, a man astute in every military operation, secretly sent an embassage to Antioch in this manner: To his lord and uncle, Bohemund, the magnificent Prince of Antioch appointed by God, Tankradus to prosper and to live. Since you departed from us, and appointed me guardian and defender of the city of Rohas in the place of our faithful brother Baldwin, Geigremich and Sochomanus, with their forces and troops reassembled, by a sudden siege have occupied the city of Rohas and its walls, so that, the towers and ramparts having been stormed, slaughtering the citizens, they may despoil the city, and me, as Baldwin, holding captured, [0648B] they may lead away into barbarous nations. Wherefore, considering the charity which you have always had toward the faithful of Christ, we have resolved to make known to you our tribulations and dangers; to the end that, understanding our evils and distresses, having quickly called together allies and friends from Antioch and the other places, you may hasten to set out to succor us, besieged and oppressed; that you may lessen the threats and vaunting of the Turks, and in the name of Christ repel the present siege.
For you ought to consider that in this land of pilgrimage we are few, and therefore there is no counsel that we should easily fail through any weariness of labors or of wars against the enemies, who with all care and zeal keep watch to storm us and wipe us out: but, in season and out of season, always bearing one another’s burdens, let us endure as one, let us make progress as one, by tolerating both adverse [0648C] and prosperous things. But if sloth should seize us, or some indignation should delay us, or make us negligent toward the help of our brothers, I foresee nothing more useful in this matter than that we go out from the land and yield to the enemies rising up without intermission. For at times it is clear that, when we are few, if, divided and weariness-stricken, we should fail, we cannot live and stand before the prowess of the enemies.
Having heard these things, Bohemond, with three hundred horsemen gathered swiftly and five hundred foot-soldiers, set out for the liberation of his nephew and of the Catholic inhabitants of the city Rohas. But to those who were toiling under the daily assaults and oppugnations of the Turks, it seemed that he had been greatly delayed by the difficulty of the places and the mountains, or by a journey of seven days.
Unde Tankradus et caeteri confratres civesque, dum de die in diem multis suspiriis eum exspectarent, sed Boemundo tempore optato non veniente, prorsus desperarent, devoverunt unanimiter potius mori, quam Corrozan in exsilium deportari, et diversis poenis impie ab impiis cruciari. Et ecce, convocati in unum cives et milites, constituerunt praelium; et ab urbe primo diluculo in armis et turmis procedere, ad castra cum silentio properare, donec appropiantes fortiter in tubis et cornibus tumultuarentur, hostes adhuc sopore depressos et [0649A] secure somniantes, subito improvisos invaderent; ac sic minime ad arma contendere valentes, celerrima strage detruncarent. Quod juxta hoc constitutum adimplentes, mox prima luce orta, egressi ab urbe in omni armatura et virtute, qua poterant, repentino fragore et clamore vehementi agressi sunt castra adversariorum: quos adhuc hesterno vino sepultos et incautos usquequaque in ore gladii percusserunt, donec corporibus exstinctis et sanguinis rivis praesentes campi inundarent.
Whence Tancred and the other brethren and citizens, while from day to day with many sighs they awaited him, but as Bohemond did not come at the desired time, utterly despaired, they vowed unanimously rather to die than to be deported into exile to Corrozan, and to be impiously tormented by the impious with diverse punishments. And behold, the citizens and soldiers, convened into one, determined upon battle; and to proceed from the city at first daybreak in arms and in troops, to hasten with silence to the camp, until, as they drew near, they might raise a tumult loudly on trumpets and horns, that they might suddenly assail, unlooked-for, the enemies still pressed down by sleep and [0649A] securely dreaming; and thus, being by no means able to hasten to arms, they might hew them down with the swiftest slaughter. Which, fulfilling according to this ordinance, soon as the first light arose, going forth from the city in all armor and prowess that they could, with a sudden crash and vehement clamor they attacked the camp of the adversaries: whom, still buried in yesterday’s wine and everywhere incautious, they struck with the edge of the sword, until, the bodies extinguished and streams of blood flowing, the present fields were inundated.
But when for the most part of the day had advanced, the hand and valor of Tancred began to prevail more, a more monstrous fear began to invade the enemies, until, terrified by the excessive slaughter, they were driven in flight up to the tents of the princes of the army. Geigremich at length and Sochomanus, seeing [0649B] all the camp of their men worn down and turned to flight, scarcely, seated on their horses with all those who had pitched their camps next to them, leaving all their tents with the other goods, spoils, and stipends, accelerated their flight, Tancred ever pursuing them at every opportunity.
His itaque dispersis et profugis factis, Tankrado semper eos a tergo caedente, Dei nutu et clementia Boemundus ipsa eadem die fugientibus cum omni comitatu suo obviam factus est, sciens quidem, quomodo adhuc in nocte potenter campos occupaverant; sed quomodo Tankradus, cum eis tam matutino [0649C] praelio conflixisset, penitus ignorabat. Nunc autem velut homo cautus et gnarus bellicae artis, ut Turcorum superbiam et virtutem intellexit defluxisse, et nihil praeter fugam meditari, Christianorum vero victrices aquilas cum magna vociferatione insequi plurimum gavisus est; et pariter admistis viribus et copiis suis eosdem fugientes insecutus, per totam diem in caede et captione illorum indeficienter laborasse perhibetur. In hoc diffugio et gravi contritione Turcorum, Geigremich et Sochomanus vix cum paucis evaserunt.
Therefore, with these dispersed and made fugitives, Tankradus always cutting them down from the rear, by the nod and clemency of God Bohemund that very same day met the fugitives with all his retinue, knowing indeed how as yet in the night they had powerfully occupied the fields; but how Tankradus had engaged them in battle so early in the morning [0649C] he was utterly ignorant. Now, however, as a cautious man and knowledgeable in the military art, when he understood that the pride and prowess of the Turks had ebbed away, and that they were contemplating nothing except flight, he rejoiced greatly that the Christians’ victorious eagles were pursuing with great vociferation; and, having likewise mingled his own strength and forces, he pursued those same fugitives, and is reported to have toiled without failing through the whole day in their slaughter and capture. In this scattering and grievous crushing of the Turks, Geigremich and Sochomanus scarcely escaped with a few.
But a certain most noble matron from the kingdom of Corrozan, who with no slight apparatus had contributed help and forces, was in that same place captured and detained by Tankradus and his companions. Thereafter, this victory [0649D] thus had by the clemency of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ, Boemundus and Tankradus and all the Christian soldiers took many spoils of the Turks peaceably, and with them they entered the city of Rohas in great joy and glory.
Transactis aliquot post haec diebus, legatio Geigremich et praepotentium regni Corrozan Boemundum et Tankradum in civitate Rohas de redemptione matronae interpellavit, quatenus Baldewinum de Burg, quem tenebant in carcere, pro ejus restitutione remitterent, aut quindecim millia byzantiorum in ejus redditione ab eis mitterentur. Hac legatione [0650A] Geigremich et tam nobilissimae matronae captione usque in Jerusalem divulgata, regis Baldewini supplex legatio cum multa prece adfuit, ad exorandum Boemundum et Tankradum ut Baldewinus confrater et princeps Rohas per captam matronam restitutam restitueretur, et nullam ante hoc pecuniam bonum esse, nec debere eos concupiscere. Qui regis petitioni benigne super his in hunc modum responderunt: Domino suo Baldewino, regi Christianissimo Jerusalem, Boemundus et Tankradus obsequium sine intermissione.
After several days had passed, the legation of Geigremich and of the prepotent men of the kingdom of Corrozan interpellated Boemundus and Tankradus in the city of Rohas concerning the redemption of the matron, to the effect that they should remit Baldewinus of Burg, whom they were holding in prison, for her restitution, or that fifteen thousand bezants should be sent by them for her return. With this legation [0650A] of Geigremich, and with the capture of so most-noble a matron made public even unto Jerusalem, the suppliant legation of King Baldewinus was present with much entreaty, to beseech Boemundus and Tankradus that Baldewinus, a confrater and prince of Rohas, be restored by means of the captured matron restored, and that money, in preference to this, was no good, nor ought they to covet it. They graciously answered the king’s petition concerning these matters in this manner: To their lord Baldewinus, the most-Christian king of Jerusalem, Boemundus and Tankradus, obedience without intermission.
Willingly in all things to obey your commands concerning the redemption of Baldwin, our friend and associate, we have resolved, and this has always been and is our solicitude. But at this time it is necessary to dissemble about this matter and to suppress it in silence, if perchance we might be able to extort some money [0650B] together with brother Baldwin himself for the business to be carried through on account of this matron, of which we are exceedingly anxiously in need for rewarding the soldiers, who with unceasing labors sweat along with us. Thus smooth and quite good were these their answers; but by no means was there in them faith or truth, or any will of ransoming the man, on account of ambition for the city and its tributes; which, by various businesses and the exchange of goods that are transacted only within the walls, amount to forty thousand bezants every year, apart from those revenues which very many castles and regions belonging to that same city bestow.
Anno dehinc sequenti post captionem Baldewini de Burg, anno vero Baldewini regis quinto, Boemundo non solum in Italiam sed et Galliam profecto ad exquirendas vires, et commovendos principes adversus regem Graecorum Alexium, Tankrado autem Antiochiae vice avunculi sui relicto ad tuendam civitatem, ejusdemque Tankradi custodia in Rohas disposita, Brodoan, princeps magnificus civitatis Alapiae et frater Turcorum, occasione assumpta, ab amicitia et foedere Tankradi in dolo recedens, loca et civitates ad urbem Antiochiam appendentes graviter depraedatus est; quin episcopo civitatis Albariae [0650D] effugato, et plurimis ecclesiis Dei annihilatis, non tamen praeda ac strage hac saturari potuit; sed ad ultimum decem millia equitum et viginti peditum de terra sua producens ad assiliendam urbem Antiochiam et expugnandum Tankradum in superbia et jactantia magna profectus est. Tankradus autem virtutem et exercitum ejus intolerabilem et copiosum accrevisse intelligens, quantumcunque cum suis perterritus est. Sed tamen sine dilatione Turbaysel, Rohas, et Maresch nuntios dirigens, universos scilicet catholicos viros qui erant in circuitu ad auxilium vocavit, quorum conventum Antiochiae fieri decrevit.
In the following year after the capture of Baldwin of Bourcq, indeed in the fifth year of King Baldwin, Bohemond set out not only to Italy but also to Gaul to seek out forces and to commove the princes against Alexius, the king of the Greeks, while Tancred was left at Antioch in his uncle’s stead to guard the city, and the custody of the same Tancred was arranged at Rohas. Brodoan, the magnificent prince of the city of Alapia and a brother of the Turks, seizing the occasion, withdrew by guile from the friendship and treaty of Tancred, and grievously plundered the places and cities adjoining the city of Antioch; indeed, with the bishop of the city of Albaria [0650D] having fled, and very many churches of God annihilated, yet he could not be sated with this booty and slaughter; but at last, bringing forth from his land ten thousand horsemen and twenty thousand foot-soldiers to assault the city of Antioch and to take Tancred by storm, he set out in great pride and vaunting. Tancred, however, understanding that his strength and army had grown intolerably great and copious, was, for all that, much terrified with his men. But nevertheless, without delay sending messengers to Turbaysel, Rohas, and Maresch, he called to aid all the Catholic men who were in the circuit, and decreed that their assembly should be held at Antioch.
But when they had come together to one thousand horsemen and nine thousand foot-soldiers, a sermon of the bishop was delivered [0651A] to all, that they should not doubt on account of the multitude of adversaries, but in the name and virtue of God should confidently resist the enemies, assured of victory, with God helping. Then, a three-day fast having been proclaimed and carried out at the pontiff’s admonition, Tancred went down as far as the bridge of Farfar with ten thousand of horse and foot, where they, with lodging, tarried through the night. And on the next day being radiant, Tancred and his men, the battle-lines having been formed and the standards raised, set out to Artesia in cuirasses, with shields and lances, where Brodoan, with inestimable cavalry and equipment, had occupied the whole region.
Here therefore, on learning of the arrival of the Christians and of their prince Tankradus, he ordered battle-lines and wedge-formations to be made; and with the third hour of the day now upon them, on both sides battle was joined. But with the battle [0651B] enduring, and with excessive slaughter by the sword until the ninth hour, by the aid of the Lord Jesus the most unconquerable battle-lines of the Christians stood fast; the Gentiles, however, worn down and scattered, were alike turned to flight. Tankradus, moreover, and his men pursuing them, killed some, and held others captured and bound, together with the spoils of arms and horses.
But on the next day, Tankradus, after receiving and dividing the spoils and arms of the enemies, returned to Antioch in great glory and the joy of victory. And all the faithful of Christ and the citizens of Antioch, together with the lord patriarch and the bishop of that same city, rejoiced with great joy, giving thanks to God and the Lord Jesus Christ, by whose piety and protection the so catholic prince, saved from the multitude of enemies, triumphed.
Anno dehinc secundo postquam Acra civitas capta est, virtus et apparatus magnus regis Babyloniae mense Augusto tam in mari quam in arido profectus est ut urbem Japhet vel Joppe obsideret, et abhinc navali exercitu expugnaret; a campestribus vero civitatis Ascalonis castrametati sunt ut hinc et hinc a terra et mari subito regionem invaderent, et sic ex improviso regem Baldewinum suosque facilius debellarent. Rex Baldewinus interdum Japhet moram faciebat: qui statim viso navali exercitu, dolos et machinamenta Babyloniorum intellexit; nempe hac de causa a parte maris eos urbem praeoccupasse, ut ipso rege cum suis contra hos ad defensionem [0651D] versus aquam laborante et intento, caeterae copiae gentilium a campestribus Ascalonis irruentes, urbem Japhet subito expugnarent. Sed rex fraudem illorum cognoscens, ac virtutem illorum in campis Ascalonis curriculo trium hebdomadarum accubuisse, adventum vero et pugnam adversus Japhet dissimulare, ac minime diffamare, nec ipse socios invitare ac arma congregare obdormivit, quatenus per totum id temporis spatium paratus et munitus haberetur; et illis quocunque die descendentibus, et ipse cum suis copiis ad resistendum occursare valeret.
In the second year thereafter, after the city of Acre was taken, the valor and great apparatus of the king of Babylon in the month of August set out both by sea and on land to besiege the city Japhet, or Joppe, and from there to storm it with a naval army; but from the plains of the city Ascalon they pitched camp, so that on this side and that, from land and sea, they might suddenly invade the region, and thus unawares more easily war down King Baldwin and his men. Meanwhile King Baldwin was making a stay at Japhet: who, immediately upon seeing the naval host, understood the wiles and machinations of the Babylonians; namely, that for this reason they had pre-occupied the city on the seaward side, so that while the king himself with his men, striving and intent, was turned toward the water for defense [0651D], the rest of the forces of the gentiles, rushing in from the plains of Ascalon, might suddenly take the city Japhet by storm. But the king, recognizing their fraud, and that their force had lain encamped in the plains of Ascalon for the course of three weeks, and that they were dissembling their coming and a battle against Japhet, and not at all spreading it abroad, did not go to sleep himself in inviting allies and assembling arms, to the end that through all that span of time he might be held ready and fortified; and whenever they should descend on whatever day, he too with his own forces might be able to go to meet them in resistance.
Hugh of Tiberias, Rorgius of Caiphas, Gunfrid of the tower of David, Hugh of St. Abraham, Eustace the Granary-man, Gutman of Brussels, a castle of Brabant, Lithard [0652A] of Cambrai, a city of Gaul, Pisellus of Tuorna, Baldwin of Hastrut, of the castles of Flanders—these all, invited by the king to aid, having gathered from every side forces of Christian horse and foot, convened. Present in the same royal comitatus was a certain vigorous youth of the Turks, by name Mahomet, in arms and with the number of one hundred Turkish archers, who, by the avarice and contrivance of his stepfather, having been expelled from his paternal seat and from the land of the Damascenes, now struck a foedus with the king, to the end that in every military assistance he might be held faithful and ready to him. But the legions of the Saracens, seeing how the deceits and ambushes had become known to the king, and that now he, foreseeing, had drawn together a hand of Christians from everywhere for help, moved camp from the plains of Ascalon, and advanced as far as the place which [0652B] is called Abilin, in the pride of their multitude.
Quorum adventum rex ut persensit, et procul dubio jam eos appropiasse, direxit legationem domino patriarchae in Jerusalem, ut sine mora convocata manu fidelium, ad augendas vires et opem contra inimicos properaret. Hic denique regis audito nuntio, pedites centum et quinquaginta colligens, arma aptavit, iter versus Rames insistens, sicut ex mandato regis illi constitutum erat. Post haec rex et universi fideles ad id belli negotium adunati, et communione Dominici corporis et sanguinis muniti, ad [0652C] sex millia in sexta feria urbem Japhet egressi sunt, Lithardo Cameracensi, quia prudens et fidelis erat, cum viris trecentis contra virtutem navalem in ipsa civitate relicto.
When the king perceived their arrival, and that without doubt they were now drawing near, he sent a legation to the lord Patriarch in Jerusalem, that, without delay, the band of the faithful being convoked, he should hasten to augment forces and aid against the enemies. This man, upon hearing the king’s message, gathering 150 foot-soldiers, prepared arms, setting out on the march toward Rames, as by the king’s mandate had been appointed for him. After these things the king and all the faithful, assembled for that business of war and fortified by the communion of the Lord’s body and blood, to [0652C] 6,000 on Friday went out from the city of Japhet, with Lithard of Cambrai—because he was prudent and faithful—left in that same city with 300 men against the naval force.
Therefore the king, descending with all his retinue and standards to Rames, made a stay there on Saturday, awaiting lord Evremar the patriarch with the whole force of Jerusalem. But once the patriarch had now been received, together with the other faithful of Jerusalem, and when Sunday morning had dawned, the king organized five * battle-lines of horse and foot, for engaging in battles with the enemies; but the king himself, in the rearmost line among the knights, remained undaunted to strengthen and exhort his men. Few horsemen indeed, namely 160 in number, stood around him.
Nor is it a wonder if they were few, on account of the continual failure of horses in [0652D] this land. With these things thus ordered by the king, and all the Christians sanctified by the lord patriarch with the sign of the Holy Cross, the standards and banners are lifted; trumpets and horns resound incessantly; the king and his men prepare to press toward the adversaries’ camp, so that, anticipating the battle, they might not allow the bands of the unfaithful to descend any further with impunity. The Gentiles likewise, now discovering that the king was so near at hand and that his forces were, they too advanced from the camp with arms, standards, and horses, and with the intolerable shriek of trumpets, meeting in a heavy multitude of forty thousand, and they no less hastening to join battle.
No wonder, while thus each army appeared in the field, the trumpets on this side and that resounded stoutly, [0653A] and the battle-lines of the faithful and of the infidels clashed atrociously from first light of the Lord’s Day, which is the last of the month of August, up to the ninth hour. Then, by the grace and mercy of God, the Saracens, weakened, seizing flight before the face of the Christians cutting them down and pursuing them, strove to retreat to Ascalon and to enter it.
In hoc quidem praelio ceciderunt septem millia gentilium; cecidit et ammiraldus Ascalonis: ammiraldus vero Acrae et ammiraldus Assur qui vita a rege impetrata et civitatibus deditis, Ascalonem ante hunc annum confugerant, cum omnibus exuviis suis capti sunt. Rex autem, hac Dei et Domini [0653B] Jesu Christi opitulatione victoria accepta, cum universis spoliis inimicorum in gloria magna Joppen ingressus est. De cujus comitatu tantummodo centum perierunt cum milite egregio Reinardo Verdunense, quem rex et universa Ecclesia planxerunt planctu magno, catholicas illi exsequias exhibentes.
In this battle indeed seven thousand of the Gentiles fell; the admiral of Ascalon also fell: but the admiral of Acre and the admiral of Tyre, who, their life obtained from the king and their cities having been surrendered, had fled to Ascalon before this year, were captured with all their spoils. The king, however, with this help and succor of God and of the Lord [0653B] Jesus Christ, the victory received, entered Joppa in great glory with all the spoils of the enemies. Of whose retinue only 100 perished, together with the distinguished knight Rainald of Verdun, whom the king and the whole Church mourned with great lamentation, rendering to him Catholic funeral rites.
But there was indeed a naval army on the flank of the city: who, hoping for the victory of their own and for the flight and crushing of the pilgrims, had vowed to burst suddenly into the city. But when they saw the head of the beheaded admiral and of the chief of Ascalon, and learned of the flight and slaughter of the Ascalonites and Babylonians, sad and despairing, they moved away from the station of the city Japhet with swift oars, and sailing to Tripla in hope of refuge and spending the night there, at daybreak they returned by ship to Ascalon and to Babylonia [0653C]. The Count, moreover, of Sartengis, William by name, who, with Count Raymond his uncle dead, possessing by hereditary blood the land and cities of Camolla, had succeeded; and now, after his uncle’s death, with very many assaults he was warring down that same city Tripla or Tripolis, on account of the new stronghold which is called the Mount of the Pilgrims, which Raymond himself had fortified with much strength: nothing could oppose or gainsay this naval army, quartered at Tripla, because of the confidence in the waters which they had, and the intolerable multitude of the city which was always flowing to them on the shore for aid.
Igitur post bellum et victoriam quam rex ad Abilin, quae est inter Ascalonem et Rames, adeptus est, siluit terra regis, et metus magnus corda Ascalonitarum et Babyloniorum concussit; quoniam toties a rege in manu paucorum victi ceciderunt ac fugerunt, et nulla eis spes ultra resistendi et vivendi in conspectu ejus fuit. In hoc itaque moerore et desperatione dum sederent; et jam curriculo octo mensium quiescerent. vineas excolerent, regemque [0654A] interdum cessare ab armis gauderent, et ipsum mutua pace et donis placare ferverent, sed omnia frustra tentarent, nisi urbem Ascalonem in manu ejus redderent: verni menses processerunt quando sata, fruges, vineae et omnis spes anni in florem et fructus parturiunt, et messem adfuturam in proximo promittunt.
Therefore after the war and the victory which the king obtained at Abilin, which is between Ascalon and Rames, the land of the king fell silent, and great fear shook the hearts of the Ascalonites and the Babylonians; since so often by the king, with a small band, they had been vanquished, had fallen, and had fled, and there was for them no hope any longer of resisting and of living in his sight. In this, then, mourning and desperation while they sat; and now, in the course of eight months, they were at rest, they cultivated the vineyards, and they rejoiced that the king [0654A] at times ceased from arms, and they were fervent to appease him with mutual peace and gifts, but they tried all things in vain, unless they would render the city of Ascalon into his hand: the vernal months advanced, when the sown fields, the fruits, the vineyards, and all the hope of the year bring forth into flower and fruits, and promise the harvest soon at hand.
With things thus, advantage and abundance appearing to all, and in all the fields of Ascalon now hastening to the harvest, the king from Jerusalem and from all the places assisting him contracted soldiers and copious arms, and at the time of the Rogations, when in those regions all the sown fields hurry to the harvest, he occupied the land of the Ascalonites, cutting down vineyards, fig trees, and trees of every kind with a robust hand; indeed even the sown fields, which did not suffice for the fodder of the horses, camels, [0654B] and the other herds, he burned with flame, so that by this at least irreparable loss the hard and indomitable nation might be softened to submit their necks. Thus, the whole region having been laid waste not only by a depredating hand but also by conflagration, the king prepared a return to Jerusalem with part of the army; and all who were in the retinue, setting their feet on the road through the mountains, thundering with an immense shriek of trumpets and horns, shook all the places of the mountains and valleys with no small terror, through which in their own might they were going to pass. At this inestimable crash of so great an army very many wild beasts, stupefied and terrified, from their dens and from the wildernesses of the mountains were wandering here and there in an unusual straying of the paths.
Nor was it a marvel: since not even the flights of birds could endure the tumult of the vociferating populace, but [0654C] stunned by the loud voices and slipping from the air into the midst of the crowd, they failed from their flight. And so, while diverse wild beasts, panic-stricken, were thus wandering from their dens and marveling at this unheard-of vociferation, it befell by unlucky chance that a certain timid little doe came down from the mountains, and in blind error hastened her escape through the people: which, as soon as the foremost of the army saw, they hard-pressed her on every side by the swiftness of the horses—some in order to seize her as overtaken, others to be accounted participants in the hunt.
Inter hos dum feram hanc ad montana festinantem armiger nobilissimi juvenis Arnolfi, probi equitis [0654D] ac principis de castello Aldenardis, acrius urgeret et feram assequi ferveret, cingula equi illius in eadem cursus contentione rupta sunt, et sic ab equo corruens prostratus humi ab insecutione quievit. Equus vero illius circum vociferantium strepitu attonitus, ad montana rapido cursu et immoderato tetendit, nullius approximationem aut comprehensionem patiens, donec inter fauces montium evadens, non ultra comparuit. Ad haec contenderunt complures ad quaerendum caballum fugitivum, contendit et Arnolfus.
Meanwhile, among these, while the armor-bearer of the most noble youth Arnulf, an upright knight [0654D] and princeps from the castle Aldenardis, was more sharply pressing this wild creature as it hastened to the mountains and grew fervid to overtake the beast, the girths of his horse, in that same strain of the course, were broken; and thus, falling from the horse, thrown down to the ground, he rested from the pursuit. But his horse, astonished by the clamor of the vociferating, made for the mountains at a rapid and immoderate run, admitting no approach or apprehension, until, escaping between the jaws of the mountains, it appeared no more. At this, many strove to seek the fugitive horse, and Arnulf strove as well.
But after it had been long sought and by no means found, and, wearied by the difficulties of the mountains, all returned. Arnolfus alone, whom the care of the horse was troubling, and who could not do without the administration and office of an armiger [0655A], pursued farther to seek the horse, so that, if by chance found, he might lead it back. But with heavy Fortune adverse, the horse indeed was found; but the glorious youth no longer returned to his own.
For there were there lurking ambushes of Arabs, who had descended from Ascalon onto the lair-filled summits of the mountains to see and to understand about the burning and depredation of the region, and, some from the army meeting them incautiously and opposing them, to take vengeance for the plunderings and flames which they had suffered. These men, considering the most noble youth wandering alone and unarmed over the ridges and slopes of the mountains, attacked with sudden shouts and arms. He, trying in vain for a long time, with sword drawn, to resist and to defend himself, at length, harassed and wearied by long and continual assault, [0655B] they ran through, and, his vitals transfixed with lances and arrows, and as he fell from his horse in much blood, they slew him; and they carried his head into Ascalon as a sign of victory.
Finally his horse, running through the gorges and precipitous places of the mountains, could by no means be seized by the heathen, until, having gone out of the highlands, he trotted back to the king’s army, befouled with the blood of his lord and rider, made a manifest sign to all of that death. For when the king and all from the company of the Christians saw this one drenched with blood, they reported that Arnulf, without doubt, had incautiously fallen to the arms of the Ascalonites. Without delay, spreading out through the mountains to pursue and track down the enemies, they found only [0656A] Arnulf lying dead and headless, but they could by no means detect the Arabs.
Who, receiving the lifeless body, bore it to Jerusalem, rendering to him the Catholic exequies in the Valley of Jehoshaphat at the Latin church of St. Mary, mother of the Lord Jesus, where also he was honorably buried. The king wept over him with great weeping on the day of the exequies; and all the princes of the army wept; and with most bitter tears there wept over him the noble wife of Count Baldwin of Hama, because he had come down as a companion and fellow-traveler from the far land of Gaul to adore in Jerusalem. Let it not be a wonder if this youth merited so many weepings and lamentations of great men, who was held affable to all and well-known, and who never turned aside from any military action to sinister repute.
On the third day from here arisen [0656B], after so illustrious a soldier was consigned to burial, the Ascalonites, through inter-nuncios, sent back to Jerusalem his head, which had been sought, with letters hanging from one of his hairs, and containing words in this manner: The Ascalonites send back to King Baldwin the head of the extinct—of a soldier and most noble man—for no other cause of love, except that his grief and that of those gazing upon that may be renewed and increased; and that they may recognize how the perdition of so great a man can in no way be compared with or appraised against all their loss and conflagration; and that, in the decollation of so great a soldier, the Ascalonites no longer wish to remember or to grieve for their own losses.