Livy: AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI

[1] * * a patre in pace habitam armasse eoque iuuentuti praedandi cupidae pergratus esse dicebatur. consilium de Histrico bello cum haberet consul, alii gerendum extemplo, antequam contrahere copias hostes possent, alii consulendum prius senatum censebant. uicit sententia, quae diem non proferebat.

[1] * * he was said to have armed what had been kept in peace by his father, and thereby to have been very welcome to the youth eager for plundering. When the consul was holding a council about the Histrian war, some thought it should be undertaken at once, before the enemies could gather their forces; others judged that the senate should first be consulted. The opinion prevailed which did not put off the day.

profectus ab Aquileia consul castra ad lacum Timaui posuit; imminet mari is lacus. eodem decem nauibus C. Furius duumuir naualis uenit. aduersus Illyriorum classem creati duumuiri nauales erant, qui tuendae uiginti nauibus maris superi orae Anconam uelut cardinem haberent; inde L. Cornelius dextra litora usque ad Tarentum, C. Furius laeua usque ad Aquileiam tueretur.

Setting out from Aquileia, the consul pitched camp at the lake of the Timavus; that lake overhangs the sea. To the same place came C. Furius, naval duumvir, with ten ships. The naval duumvirs had been created against the fleet of the Illyrians, to guard with twenty ships the shores of the Upper Sea, having Ancona as, as it were, a pivot; from there L. Cornelius was to protect the right-hand coasts as far as Tarentum, and C. Furius the left as far as Aquileia.

eae naues ad proximum portum in Histriae fines cum onerariis et magno commeatu missae, secutusque cum legionibus consul quinque ferme milia a mari posuit castra. in portu emporium breui perfrequens factum, omniaque hinc in castra supportabantur. et, quo id tutius fieret, stationes ab omnibus castrorum partibus circumdatae sunt: in Histriam uersum praesidium statiuum, repentina cohors Placentina opposita; inter mare et castra et, ut idem aquatoribus ad fluuium esset praesidium, M. Aebutius tribunus militum secundae legionis duos manipulos militum ducere iussus est; T. et C. Aelii tribuni militum legionem tertiam, quae pabulatores et lignatores tueretur, uia, quae Aquileiam fert, duxerant.

those ships were sent to the nearest port within the borders of Histria, together with the transports and a great convoy of supplies; and the consul, following with the legions, pitched camp about five miles from the sea. In the port an emporium soon became very thronged, and everything from here was brought up to the camp. And, that this might be done more safely, stations were posted around all sides of the camp: toward Histria a standing garrison, and a cohort from Placentia set over against sudden emergencies; between the sea and the camp, and so that there might be the same guard for the water-drawers at the river, M. Aebutius, military tribune of the second legion, was ordered to lead two maniples of soldiers; T. and C. Aelius, military tribunes, had led the third legion by the road which leads to Aquileia, to protect the foragers and woodcutters.

ab eadem regione mille ferme passuum castra erant Gallorum: Catmelus regulus praeerat tribus haud amplius milibus armatorum.

from the same region, at about a thousand paces, there was the camp of the Gauls: Catmelus, a petty king, was in command of not more than three thousand armed men.

[2] Histri, ut primum ad lacum Timaui castra Romana sunt mota, ipsi post collem occulto loco consederunt, et inde obliquis itineribus agmen sequebantur, in omnem occasionem intenti; nec quicquam eos, quae terra marique agerentur, fallebat. postquam stationes inualidas esse pro castris, forum turba inermi frequens inter castra et mare mercantium sine ullo terrestri aut maritimo munimento uiderunt, duo simul praesidia, Placentinae cohortis et manipulorum secundae legionis, adgrediuntur. nebula matutina texerat inceptum; qua dilabente ad primum teporem solis perlucens iam aliquid, incerta tamen, ut solet, lux speciem omnium multiplicem intuenti reddens, tum quoque frustrata Romanos, multo maiorem iis, quam erat, hostium aciem ostendit.

[2] The Histri, as soon as the Roman camp was moved to the lake of Timavus, themselves took up position behind a hill in a hidden place, and from there, by oblique routes, followed the column, intent upon every occasion; nor did anything that was being done by land or by sea escape them. After they saw that the pickets before the camp were weak, and that a forum, crowded with an unarmed throng of merchants, between the camp and the sea, was without any terrestrial or maritime muniment, they at once assail two garrisons, the Placentine cohort and the maniples of the Second Legion. A morning fog had veiled the attempt; as it dispersed at the first warmth of the sun, the light now letting something shine through, yet uncertain, as is its wont, rendering to the onlooker the manifold appearance of all things, then too it deceived the Romans, showing them a battle-line of the enemy much greater than it was.

qua territi utriusque stationis milites ingenti tumultu cum in castra confugissent, haud paulo ibi plus, quam quod secum ipsi attulerant, terroris fecerunt. nam neque dicere, quid fugissent, nec percunctantibus reddere responsum poterant; et clamor in portis, ut ubi nulla esset statio, quae sustineret impetum, audiebatur; et concursatio in obscuro incidentium aliorum in alios incertum fecerat, an hostis intra uallum esset. una uox audiebatur ad mare uocantium; id forte temere ab uno exclamatum totis passim personabat castris.

Frightened by this, the soldiers of both pickets, in a vast tumult, had fled for refuge into the camp, and there they created by no means a little more terror than what they themselves had brought with them. For they could neither say what they had fled from, nor return an answer to those asking; and shouting was heard at the gates, as when there is no outpost to withstand an assault; and the running to and fro in the dark, men colliding one with another, had made it uncertain whether the enemy was inside the rampart. One cry was heard, calling “to the sea”; this, perhaps rashly shouted by one man, was resounding everywhere throughout the whole camp.

itaque primo, uelut iussi id facere, pauci, armati <alii>, maior pars inermes, ad mare decurrunt, dein plures, postremo prope omnes, et ipse consul, cum frustra reuocare fugientes conatus nec imperio nec auctoritate nec precibus ad extremum ualuisset. unus remansit M. Licinius Strabo, tribunus militum secundae legionis, cum tribus signis ab legione sua relictus. hunc in uacua castra impetu facto Histri, cum alius armatus iis nemo obuiam isset, in praetorio instruentem atque adhortantem suos oppresserunt.

therefore at first, as if ordered to do this, a few, armed <others>, the greater part unarmed, run down to the sea; then more, finally almost all, and the consul himself, since he had tried in vain to recall the fugitives and had not prevailed at the last either by command or by authority or by entreaties. one man remained, M. Licinius Strabo, tribune of soldiers of the second legion, left behind with three standards by his legion. him the Histri, making a rush into the empty camp—since no other armed man had gone to meet them—overwhelmed in the praetorium while he was arraying and exhorting his men.

proelium atrocius quam pro paucitate resistentium fuit, nec ante finitum est, quam tribunus militum quique circa eum constiterant interfecti sunt. praetorio deiecto direptis<que>, quae ibi fuerunt, ad quaestorium, forum quintanamque hostes peruenerunt. ibi cum omnium rerum paratam expositamque copiam et stratos lectos in quaestorio inuenissent, regulus accubans epulari coepit.

the battle was more atrocious than in proportion to the paucity of those resisting, nor was it ended before the military tribune and those who had stood around him were slain. the praetorium having been cast down and the things that were there plundered, the enemy reached the quaestorium, the forum, and the quintana. there, when they had found a supply of all things prepared and set out, and beds spread in the quaestorium, the regulus, reclining, began to feast.

mox idem ceteri omnes, armorum hostiumque obliti, faciunt; et, ut quibus insuetus liberalior uictus esset, auidius uino ciboque corpora onerant.

Soon the rest, all of them, do the same, oblivious of their arms and of the enemy; and, as with those to whom more liberal victuals were unaccustomed, they more greedily burden their bodies with wine and food.

[3] nequaquam eadem est tum rei forma apud Romanos; terra mari trepidatur; nautici tabernacula detendunt commeatumque in litore expositum in naues rapiunt; milites in scaphas et mare territi ruunt; nautae metu, ne compleantur nauigia, alii turbae obsistunt, alii ab litore naues in altum expellunt. inde certamen, mox etiam pugna cum uulneribus et caede in uicem militum nautarumque oritur, donec iussu consulis procul a terra classis submota est. secernere inde inermes ab armatis coepit.

[3] by no means was the shape of affairs then the same among the Romans; there was panic on land and sea; the seamen take down the awnings and snatch the provisions set out on the shore onto the ships; the soldiers, terrified, rush into the skiffs and into the sea; the sailors, from fear lest the vessels be packed full, some withstand the crowd, others drive the ships off from the shore into the deep. From that arises a contention, soon even a fight with wounds and slaughter, between soldiers and sailors in turn, until by the consul’s order the fleet was removed far from land. Thereupon he began to separate the unarmed from the armed.

uix mille ducenti ex tanta multitudine, qui arma haberent, perpauci equites, qui equos secum eduxissent, inuenti sunt; cetera deformis turba uelut lixarum calonumque, praeda fere futura, si belli hostes meminissent. tunc demum nuntius <missus> ad tertiam legionem reuocandam et Gallorum praesidium; et simul ex omnibus locis ad castra recipienda demendamque ignominiam rediri coeptum est. tribuni militum tertiae legionis pabulum lignaque proicere iubent, centurionibus imperant, ut grauiores aetate milites binos in ea iumenta, ex quibus onera deiecta erant, imponant; equites ut singulos e iuuenibus pedites secum in equos tollant: egregiam gloriam legionis fore, si castra metu secundanorum amissa sua uirtute recipiant.

scarcely 1,200 from so great a multitude were found who had arms, and very few horsemen who had led out their horses with them; the rest was a shapeless mob, as it were of camp-purveyors and drudges (calones), almost about to be booty, if the enemies in war had remembered. then at last a messenger was <sent> to recall the Third Legion and the garrison of the Gauls; and at the same time from all quarters they began to return to recover the camp and to remove the ignominy. the tribunes of the soldiers of the Third Legion order the fodder and the firewood to be thrown away; they command the centurions to set the soldiers heavier with age, two apiece, upon those pack-animals from which the burdens had been cast down; that the horsemen lift each one of the young foot-soldiers up with them onto their horses: there would be distinguished glory for the legion, if they should by their own valor retake the camp lost through the fear of the men of the Second.

et recipi facile esse, si in praeda occupati barbari subito opprimantur; sicut ceperint, posse capi. summa militum alacritate adhortatio audita est. ferunt citati signa, nec signiferos armati morantur.

and that it would be easy to recover them, if the barbarians, occupied with the booty, were suddenly overwhelmed; as they had seized, so they could be seized. The exhortation was heard with the utmost alacrity of the soldiers. Swiftly they bear the standards, nor do the armed men delay the standard-bearers.

priores tamen consul copiaeque, quae a mari reducebantur, ad uallum accesserunt. L. Atius, tribunus primus secundae legionis, non hortabatur modo milites, sed docebat etiam, si uictores Histri, quibus armis cepissent castra, iisdem capta retinere in animo haberent, primum exutum castris hostem ad mare persecuturos fuisse, deinde stationes certe pro uallo habituros: uino somnoque ueri simile esse mersos iacere.

However, the consul and the forces which were being led back from the sea were the first to approach the rampart. L. Atius, first tribune of the second legion, was not only exhorting the soldiers but also instructing them that, if the Histri as victors intended to retain the things captured with the same arms with which they had taken the camp, they would first have pursued the enemy, stripped of the camp, to the sea, and then surely would have had pickets posted before the rampart: it was likely that they were lying sunk in wine and sleep.

[4] sub haec A. Baeculonium, signiferum suum, notae fortitudinis uirum, inferre signum iussit. ille, si [unum] se sequerentur, quo celerius fieret, facturum dixit; conisusque cum trans uallum signum traiecisset, primus omnium portam intrauit. et parte alia T. et C. Aelii, tribuni militum tertiae legionis, cum equitatu adueniunt.

[4] after this he ordered A. Baeculonius, his standard-bearer, a man of noted bravery, to advance the standard. he said he would do it, if [one] would follow him, so that it might be done more quickly; and, having heaved, when he had cast the standard across the rampart, he was the first of all to enter the gate. and in another quarter T. and C. Aelius, military tribunes of the third legion, arrive with the cavalry.

confestim et quos binos oneraria in iumenta imposuerant secuti, et consul cum toto agmine. at Histrorum pauci, qui modice uino usi erant, memores fuerant fugae, aliis somno mors continuata est; integraque sua omnia Romani, praeterquam quod uini cibique absumptum erat, receperunt. aegri quoque milites, qui in castris relicti fuerant, postquam intra uallum suos senserunt, armis arreptis caedem ingentem fecerunt.

immediately, those too whom they had placed two apiece upon the pack-animals followed, and the consul with the whole column. but of the Histrians, the few who had used wine moderately were mindful of flight; for the others, sleep was continued into death; and the Romans recovered all their things intact, except what of wine and food had been consumed. the sick soldiers also, who had been left in the camp, after they sensed their own within the rampart, seizing arms, made an immense slaughter.

ante omnes insignis opera fuit C. Popili equitis; Sabello cognomen erat. is pede saucio relictus longe plurimos hostium occidit. ad octo milia Histrorum sunt caesa, captus nemo, quia ira et indignatio immemores praedae fecit.

above all, distinguished in deed was Gaius Popilius, a knight; Sabellus was his cognomen. he, left behind with a wounded foot, slew by far the greatest number of the enemy. about eight thousand Histri were cut down; no one was taken prisoner, because anger and indignation made them unmindful of plunder.

rex tamen Histrorum temulentus ex conuiuio, raptim a suis in equum impositus, fugit. ex uictoribus ducenti triginta septem milites perierunt, plures in matutina fuga quam in recipiendis castris.

yet the king of the Histri, intoxicated from the convivial banquet, was hastily set by his men upon a horse and fled. of the victors, 237 soldiers perished, more in the morning flight than in the retaking of the camp.

[5] forte ita euenit, ut Cn. et L. Gauillii Nouelli, Aquileienses, cum commeatu uenientes, ignari prope in capta castra ab Histris inciderent. ii cum Aquileiam relictis impedimentis refugissent, omnia terrore ac tumultu non Aquileiae modo, sed Romae quoque post paucos dies inpleuerunt; quo non capta tantum castra ab hostibus nec fuga, quae uera erant, sed perditas res deletumque exercitum omnem allatum est. itaque, quod in tumultu fieri solet, dilectus extra ordinem non in urbe tantum, sed tota Italia indicti.

[5] by chance it so happened that Cn. and L. Gavillius Novellus, men of Aquileia, coming with a convoy of supplies, unwittingly almost blundered into the camp captured by the Histrians. They, when they had fled back to Aquileia with the baggage abandoned, filled everything with terror and tumult, not at Aquileia only, but at Rome also after a few days; where there was brought not only news that the camp had been taken by the enemies and of the flight—which were true—but also that everything was lost and the entire army annihilated. Therefore, as is wont to be done in a tumult, extraordinary levies were proclaimed, not in the City only, but throughout all Italy.

duae legiones ciuium Romanorum conscriptae, et decem milia peditum cum equitibus quingentis sociis nominis Latini imperata. M. Iunius consul transire in Galliam et ab ciuitatibus prouinciae eius, quantum quaeque posset, militum exigere iussus. simul decretum, ut Ti. Claudius praetor militibus legionis quartae et socium Latini nominis quinque milibus, equitibus ducentis quinquaginta, Pisas ut conuenirent, ediceret, eamque prouinciam, dum consul inde abesset, tutaretur; M. Titinius praetor legionem primam, parem numerum sociorum peditum equitumque, Ariminum conuenire iuberet.

two legions of Roman citizens were conscripted, and ten thousand infantry with five hundred cavalry were levied from the allies of the Latin name. Marcus Junius, the consul, was ordered to cross into Gaul and to demand from the cities of that province, as many soldiers as each could provide. At the same time it was decreed that Tiberius Claudius, the praetor, should proclaim that the soldiers of the fourth legion and five thousand of the allies of the Latin name, with two hundred and fifty cavalry, should assemble at Pisae, and that he should protect that province while the consul was away from there; that Marcus Titinius, the praetor, should order the first legion, with an equal number of allied infantry and cavalry, to assemble at Ariminum.

Nero paludatus Pisas in prouinciam est profectus; Titinius C. Cassio tribuno militum Ariminum, qui praeesset legioni, misso dilectum Romae habuit. M. Iunius consul ex Liguribus in prouinciam Galliam transgressus, auxiliis protinus per ciuitates Galliae militibusque coloniis imperatis, Aquileiam peruenit. ibi certior factus exercitum incolumem esse, scriptis litteris Romam, ne tumultuarentur, ipse remissis auxiliis, quae Gallis imperauerat, ad collegam est profectus.

Nero, wearing the paludamentum, set out to Pisae into the province; Titinius, with C. Cassius, a tribune of soldiers, sent to Ariminum to be in command of the legion, held a levy at Rome. M. Iunius the consul, having crossed from the Ligurians into the province of Gaul, after immediately ordering auxiliaries through the communities of Gaul and levies of soldiers upon the colonies, reached Aquileia. There, having been informed that the army was unhurt, with letters written to Rome that they should not be in a tumult, he himself, the auxiliaries which he had ordered from the Gauls having been sent back, set out to his colleague.

Romae magna ex necopinato laetitia fuit: dilectus omissus est, exauctorati, qui sacramento dixerant, et exercitus, qui Arimini pestilentia adfectus erat, domum dimissus. Histri magnis copiis cum castra haud procul consulis castris haberent, postquam alterum consulem cum exercitu nouo aduenisse audierunt, passim in ciuitates dilapsi sunt. consules Aquileiam in hiberna legiones reduxerunt.

At Rome there was great and unexpected joy: the levy was dropped, those who had taken the military oath were discharged, and the army which had been afflicted by pestilence at Ariminum was sent home. The Histri, with great forces and a camp not far from the consul’s camp, after they heard that the other consul had arrived with a new army, dispersed everywhere into their cities. The consuls led the legions back to winter-quarters at Aquileia.

[6] sedato tandem Histrico tumultu senatus consultum factum est, ut consules inter se compararent, uter eorum ad comitia habenda Romam rediret. cum absentem Manlium tribuni plebis Licinius Nerua et C. Papirius Turdus in contionibus lacerarent rogationemque promulgarent, ne Manlius post idus Martias++ prorogatae namque consulibus iam in annum prouinciae erant++imperium retineret, uti causam extemplo dicere, cum abisset magistratu, posset, huic rogationi Q. Aelius collega intercessit magnisque contentionibus obtinuit, ne perferretur. per eos dies Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et L. Postumius Albinus ex Hispania Romam cum reuertissent, senatus iis a M. Titinio praetore datus in aede Bellonae ad disserendas res, quas gessissent, postulandosque honores meritos ut diis immortalibus haberetur honos.

[6] with the Histrian tumult at last stilled, a senatorial decree was passed that the consuls should arrange between themselves which of them should return to Rome for holding the elections. when the tribunes of the plebs, Licinius Nerva and Gaius Papirius Turdus, were tearing into Manlius in his absence in public assemblies and were publishing a bill that Manlius should not, after the Ides of March++for the provinces had already been prorogated to the consuls for the year++retain his imperium, in order that he might be able to plead his case immediately when he had left office, to this bill his colleague Quintus Aelius interposed a veto, and amid great contentions he prevailed that it not be carried. during those days Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius Postumius Albinus, when they had returned to Rome from Spain, were granted an audience with the senate by the praetor Marcus Titinius in the temple of Bellona to set forth the affairs which they had transacted, to claim the honors merited, that honor be rendered to the immortal gods.

eodem tempore et in Sardinia magnum tumultum esse litteris T. Aebuti praetoris cognitum est, quas filius eius ad senatum attulerat. Ilienses adiunctis Balarorum auxiliis pacatam prouinciam inuaserant, nec eis inualido exercitu et magna parte pestilentia absumpto resisti poterat. eadem et Sardorum legati nuntiabant orantes, ut urbibus saltem++iam enim agros deploratos esse++opem senatus ferret.

At the same time it was learned from the letters of the praetor Titus Aebutius, which his son had brought to the senate, that there was a great tumult also in Sardinia. The Ilienses, with the auxiliaries of the Balares joined, had invaded a pacified province, nor could they be withstood, the army being enfeebled and a great part consumed by pestilence. The envoys of the Sardinians were reporting the same, begging that the senate bring aid at least to the cities++for already the fields were despaired of++.

haec legatio totumque, quod ad Sardiniam pertinebat, ad nouos magistratus reiectum est. aeque miserabilis legatio Lyciorum, qui crudelitatem Rhodiorum, quibus ab L. Cornelio Scipione attributi erant, querebantur: fuisse <se> sub dicione Antiochi; eam regiam seruitutem conlatam cum praesenti statu praeclaram libertatem uisam. non publice tantum se premi imperio, sed singulos iustum pati seruitium.

this embassy, and the whole matter that pertained to Sardinia, was referred to the new magistrates. Equally pitiable was the embassy of the Lycians, who complained of the cruelty of the Rhodians, to whom they had been assigned by L. Cornelius Scipio: that they had been under the dominion of Antiochus; that that royal servitude, when compared with their present status, seemed splendid liberty. Not only, they said, are they oppressed publicly by authority, but each individual suffers downright servitude.

[iustos] coniuges liberosque uexari; in corpus, in tergum saeuiri; famam, quod indignum sit, maculari dehonestarique; et palam res odiosas fieri iuris etiam usurpandi causa, ne pro dubio habeant, nihil inter se et argento parata mancipia interesse. motus his senatus litteras Lyciis ad Rhodios dedit, nec Lycios Rhodiis nec ullos alii cuiquam, qui nati liberi sint, in seruitutem dari placere; Lycios ita sub Rhodiorum simul imperio et tutela esse, ut in dicione populi Romani ciuitates sociae sint.

[iustos] lawful spouses and children to be harried; upon the body, upon the back, to be savagely raged; reputation—what is unworthy—to be stained and dishonored; and odious acts to be done openly even for the sake of usurping a right, so that they may not hold it as doubtful that there is nothing to distinguish themselves from mancipia procured with silver. Moved by these things, the senate gave letters to the Lycians for the Rhodians, that it was not pleasing for the Lycians to be given into servitude to the Rhodians, nor for any who are born free to be given into servitude by anyone to anyone; that the Lycians are thus under the Rhodians’ imperium and at the same time their tutelage, as allied cities are under the dominion of the Roman people.

[7] triumphi deinde ex Hispania duo continui acti. prior Sempronius Gracchus de Celtiberis sociisque eorum, postero die L. Postumius de Lusitanis aliisque eiusdem regionis Hispanis triumphauit. quadraginta milia pondo argenti [Ti.] Gracchus transtulit, uiginti milia Albinus.

[7] then two triumphs from Spain were celebrated in succession. The earlier was Sempronius Gracchus over the Celtiberians and their allies; on the following day, L. Postumius triumphed over the Lusitanians and other Spaniards of the same region. [Ti.] Gracchus transferred forty thousand pounds in weight of silver, Albinus twenty thousand.

militibus denarios quinos uicenos, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti ambo diuiserunt; sociis tantumdem quantum Romanis. per eosdem forte dies M. Iunius consul ex Histria comitiorum causa Romam uenit. eum cum in senatu fatigassent interrogationibus tribuni plebis Papirius et Licinius de iis, quae in Histria essent acta, in contionem quoque produxerunt.

both distributed to the soldiers twenty-five denarii apiece, double to a centurion, triple to a horseman; to the allies just as much as to the Romans. About the same days, M. Junius, consul, came to Rome from Histria for the sake of the elections. When the tribunes of the plebs, Papirius and Licinius, had wearied him in the senate with interrogations about the things that had been done in Histria, they also brought him forward before the assembly.

ad quae cum consul se dies non plus undecim in ea prouincia fuisse responderet, quae se absente acta essent, se quoque, ut illos, fama comperta habere, exsequebantur deinde quaerentes, quid ita non potius A. Manlius Romam uenisset, ut rationem redderet populo Romano, cur ex Gallia prouincia, quam sortitus esset, in Histriam transisset? quando id bellum senatus decreuisset, quando [id bellum] populus Romanus iussisset? at hercule priuato quidem consilio bellum susceptum esse, sed gestum prudenter fortiterque.

To which, when the consul replied that he had been in that province no more than eleven days, that the things which had been done in his absence he too, like them, had learned by report, they went on, asking in detail why A. Manlius had not rather come to Rome, to render an account to the Roman people, why he had passed over from Gaul, the province which he had drawn by lot, into Histria. When had the senate decreed that war, when had the Roman people ordered it? But, by Hercules, the war had indeed been undertaken on private counsel, yet it had been conducted prudently and bravely.

immo, utrum susceptum sit nequius an inconsultius gestum, dici non posse. stationes duas necopinantes ab Histris oppressas, castra Romana capta, quod peditum, quod equitum in castris fuerit <caesum;> ceteros inermes fusosque, ante omnes consulem ipsum, ad mare ac naues fugisse. priuatum rationem redditurum earum rerum esse, quoniam consul noluisset.

nay rather, it cannot be said whether it was undertaken more nefariously or managed more incautiously. two outposts, taken unawares, had been overwhelmed by the Histri, the Roman camp captured, whatever infantry and whatever cavalry had been in the camp <slain;>; the rest, unarmed and routed, and, before all, the consul himself, had fled to the sea and the ships. a private citizen would render an accounting of those matters, since the consul had been unwilling.

[8] comitia deinde habita. consules creati C. Claudius Pulcher Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. et postero die praetores facti P. Aelius Tubero iterum C. Quinctius Flamininus C. Numisius L. Mummius Cn. Cornelius Scipio C. Ualerius Laeuinus.

[8] then the comitia were held. the consuls were created: C. Claudius Pulcher and Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. and on the next day the praetors were made: P. Aelius Tubero again, C. Quinctius Flamininus, C. Numisius, L. Mummius, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, C. Ualerius Laeuinus.

Tuberoni urbana iurisdictio, Quinctio peregrina euenit, Numisio Sicilia, Mummio Sardinia; sed ea propter belli magnitudinem prouincia consularis facta. [Gracchus eam sortitur, Histriam Claudius.] Scipio et Laeuinus Galliam in duas diuisam prouincias sortiti sunt. idibus Martiis, quo die Sempronius Claudiusque consulatum inierunt, mentio tantum de prouinciis Sardinia Histriaque et utriusque hostibus fuit, qui in his prouinciis bellum conciuissent.

To Tubero the urban jurisdiction fell, to Quinctius the foreign; to Numisius, Sicily; to Mummius, Sardinia; but that, on account of the magnitude of the war, was made a consular province. [Gracchus draws it by lot, Claudius Histria.] Scipio and Laevinus drew by lot Gaul, divided into two provinces. On the Ides of March, the day on which Sempronius and Claudius entered upon the consulship, there was only mention of the provinces Sardinia and Histria and the enemies of each, who had stirred up war in these provinces.

postero die legati Sardorum, qui ad nouos magistratus dilati erant, <et> L. Minucius Thermus, qui legatus Manli consulis in Histria fuerat, in senatum uenit. ab his edoctus est senatus, quantum belli eae prouinciae haberent. mouerunt senatum et legationes socium nominis Latini, quae et censores et priores consules fatigauerant, tandem in senatum introductae.

On the following day the legates of the Sardinians, who had been deferred to the new magistrates, and Lucius Minucius Thermus, who had been legate of the consul Manlius in Histria, came into the senate. From these the senate was instructed how much war those provinces contained. The embassies also of the allies of the Latin name moved the senate—these, having wearied both the censors and the prior consuls, were at last introduced into the senate.

summa querellarum erat, ciues suos Romae censos plerosque Romam commigrasse; quod si permittatur, perpaucis lustris futurum, ut deserta oppida, deserti agri nullum militem dare possint. Fregellas quoque milia quattuor familiarum transisse ab se Samnites Paelignique querebantur, neque eo minus aut hos aut illos in dilectu militum dare. genera autem fraudis duo mutandae uiritim ciuitatis inducta erant.

the sum of the complaints was that their citizens, enrolled at Rome in the census, most had migrated to Rome; and if this be permitted, in very few lustrums it will come to pass that deserted towns, deserted fields will be able to furnish no soldier. The Samnites and the Paeligni also complained that to Fregellae there had gone over four thousand households from themselves, and nevertheless either these or those were being made to furnish men in the levy of soldiers. Moreover, two kinds of fraud had been introduced for changing citizenship man-by-man.

lex sociis [ac] nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat, ut ciues Romani fierent. ea lege male utendo alii sociis, alii populo Romano iniuriam faciebant. nam et ne stirpem domi relinquerent, liberos suos quibuslibet Romanis in eam condicionem, ut manu mitterentur, mancipio dabant, libertinique ciues essent; et quibus stirps deesset, quam relinquerent, ut ciues Romani * * fiebant.

the law to the allies [and] of the Latin name, who left a stock of their own at home, granted that they become Roman citizens. By misusing that law, some were doing injury to the allies, others to the Roman people. For both, in order not to leave a stock at home, they would deliver their children to any Romans whatsoever by mancipation on this condition, that they be manumitted, and that, as freedmen, they be citizens; and those for whom a stock was lacking to leave behind became Roman citizens * *.

postea his quoque imaginibus iuris spretis, promiscue sine lege, sine stirpe in ciuitatem Romanam per migrationem et censum transibant. haec ne postea fierent, petebant legati, et ut redire in ciuitates iuberent socios; deinde ut lege cauerent, ne quis quem ciuitatis mutandae causa suum faceret neue alienaret; et si quis ita ciuis Romanus factus esset, <ciuis ne esset>. haec impetrata ab senatu.

afterwards, with these legal fictions too scorned, indiscriminately, without law, without stock, they were passing into Roman citizenship by migration and by the census. The legates requested that these things not happen thereafter, and that they should order the allies to return into their communities; then that they should provide by law that no one, for the sake of changing citizenship, should make anyone his own or alienate him; and if anyone had thus become a Roman citizen, <let him not be a citizen>. These things were obtained from the Senate.

[9] prouinciae deinde, quae in bello erant, Sardinia atque Histria decretae. in Sardiniam duae legiones scribi iussae, quina milia in singulas et duceni pedites, treceni equites, et duodecim milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et sescenti equites et decem quinqueremes naues, si deducere ex naualibus uellet. tantumdem peditum equitumque in Histriam, quantum in Sardiniam, decretum.

[9] Then the provinces which were at war, Sardinia and Histria, were decreed to the . For Sardinia, two legions were ordered to be enrolled, five thousand two hundred infantry in each, and three hundred cavalry, and twelve thousand infantry of the allies and of the Latin name and six hundred cavalry, and ten quinquereme ships, if he should wish to launch them from the dockyards. The same number of infantry and cavalry was decreed for Histria as for Sardinia.

et legionem unam cum equitibus trecentis, et quinque milia peditum sociorum et ducentos quinquaginta mittere equites in Hispaniam consules ad M. Titinium iussi. priusquam consules prouincias sortirentur, prodigia nuntiata sunt: lapidem in agro Crustumino in lucum Martis de caelo cecidisse; puerum trunci corporis in agro Romano natum et quadrupedem anguem uisum; et Capuae multa in foro aedificia de caelo tacta; et Puteolis duas naues fulminis ictu concrematas esse. inter haec, quae nuntiabantur, lupus etiam Romae interdiu agitatus, cum Collina porta intrasset, per Esquilinam magno consectantium tumultu euasit.

and I ordered the consuls to send one legion with three hundred cavalry, and five thousand infantry of the allies and two hundred and fifty horsemen into Spain to M. Titinius. Before the consuls drew lots for the provinces, prodigies were announced: that a stone had fallen from the sky into the grove of Mars in the Crustuminian field; that a boy of a maimed body was born in the Roman countryside, and a four-footed serpent was seen; and that at Capua many edifices in the forum were struck from the sky; and that at Puteoli two ships were consumed by a stroke of lightning. Amid these things that were being reported, a wolf also at Rome, driven about in broad daylight—after it had entered by the Colline Gate—escaped through the Esquiline Gate with a great tumult of pursuers.

eorum prodigiorum causa consules maiores hostias immolarunt, et diem unum circa omnia puluinaria supplicatio fuit. sacrificiis rite perfectis prouincias sortiti sunt; Claudio Histria, Sempronio Sardinia obuenit. legem dein de sociis C. Claudius tulit <ex> senatus consulto et edixit, qui socii [ac] nominis Latini, ipsi maioresue eorum, M. Claudio T. Quinctio censoribus postue ea apud socios nominis Latini censi essent, ut omnes in suam quisque ciuitatem ante kal.

On account of those prodigies the consuls immolated greater victims, and for one day there was a supplication at all the pulvinars. The sacrifices duly completed, they drew lots for the provinces; Histria fell to Claudius, Sardinia to Sempronius. Then Gaius Claudius, by decree of the senate, carried a law concerning the allies and issued an edict, that those who were allies [and] of the Latin name, they themselves or their ancestors, had been censused by the censors Marcus Claudius and Titus Quinctius, or after that among the allies of the Latin name, should all return, each to his own city, before the Kalends.

Nouembres redirent. quaestio, qui ita non redissent, L. Mummio praetori decreta est. ad legem et edictum consulis senatus consultum adiectum est, ut dictator, consul, interrex, censor, praetor, qui nunc esset <quiue postea futurus esset>, apud eorum quem <qui> manu mitteretur, in libertatem uindicaretur, ut ius iurandum daret, qui eum manu mitteret, ciuitatis mutandae causa manu non mittere; in quo id non iuraret, eum manu mittendum non censuerunt.

they should return by the Kalends of November. An inquiry into those who had not thus returned was decreed to the praetor L. Mummius. To the law and the edict of the consul a senatorial decree was added: that a dictator, consul, interrex, censor, praetor, whoever might be now <or whoever would be afterwards>, in the presence of whichever of them by whom <who> he would be manumitted, should be vindicated into freedom; that the one who manumitted him should give an oath not to manumit for the sake of changing citizenship; and that, in a case where he should not swear this, they did not judge him to be manumitted.

haec in posterum cauta iussique edicto C. Claudi cons. * * * Claudio decreta est.

these things for the future were provided for and ordered by the edict of Gaius Claudius, consul; * * * was decreed to Claudius.

[10] dum haec Romae geruntur, M. Iunius et A. Manlius, qui priore anno consules fuerant, cum Aquileiae hibernassent, principio ueris in finis Histrorum exercitum introduxerunt; ubi cum effuse popularentur, dolor magis et indignatio diripi res suas cernentis Histros, quam certa spes, satis sibi uirium aduersus duos exercitus , exciuit. concursu ex omnibus populis iuuentutis facto repentinus et tumultuarius exercitus acrius primo impetu quam perseuerantius pugnauit. ad quattuor milia eorum in acie caesa; ceteri omisso bello in ciuitates passim diffugerunt.

[10] while these things were being transacted at Rome, M. Junius and A. Manlius, who had been consuls the previous year, since they had wintered at Aquileia, at the beginning of spring led the army into the confines of the Histrians; where, as they were ravaging profusely, it was rather the pain and indignation of the Histrians, seeing their goods being plundered, than any sure hope that they had strength enough against two armies, that roused them. With a concourse of youth from all the peoples having been made, a sudden and tumultuary army fought more keenly in the first onset than perseveringly. About four thousand of them were cut down in the battle line; the rest, the war being abandoned, scattered in flight into their cities everywhere.

inde legatos primum ad pacem petendam in castra Romana, deinde obsides imperatos miserunt. haec cum Romae cognita litteris proconsulum essent, C. Claudius consul ueritus, ne forte eae res prouinciam <et> exercitum sibi adimerent, non uotis nuncupatis, non paludatis lictoribus, uno omnium certiore facto collega, nocte profectus, praeceps in prouinciam abiit; ubi inconsultius quam uenerat se gessit. nam cum contione aduocata fugam e castris A. Manlio aduersis auribus militum, quippe qui primi ipsi fugissent, obiectasset <et> ingessisset probra M. Iunio, quod se dedecoris socium collegae fecisset, ad extremum utrumque decedere prouincia iussit.

thence they sent envoys first to seek peace to the Roman camp, then they sent hostages as ordered. when these things had been learned at Rome by the letters of the proconsuls, C. Claudius, the consul, fearing lest perchance these measures would take away the province and the army from himself, with no vows proclaimed, with his lictors not in the paludamentum, with his colleague alone, of all, made privy, setting out by night, went headlong into the province; where he bore himself more inconsiderately than he had come. for, an assembly having been called, when he had cast up against A. Manlius the flight from the camp—to the adverse ears of the soldiers, seeing that they themselves had been the first to flee—and had heaped reproaches upon M. Junius, because he had made himself his colleague’s partner in disgrace, in the end he ordered them both to withdraw from the province.

<ad> quod cum illi tum consulis imperio dicto audientes futuros esse dicerent, cum is more maiorum, secundum uota in Capitolio nuncupata, lictoribus paludatis profectus ab urbe esset, furens ira uocatum, qui pro quaestore Manli erat, catenas poposcit, uinctos se Iunium Manliumque minitans Romam missurum. ab eo quoque spretum consulis imperium est; et circumfusus exercitus, fauens imperatorum causae et consuli infestus, animos ad non parendum addebat. postremo fatigatus consul et contumeliis singulorum et multitudinis++nam insuper inridebant++ludibriis, naue eadem, qua uenerat, Aquileiam redit.

<to> which, when they said that they would then be obedient to the consul’s command, when he, in the custom of the ancestors, after vows had been pronounced on the Capitol, had set out from the city with his lictors in military cloaks, he, raging with anger, summoned the one who was acting in place of Manlius’s quaestor, demanded chains, threatening that he would send Junius and Manlius bound to Rome. By him too the consul’s command was scorned; and the army, thronging around, favoring the cause of the generals and hostile to the consul, was adding spirit toward not obeying. At last the consul, wearied both by the insults of individuals and by the mockeries of the multitude++for besides they were mocking++, returns to Aquileia in the same ship by which he had come.

inde collegae scripsit, ut militum nouorum ei parti, quae scripta in Histriam prouinciam esset, ediceret, Aquileiam ut conueniret, ne quid se Romae teneret, quo minus uotis nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe exiret. haec a collega obsequenter facta, breuisque dies ad conueniendum edicta est. Claudius prope consecutus est litteras suas.

thence he wrote to his colleague to issue an edict that the portion of the new soldiers which had been enrolled for the province of Histria should assemble at Aquileia, so that nothing might detain him at Rome from leaving the city, after vows nuncupated, in his paludamentum. These things were obediently done by the colleague, and a short deadline for assembling was proclaimed. Claudius nearly overtook his own letters.

contione adueniens de Manlio et Iunio habita, non ultra triduum moratus Romae, paludatis lictoribus uotisque in Capitolio nuncupatis, in prouinciam aeque ac prius praecipiti celeritate abit.

Arriving, with an assembly concerning Manlius and Junius having been held, not delaying at Rome beyond three days, with the lictors in military cloak and the vows proclaimed on the Capitol, he departed into the province with headlong celerity, equally as before.

[11] paucis ante diebus Iunius Manliusque oppidum Nesattium, quo se principes Histrorum et regulus ipse Aepulo receperat, summa ui oppugnare coeperant. eo Claudius duabus legionibus nouis adductis, uetere exercitu cum suis ducibus dimisso, ipse oppidum circumsedit et uineis oppugnare intendit, amnemque praeterfluentem moenia, qui et impedimento oppugnantibus erat et aquationem Histris praebebat, multorum dierum opere exceptum nouo alueo auertit. ea res barbaros miraculo terruit abscisae aquae: et ne tum quidem memores pacis, in caedem coniugum ac liberorum uersi, etiam ut spectaculo hostibus tam foedum facinus esset, palam in muris trucidatos praecipitabant.

[11] A few days before, Junius and Manlius had begun to attack with utmost force the town of Nesattium, to which the chiefs of the Histrians and Aepulo the petty king himself had withdrawn. There Claudius, after bringing up two new legions and dismissing the old army with its commanders, himself besieged the town and aimed to assault it with mantlets; and the river flowing past the walls, which was both a hindrance to the attackers and supplied the Histrians with water, by work of many days, having been intercepted and diverted into a new channel, he turned aside. This thing terrified the barbarians by the marvel of the water being cut off; and not even then mindful of peace, turned to the slaughter of their wives and children, and even so that so foul a crime might be a spectacle to the enemy, they butchered them openly on the walls and hurled them headlong.

inter simul complorationem feminarum puerorumque, simul nefandam caedem, milites transgressi murum oppidum intrarunt. cuius capti tumultum ubi ex pauido clamore fugientium accepit rex, traiecit ferro pectus, ne uiuus caperetur; ceteri capti aut occisi. duo deinde oppida, Mutila et Faueria, ui capta et deleta.

amid both the lamentation of the women and children and the unspeakable slaughter, the soldiers, having crossed over the wall, entered the town. When the king perceived the tumult of its capture from the panicked clamor of the fleeing, he ran his breast through with steel, lest he be taken alive; the rest were captured or slain. Then two towns, Mutila and Faueria, were taken by force and destroyed.

praeda, ut in gente inopi, spe maior fuit, et omnis militibus concessa est. quinque milia capitum sescenta triginta duo sub corona uenierunt. auctores belli uirgis caesi et securi percussi.

The booty, as among an indigent people, was greater than expectation, and all of it was conceded to the soldiers. Five thousand six hundred thirty-two persons were sold under the garland (at auction). The authors of the war were beaten with rods and struck with the axe.

Histria tota trium oppidorum excidio et morte regis pacata est; omnesque undique populi obsidibus datis in dicionem uenerunt. sub Histrici finem belli apud Ligures concilia de bello haberi coepta.

All Histria was pacified by the destruction of three towns and by the death of the king; and all the peoples from every side, hostages having been given, came into dominion. Toward the end of the Histrian war, councils concerning war began to be held among the Ligurians.

[12] Ti. Claudius proconsul, qui praetor priore anno fuerat, cum praesidio legionis unius Pisis praeerat. cuius litteris senatus certior factus, eas ipsas litteras ad C. Claudium++nam alter consul iam in Sardiniam traiecerat++deferendas censet et adicit decretum, quoniam Histria prouincia confecta esset, si ei uideretur, exercitum traduceret in Ligures. simul ex litteris consulis, quas de rebus in Histria gestis scripserat, in biduum supplicatio decreta.

[12] Ti. Claudius, proconsul, who had been praetor in the previous year, was in command at Pisa with the garrison of one legion. Informed by his letter, the senate judges that those very letters be conveyed to C. Claudius ++for the other consul had already crossed over into Sardinia++ and adds a decree that, since the province of Histria had been brought to completion, if it should seem good to him, he should lead the army across into the Ligurians. At the same time, from the consul’s letters, which he had written about the matters transacted in Histria, a supplication for two days was decreed.

et <ab> altero consule Ti. Sempronio in Sardinia prospere res gesta. exercitum in agrum Sardorum Iliensium induxit. Balarorum magna auxilia Iliensibus uenerant; cum utraque gente signis conlatis conflixit.

and <ab> by the other consul, Ti. Sempronius, the matter was conducted prosperously in Sardinia. He led the army into the land of the Iliensian Sardinians. Great auxiliaries of the Balares had come to the Ilienses; with both peoples, with standards brought together, he fought.

fusi fugatique hostes castrisque exuti, duodecim milia armatorum caesa. postero die arma lecta conici in aceruum iussit consul sacrumque id Uulcano cremauit. uictorem exercitum in hiberna sociarum urbium reduxit.

The enemies were routed and put to flight and stripped of their camp; twelve thousand armed men were cut down. On the next day the consul ordered the collected arms to be thrown into a heap, and burned it as sacred to Vulcan. He led the victorious army back into the winter-quarters of the allied cities.

et C. Claudius litteris Ti. Claudi et senatus consulto accepto ex Histria legiones in Ligures transduxit. ad Scultennam flumen in campos progressi castra habebant hostes, ibi cum iis acie dimicatum. quindecim milia caesa, plus septingenti aut in proelio aut in castris++ nam ea quoque expugnata sunt++capti, et signa militaria unum et quinquaginta capta.

and Gaius Claudius, upon receiving the letters of Tiberius Claudius and the senatorial decree, led the legions from Histria across into the Ligurians. The enemy, having advanced into the plains at the river Scultenna, were holding their camp there; there a pitched battle was fought with them. Fifteen thousand were cut down, more than seven hundred either in the battle or in the camp++ for these too were taken by storm++were captured, and 51 military standards were taken.

Ligures, reliquiae caedis, in montes refugerunt, passimque populanti campestris agros consuli nulla usquam apparuerunt arma. Claudius duarum gentium uno anno uictor, duabus, quod raro alius, in consulatu pacatis prouinciis Romam reuertit.

The Ligurians, the remnants of the slaughter, fled back into the mountains, and as the consul was ravaging far and wide the level fields, no armed force appeared anywhere. Claudius, victor over two peoples in one year, returned to Rome with two provinces pacified in his consulship, a thing which scarcely any other did.

[13] prodigia eo anno nuntiata: in Crustumino auem sanqualem, quam uocant, sacrum lapidem rostro cecidisse, bouem in Campania locutam, uaccam aeneam Syracusis ab agresti tauro, qui a pecore aberrasset, initam ac semine adspersam. in Crustumino diem unum in ipso loco supplicatio fuit, et in Campania bos alenda publice data, Syracusanumque prodigium expiatum editis ab haruspicibus dis, quibus supplicaretur. pontufex eo anno mortuus est M. Claudius Marcellus, qui consul censorque fuerat.

[13] Portents were reported that year: in the Crustumine district a bird of the kind they call “sanqualis” struck a sacred stone with its beak and made it fall; in Campania an ox spoke; at Syracuse a bronze cow was mounted by a rustic bull that had strayed from the herd and was sprinkled with seed. In the Crustumine district a supplication was held for one day on the very spot, and in Campania an ox was assigned to be maintained at public expense, and the Syracusan prodigy was expiated, the gods to whom supplication should be made having been declared by the haruspices. The pontifex died that year, M. Claudius Marcellus, who had been consul and censor.

in eius locum suffectus est pontifex filius eius M. Marcellus. et Lunam colonia eodem anno duo milia ciuium Romanorum sunt deducta. triumuiri deduxerunt P. Aelius <M. Aemilius> Lepidus Cn. Sicinius; quinquagena et singula iugera et semisses agri in singulos dati sunt.

in his place his son M. Marcellus was appointed pontifex. And to Luna as a colony in the same year two thousand Roman citizens were led out. The triumvirs led them out: P. Aelius, <M. Aemilius> Lepidus, and Cn. Sicinius; fifty-one and a half iugera of land were given to each person.

de Liguribus captus ager erat; Etruscorum ante quam Ligurum fuerat. C. Claudius consul ad urbem uenit; cui, cum in senatu de rebus in Histria Liguribusque prospere gestis <disseruisset>, postulanti triumphus est decretus. triumphauit in magistratu de duabus simul gentibus.

Land had been captured from the Ligurians; it had been the Etruscans’ before it was the Ligurians’. C. Claudius, consul, came to the city; after he had discoursed in the senate about the affairs in Histria and with the Ligurians, successfully conducted, a triumph was decreed to him upon his request. He triumphed in office over two peoples at once.

tulit in eo triumpho denarium trecenta septem milia et uictoriatum octoginta quinque milia septingentos duos. militibus in singulos quini deni denarii dati, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. sociis dimidio minus quam ciuibus datum.

He brought in that triumph 307,000 denarii and 85,702 victoriati. To the soldiers, fifteen denarii apiece were given, double to a centurion, triple to a horseman. To the allies there was given half less than to the citizens.

itaque taciti, ut iratos esse sentires, secuti sunt currum.

and so, silent, so that you could perceive they were angry, they followed the chariot.

[14] triumphus de Liguribus agebatur, Ligures postquam senserunt non consularem tantum exercitum Romam abductum, sed legionem ab Ti. Claudio Pisis dimissam, soluti metu, clam exercitu indicto, per transuersos limites superatis montibus in campos degressi, agrum Mutinensem populati, repentino impetu coloniam ipsam ceperunt. id ubi Romam allatum est, senatus C. Claudium consulem comitia primo quoque tempore habere iussit creatisque in annum magistratibus in prouinciam redire et coloniam ex hostibus eripere. ita, uti censuit senatus, comitia habita.

[14] triumph over the Ligurians was being celebrated, after the Ligurians realized that not only had the consular army been led away to Rome, but that a legion had been discharged by Tiberius Claudius at Pisae, released from fear, with a levy secretly proclaimed, by cross-country routes, after the mountains were crossed they descended into the plains, ravaged the Mutinan territory, and by a sudden assault took the colony itself. When this was brought to Rome, the senate ordered Gaius Claudius the consul to hold the elections at the earliest possible time, and, when the magistrates for the coming year had been created, to return to the province and wrest the colony from the enemy. Thus, as the senate decreed, the elections were held.

consules creati Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispallus Q. Petilius Spurinus. praetores inde facti M. Popilius Laenas P. Licinius Crassus M. Cornelius Scipio L. Papirius Maso M. Aburius L. Aquilius Gallus. C. Claudio consuli prorogatum in annum imperium et Gallia prouincia; et ne Histri idem, quod et Ligures, facerent, socios nominis Latini in Histriam mitteret, quos triumphi causa de prouincia deduxisset.

The consuls elected were Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispallus and Q. Petilius Spurinus. Then the praetors appointed were M. Popilius Laenas, P. Licinius Crassus, M. Cornelius Scipio, L. Papirius Maso, M. Aburius, L. Aquilius Gallus. To C. Claudius, the consul, the imperium was prorogued for one year, and Gaul was [assigned as] his province; and, lest the Histrians do the same as the Ligurians, he was to send into Histria allies of the Latin name, whom he had led out from the province for the sake of his triumph.

Cn. Cornelio et Q. Petilio consulibus, quo die magistratum inierunt, immolantibus Ioui singulis bubus, uti solet, in ea hostia, qua Q. Petilius sacrificauit, in iocinere caput non inuentum. id cum ad senatum rettulisset, boue perlitare iussus. de prouinciis deinde consultus senatus Pisas et Ligures prouincias consulibus decreuit; cui Pisae prouincia obuenisset, cum magistratuum creandorum tempus esset, ad comitia reuerti iussit.

With Cn. Cornelius and Q. Petilius as consuls, on the day they entered upon office, as they were immolating to Jove a single ox each, as is customary, in the victim which Q. Petilius sacrificed, in the liver the head was not found. When he reported this to the senate, he was ordered to expiate with an ox. Then, being consulted about the provinces, the senate decreed the provinces of Pisae and the Ligures to the consuls; and whichever of them the province of Pisae should fall to, when the time for creating magistrates was at hand, it ordered to return to the elections.

additum decreto, ut binas legiones nouas scriberent et trecenos equites; et dena milia peditum sociis nominique Latino et sescenos imperarent equites. Ti. Claudio prorogatum est imperium in id tempus, quo in prouinciam consul uenisset.

It was added to the decree that they should enroll two new legions and three hundred horsemen apiece; and that they should levy ten thousand infantry upon the allies and the Latin Name, and six hundred horsemen. To Tiberius Claudius the imperium was prorogued until the time when the consul had come into the province.

[15] dum de iis rebus senatu agitur, Cn. Cornelius euocatus a uiatore, cum templo egressus esset, paulo post redit confuso uultu et exposuit patribus conscriptis bouis sescenaris, quem immolauisset, iocur diffluxisse. id se uictimario nuntianti parum credentem ipsum aquam effundi ex olla, ubi exta coquerentur, iussisse et uidisse ceteram integram partem extorum, iecur omne inenarrabili tabe absumptum. territis eo prodigio patribus et alter consul curam adiecit, qui se, quod caput iocineri defuisset, tribus bubus perlitasse negauit.

[15] while about these matters the senate they are transacting business, Cn. Cornelius, summoned by a viator, when he had gone out from the temple, a little later returns with a troubled countenance and explained to the Conscript Fathers that in the case of a six-hundred‑pound ox which he had sacrificed, the liver had dissolved. When the victimarius reported this, he, trusting it too little, ordered that the water be poured out from the pot in which the entrails (exta) were being cooked, and he saw the rest of the parts of the entrails intact, but the whole liver consumed by an indescribable corruption. The senators being terrified by that prodigy, the other consul added concern, who declared that, since the head (caput) of the liver had been lacking, he had not achieved expiation even with three oxen.

senatus maioribus hostiis usque ad litationem sacrificari iussit. ceteris diis perlitatum ferunt; Saluti Petilium perlitasse negant. inde consules praetoresque prouincias sortiti.

The senate ordered that sacrifices be offered with greater victims up to the point of litation. They report that litation was accomplished for the other gods; they deny that Petilius achieved litation to Salus. Then the consuls and praetors drew lots for the provinces.

Pisae Cn. Cornelio, Ligures <Q.> Petilio obuenerunt. praetores L. Papirius Maso urbanam, M. Aburius inter peregrinos sortiti sunt. M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis Hispaniam ulteriorem, L. Aquilius Gallus Siciliam habuit.

Pisa fell by lot to Cn. Cornelius, the Ligurians to <Q.> Petilius. The praetors L. Papirius Maso drew the urban jurisdiction, M. Aburius the one among foreigners. M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had Further Spain, L. Aquilius Gallus had Sicily.

duo deprecati sunt, ne in prouincias irent, M. Popilius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam prouinciam pacare; ei T. Aebutium praetorem adiutorem ab senatu datum esse. interrumpi tenorem rerum, in quibus peragendis continuatio ipsa efficacissima esset, minime conuenire; inter traditionem imperii nouitatemque successoris, quae noscendis prius quam agendis rebus inbuenda sit, saepe bene gerendae rei occasiones intercidere. probata Popilii excusatio est.

Two men petitioned that they not go out to their provinces—M. Popilius to Sardinia: that Gracchus should pacify that province, and that T. Aebutius, the praetor, had been given to him by the senate as a helper. It was by no means fitting that the tenor of affairs be interrupted, in the accomplishing of which continuity itself is most efficacious; between the handing over of command and the novelty of a successor—which ought to be imbued with knowing things before doing them—opportunities for conducting the matter well often fall through. Popilius’s excuse was approved.

P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in prouinciam iret; <ei> citerior Hispania obuenerat. ceterum aut ire iussus aut iurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi. id ubi in P. Licinio ita statutum est, et ab se uti iusiurandum acciperent M. Cornelius postulauit, ne in Hispaniam ulteriorem iret.

P. Licinius Crassus excused himself as being impeded by the customary solemn sacrifices, so that he might not go to his province; to him Nearer Spain had fallen by lot. Moreover, he was either ordered to go or to swear before the public assembly that he was being prohibited by a solemn sacrifice. When that was thus decreed in the case of P. Licinius, M. Cornelius requested that they likewise accept an oath from himself, so that he should not go to Farther Spain.

praetores ambo in eadem uerba iurarunt. M. Titinius et <T.> Fonteius proconsules manere cum eodem imperii iure in Hispania iussi; et ut in supplementum his tria milia ciuium Romanorum cum equitibus ducentis, quinque milia socium Latini nominis et trecenti equites mitterentur.

both praetors swore the same words. M. Titinius and <T.> Fonteius, proconsuls, were ordered to remain in Spain with the same right of imperium; and that, as a supplement for them, three thousand Roman citizens with two hundred horsemen, five thousand allies of the Latin name, and three hundred horsemen be sent.

[16] Latinae feriae fuere ante diem tertium nonas Maias, in quibus quia in una hostia magistratus Lanuuinus precatus non erat populo Romano Quiritium, religioni fuit. id cum ad senatum relatum esset senatusque ad pontificum collegium reiecisset, pontificibus, quia non recte factae Latinae essent, instaurari Latinas placuit, Lanuuinos, quorum opera instaurandae essent, hostias praebere. accesserat ad religionem, Cn. Cornelius consul ex monte Albano rediens concidit et, parte membrorum captus, ad Aquas Cumanas profectus ingrauescente morbo Cumis decessit.

[16] The Latin Festival was held on the third day before the Nones of May; and because, in one victim, the Lanuvian magistrate had not prayed for the Roman People of the Quirites, it was a matter of religious scruple. When this had been reported to the senate and the senate had referred it to the college of pontiffs, the pontiffs, because the Latin rites had not been duly performed, decreed that the Latin Festival be renewed, and that the Lanuvians, by whose agency it was to be renewed, provide the victims. There had been added to the religious concern that Gnaeus Cornelius, the consul, as he was returning from the Alban Mount, collapsed and, being seized in part of his limbs, set out to the Cuman Waters, and, as the illness grew worse, died at Cumae.

sed inde mortuus Romam adlatus et funere magnifico elatus sepultusque est. pontifex idem fuerat. consul Q. Petilius cum primum per auspicia posset, collegae subrogando comitia habere iussus et Latinas edicere, comitia in <ante> diem tertium nonas Sextiles, <Latinas> in ante diem tertium idus Sextiles edixit.

but from there, dead, he was brought to Rome and, carried out with a magnificent funeral, was buried. He had been pontifex as well. The consul Q. Petilius, as soon as he could under the auspices, was ordered to hold the assembly for electing a substitute colleague and to proclaim the Latin festival; he announced the assembly for the third day <before> the Nones of Sextilis, the <Latin festival> for the third day before the Ides of Sextilis.

plenis religionum animis prodigia insuper nuntiata: Tusculi facem in caelo uisam, Gabiis aedem Apollinis et priuata aedificia conplura, Grauiscus murum portamque de caelo tacta. ea patres procurari, uti pontifices censuissent, iusserunt. dum consules primum religiones, deinde alterum alterius mors et comitia et Latinarum instauratio inpediunt, interim C. Claudius exercitum ad Mutinam, quam Ligures priore anno ceperant, admouit.

with minds full of religious scruples, prodigies were moreover announced: at Tusculum a torch was seen in the sky; at Gabii the temple of Apollo and several private buildings; at Graviscae the wall and the gate were struck from the sky. the Fathers ordered these to be expiated, as the pontiffs had decreed. while the consuls were hindered—first by religious concerns, then one by the death of the other, and by the comitia and the instauration of the Latin festival—meanwhile Gaius Claudius brought the army up to Mutina, which the Ligurians had seized the previous year.

intra triduum, quam oppugnare coeperat, receptam ex hostibus colonis restituit. octo milia ibi Ligurum intra muros caesa; litteraeque Romam extemplo scriptae, quibus non modo rem exponeret, sed etiam gloriaretur sua uirtute ac felicitate neminem iam cis Alpis <esse> hostem populi Romani, agrique aliquantum captum, qui multis milibus hominum diuidi uiritim posset.

within three days from when he had begun the assault, he restored it, recovered from the enemy, with colonists. eight thousand Ligurians were cut down there within the walls; and letters were written to Rome immediately, in which he not only set forth the matter, but also boasted that by his virtue and felicity no one now on this side of the Alps was an enemy of the Roman people, and that a considerable tract of land had been seized, which could be divided man-by-man among many thousands of men.

[17] et Ti. Sempronius eodem tempore in Sardinia multis secundis proeliis Sardos perdomuit. quindecim milia hostium sunt caesa, omnes Sardorum populi, qui defecerant, in dicionem redacti. stipendiariis ueteribus duplex uectigal imperatum exactumque; ceteri frumentum contulerunt.

[17] and at the same time Ti. Sempronius in Sardinia, through many successful battles, thoroughly subdued the Sardinians. Fifteen thousand of the enemy were slain; all the peoples of the Sardinians who had revolted were brought back under authority. Upon the long-standing tributaries a double tax was imposed and exacted; the rest contributed grain.

pacata prouincia obsidibusque ex tota insula ducentis triginta acceptis legati Romam, qui ea nuntiarent, missi, quique ab senatu peterent, ut ob eas res ductu auspicioque Ti. Semproni prospere gestas diis inmortalibus honos haberetur ipsique decedenti de prouincia exercitum secum deportare liceret. senatus in aede Apollinis legatorum uerbis auditis supplicationem in biduum decreuit, et quadraginta maioribus hostiis consules sacrificare iussit, Ti. Sempronium proconsulem exercitumque eo anno in prouincia manere. comitia deinde consulis unius subrogandi, <quae in> ante diem tertium nonas Sextiles edicta erant, eo ipso die sunt confecta.

With the province pacified and 230 hostages taken from the whole island, legates were sent to Rome to announce these things and to ask of the senate that, on account of these matters successfully carried out under the leadership and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius, honor be had to the immortal gods, and that he himself, on departing from the province, be allowed to carry off the army with him. The senate, in the Temple of Apollo, after hearing the words of the legates, decreed a supplication for two days, and ordered the consuls to sacrifice 40 greater victims; that Tiberius Sempronius, as proconsul, and the army should remain in the province that year. Then the elections for substituting one consul, which had been proclaimed for August 3, were completed on that very day.

Q. Petilius consul collegam, qui extemplo magistratum occiperet, creauit C. Ualerium Laeuinum. ipse iam diu cupidus prouinciae, cum opportunae cupiditati eius litterae adlatae essent Ligures rebellasse, nonis Sextilibus paludatus * * . <senatus> litteris auditis tumultus eius causa legionem tertiam ad C. Claudium proconsulem in Galliam proficisci iussit, et duumuiros nauales cum classe Pisas ire, qui Ligurum oram, maritumum quoque terrorem admouentes, circumuectarentur. eodem Pisas et Q. Petilius consul ad conueniendum exercitui <diem> edixerat.

Q. Petilius the consul created as colleague, to enter upon the magistracy at once, C. Valerius Laevinus. He himself, already long desirous of a province, when letters had opportunely been brought to suit his desire that the Ligurians had rebelled, on the Nones of Sextilis (August), clad in the paludamentum, * * . <the senate>, when the letters had been heard, on account of that tumult ordered the Third Legion to set out to C. Claudius, proconsul, into Gaul, and ordered the naval duumvirs to go with the fleet to Pisa, to sail around the coast of the Ligurians, bringing also a maritime terror to bear. On that same day at Pisa the consul Q. Petilius had fixed a <day> for the army to assemble.

et C. Claudius proconsul audita rebellione Ligurum praeter eas copias, quas secum Parmae habebat, subitariis collectis militibus exercitum ad fines Ligurum admouit.

and Gaius Claudius, the proconsul, upon hearing of the rebellion of the Ligurians, beyond those forces which he had with him at Parma, with hastily collected soldiers, brought his army up to the borders of the Ligurians.

[18] hostes sub aduentum C. Claudi, a quo duce de meminerant nuper ad Scultennam flumen uictos fugatosque, locorum magis praesidio aduersus infeliciter expertam uim quam armis se defensuri, duos montes Letum et Ballistam ceperunt muroque insuper amplexi sunt. tardius ex agris demigrantes oppressi ad mille et quingenti perierunt; ceteri montibus se tenebant, et ne in metu quidem feritatis ingenitae obliti saeuiunt in praedam, quae Mutinae parta erat. captiuos cum foeda laceratione interficiunt; pecora in fanis trucidant uerius passim quam rite sacrificant.

[18] The enemy, upon the arrival of Gaius Claudius—under whose leadership they remembered that recently at the river Scultenna they had been conquered and routed—intending to defend themselves more by the protection of the places against a force unhappily experienced than by arms, seized two mountains, Letum and Ballista, and, in addition, encompassed them with a wall. Those moving out more slowly from the fields, being overtaken, about 1,500 perished; the rest held to the mountains, and, not even in fear forgetful of their inborn ferocity, they rage upon the booty which had been won at Mutina. They kill captives with foul mangling; they slaughter herds in the fanes, more truly everywhere at random than duly sacrifice.

satiati caede animantium, quae inanima erant parietibus adfigunt, uasa omnis generis usui magis quam [ornamento] in speciem facta. Q. Petilius consul, ne absente se debellaretur, litteras ad C. Claudium misit, ut cum exercitu ad se in Galliam ueniret: campis Macris se eum expectaturum. litteris acceptis Claudius ex Liguribus castra mouit exercitumque ad campos Macros consuli tradidit.

sated with the slaughter of living creatures, they fasten what was inanimate to the walls—vessels of every kind, made in appearance more for use than for [ornament]. Q. Petilius, the consul, lest the war be finished without him, sent letters to C. Claudius, that he should come with the army to him into Gaul: he would await him on the Macrian Plains. Upon receiving the letters, Claudius broke camp from Liguria and delivered the army to the consul at the Macrian Plains.

eodem [tempore] paucis post diebus C. Ualerius consul alter uenit. ibi diuisis copiis, <prius> quam digrederentur, communiter ambo exercitus lustrauerunt. tum sortiti, quia non ab eadem utrumque parte adgredi hostem placebat, regiones quas peterent.

At the same [time], a few days later, the other consul, Gaius Valerius, arrived. There, with the forces divided, they departed, both armies together performed a lustration. Then, having cast lots—because it was not pleasing to attack the enemy from the same side with both forces—they allotted the regions which they would aim for.

Ualerium auspicato sortitum constabat, quod in templo fuisset; in Petilio id uitii factum postea augures responderunt, quod extra templum sortem in sitellam ~in templum latam foris ipse oporteret. profecti inde in diuersas regiones. Petilius aduersus Ballistae et Leti iugum, quod eos montes perpetuo dorso inter se iungit, castra habuit.

It was agreed that Valerius had drawn his lot under auspice, because he had been in the templum; in the case of Petilius the augurs later replied that a flaw had been committed, because the lot had been brought into the templum in a situla from outside, whereas he himself ought to be outside. Thence they set out into different regions. Petilius had his camp facing the ridge of Ballista and Letum, which with a continuous back links those mountains to one another.

ibi adhortantem eum pro contione milites, inmemorem ambiguitatis uerbi, ominatum ferunt se eo die Letum capturum esse. duabus simul partibus subire in aduersos montes coepit. ea pars, in qua ipse erat, inpigre succedebat.

There, while he was exhorting the soldiers before the assembly, unmindful of the ambiguity of the word, they report that he, by an omen, declared that he would capture Letus that day. On two sides at once he began to mount the opposing mountains. The part in which he himself was was advancing energetically.

alteram hostes cum propulissent, ut restitueret rem inclinatam, consul equo aduectus suos quidem a fuga reuocauit, ipse, dum incautius ante signa obuersatur, missili traiectus cecidit. nec hostes ducem occisum senserunt, et suorum pauci, qui uiderant, haud neglegenter, ut qui in eo uictoriam uerti scirent, corpus occultauere. alia multitudo peditum equitumque deturbatis hostibus montis sine duce cepere.

when the enemy had repulsed the other, to restore the inclined situation the consul, borne up on horseback, did indeed call his men back from flight; he himself, while, incautiously, he was presenting himself before the standards, pierced by a missile, fell. nor did the enemies perceive that the leader had been slain, and a few of his own who had seen, not negligently, as men who knew that on that point victory would be reversed, concealed the body. another multitude of infantry and cavalry, the enemies having been dislodged, took the mountains without a leader.

ad quinque milia Ligurum occisa; ex Romano exercitu duo et quinquaginta ceciderunt. super tam euidentem tristis ominis euentum etiam ex pullario auditum est uitium in auspicio fuisse, nec id consulem ignorasse. C. Ualerius audita * * * periti religionum iurisque publici, quando duo ordinarii consules eius anni, alter morbo, alter ferro perisset, suffectum consulem negabant recte comitia habere posse.

about 5,000 Ligurians were slain; from the Roman army 52 fell. Over and above so evident an outcome of a gloomy omen, it was also heard from the pullarius (keeper of the sacred chickens) that there had been a flaw in the auspice, nor was the consul unaware of it. Gaius Valerius, these things having been heard, * * * experts in religious rites and in public law were asserting that, since the two ordinary consuls of that year—one by sickness, the other by the sword—had perished, a suffect consul could not rightly hold the comitia (elections).

* * * deduxit.

* * * he led down.

[19] cis Appenninum Garuli et Lapicini et Hergates, trans Appenninum Friniates fuerant, intra Audenam amnem. P. Mucius cum iis, qui Lunam Pisasque depopulati erant, bellum gessit, omnibusque in dicionem redactis arma ademit. ob eas res in Gallia Liguribusque gestas duorum consulum ductu auspicioque senatus in triduum supplicationes decreuit et quadraginta hostiis sacrificari iussit.

[19] On this side of the Apennine were the Garuli and the Lapicini and the Hergates; across the Apennine were the Friniates, within the river Audena. Publius Mucius waged war with those who had ravaged Luna and Pisae, and, when all had been brought under dominion, he took away their arms. On account of these matters done in Gaul and among the Ligurians, under the leadership and auspices of the two consuls, the senate decreed supplications for three days and ordered forty victims to be sacrificed.

et tumultus quidem Gallicus et Ligustinus, qui principio eius anni exortus fuerat, haud magno conatu breui oppressus erat; belli Macedonici subibat iam cura, miscente Perseo inter Dardanos Bastarnasque certamina. et legati, qui missi ad res uisendas in Macedoniam erant, iam reuerterant Romam renuntiauerantque bellum in Dardania esse. simul uenerant et ab rege Perseo oratores, qui purgarent nec accitos ab eo Bastarnas nec auctore eo quidquam facere.

And the Gallic and Ligurian tumult, which had arisen at the beginning of that year, had been put down shortly with no great exertion; the concern of the Macedonian war was now coming on, Perseus mixing up contests between the Dardanians and the Bastarnae. And the legates, who had been sent to survey the situation in Macedonia, had already returned to Rome and reported that the war was in Dardania. At the same time there had also come envoys from King Perseus, to clear him: that the Bastarnae had not been summoned by him, nor were they doing anything at his instigation.

senatus nec liberauit eius culpae regem neque arguit; moneri eum tantum modo iussit, ut etiam atque etiam curaret, ut sanctum habere foedus, quod ei cum Romanis esset, uideri posset. Dardani cum Bastarnas non modo non excedere finibus suis, quod sperauerant, sed grauiores fieri in dies cernerent, subnixos Thracum accolarum et Scordiscorum auxiliis, audendum aliquid uel temere rati, omnes undique armati ad oppidum, quod proximum castris Bastarnarum erat, conueniunt. hiems erat, et id anni tempus elegerant, ut Thraces Scordiscique in fines suos abirent.

the senate neither freed the king from that fault nor accused him; it ordered only that he be admonished, to take care again and again that it might be seen that he held as sacred the treaty which he had with the Romans. When the Dardani saw that the Bastarnae not only were not leaving their borders, as they had hoped, but were growing more grievous by the day, supported by the auxiliaries of the neighboring Thracians and the Scordisci, thinking that something must be dared even rashly, they gather in arms from every side at the town which was nearest to the camp of the Bastarnae. It was winter, and they had chosen that season of the year, so that the Thracians and the Scordisci would depart to their own territories.

quod ubi ita factum et solos iam esse Bastarnas audierunt, bifariam diuidunt copias, pars ut recto itinere ad lacessendum ex aperto iret, pars deuio saltu circumducta ab tergo adgrederetur. ceterum priusquam circumire castra hostium possent, pugnatum est; uictique Dardani compelluntur in urbem, quae fere duodecim milia ab castris Bastarnarum aberat. uictores confestim <sec>uti circumsidunt urbem, haud dubie postero die aut metu dedituris se hostibus aut ui expugnaturi.

When this had thus been done and they heard that the Bastarnae were now alone, they divide their forces in two: one part to go by a straight road to provoke them in the open, the other, conducted around by a byway through a pass, to aggress from the rear. But before they could go around the enemy’s camp, a battle was fought; and the Dardani, defeated, are driven into a city which was about twelve miles from the camp of the Bastarnae. The victors, immediately following, invest the city, without doubt on the next day either to have the enemies surrender themselves from fear or to take it by force.

interim Dardanorum altera manus, quae circumducta erat, ignara cladis suorum, castra Bastarnarum sine praesidio relic<t>a. * * *

meanwhile the other band of the Dardanians, which had been led around, unaware of their men’s disaster, [found] the camp of the Bastarnae left without a garrison. * * *

[20] * * more, sella eburnea posita, ius dicebat disceptabatque controuersias minimarum rerum. adeoque nulli fortunae adhaerebat animus per omnia genera uitae errans, uti nec sibi nec aliis, quinam homo esset, satis constaret. non adloqui amicos, uix notis familiariter arridere, munificentia inaequali sese aliosque ludificari; quibus honoratis magnoque aestimantibus se puerilia, ut escae aut lusus, munera dare, alios nihil expectantes ditare.

[20] * * in the manner, with an ivory chair set up, he was holding court and adjudicating controversies of the most trifling matters. And his mind adhered to no fortune at all, wandering through every kind of life, so that it was not sufficiently clear to himself or to others what sort of man he was. He would not address friends, scarcely smile familiarly upon acquaintances; by unequal munificence he would make sport of himself and of others; to certain honored persons and to those who esteemed him greatly he would give childish gifts, such as food or amusements, while enriching others who expected nothing.

itaque nescire, quid sibi uellet, quibusdam uideri; quidam ludere eum simpliciter, quidam haud dubie insanire aiebant. in duabus tamen magnis honestisque rebus uere regius erat animus, in urbium donis et deorum cultu. Megalopolitanis in Arcadia murum se circumdaturum urbi est pollicitus maioremque partem pecuniae dedit; Tegeae theatrum magnificum e marmore facere instituit; Cyzici <in> prytaneo++id est penetrale urbis, ubi publice, quibus is honos datus est, uescuntur++uasa aurea mensae unius posuit.

and so, to some he seemed not to know what he wanted for himself; some said he was simply playing, some said he was without doubt insane. Yet in two great and honorable matters his spirit was truly regal: in gifts to cities and in the worship of the gods. To the Megalopolitans in Arcadia he promised that he would surround the city with a wall and he gave the greater part of the money; at Tegea he undertook to make a magnificent theater of marble; at Cyzicus <in> the prytaneum ++that is, the inner sanctuary of the city, where publicly those to whom that honor has been given eat++ he placed golden vessels for a single table.

Rhodiis, <ut> nihil unum insigne, ita omnis generis, ut quaeque usus eorum postulauerunt, dona dedit. magnificentiae uero in deos uel Iouis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris incohatum pro magnitudine dei, potest <testis> esse; sed et Delum aris insignibus statuarumque copia exornauit, et Antiochiae Iouis Capitolini magnificum templum, non laqueatum auro tantum, sed parietibus totis lammina inauratum, et alia multa in aliis locis pollicitus, quia perbreue tempus regni eius fuit, non perfecit. spectaculorum quoque omnis generis magnificentia superiores reges uicit, reliquorum sui moris et copia Graecorum artificum; gladiatorum munus, Romanae consuetudinis, primo maiore cum terrore hominum, insuetorum ad tale spectaculum, quam uoluptate dedit; deinde saepius dando et modo uolneribus tenus, modo sine missione, etiam [et] familiare oculis gratumque id spectaculum fecit, et armorum studium plerisque iuuenum accendit.

To the Rhodians, <so that> nothing single stood out, he gave gifts of every kind, as each of their uses demanded. As for magnificence indeed toward the gods, even the temple of Olympian Zeus at Athens—unique on earth, begun in proportion to the greatness of the god—can be <witness>; and he also adorned Delos with notable altars and an abundance of statues, and at Antioch a magnificent temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, not only coffered with gold, but overlaid with gold plate on all the walls; and many other things in other places he promised, but because the time of his reign was very brief, he did not complete them. In the magnificence too of spectacles of every kind he surpassed earlier kings, in the rest according to his own manner and by the abundance of Greek craftsmen; the gladiatorial show, a Roman custom, at first he gave with greater terror for people unaccustomed to such a spectacle than pleasure; then, by giving it more often, and now only up to wounds, now without dismissal, he even made that spectacle familiar and pleasing to the eyes, and he kindled in most of the youths a zeal for arms.

itaque qui primo ab Roma magnis pretiis paratos gladiatores accersere solitus erat, iam suo * * * <Sci>pio inter peregrinos.

and so he, who at first was accustomed to summon from Rome gladiators trained at great prices, now with his own * * * pio among the foreigners.

[21] M. Atilio praetori prouincia Sardinia obuenerat; sed cum legione noua, quam consules conscripserant, quinque milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus in Corsicam iussus est transire. dum is ibi bellum gereret, Cornelio prorogatum imperium, uti obtineret Sardiniam. Cn. Seruilio Caepioni in Hispaniam ulteriorem et P. Furio Philo in citeriorem tria milia peditum Romanorum, equites centum quinquaginta, et socium Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, trecenti equites, Sicilia L. Claudio sine supplemento decreta.

[21] To the praetor M. Atilius the province of Sardinia had fallen; but with a new legion, which the consuls had enrolled, 5,000 infantry and 300 cavalry, he was ordered to cross into Corsica. While he was waging war there, Cornelius’s imperium was prorogued, so that he might hold Sardinia. To Cn. Servilius Caepio for Further Spain and to P. Furius Philus for Nearer Spain there were decreed 3,000 Roman infantry, 150 cavalry, and from the allies of the Latin name 5,000 infantry and 300 cavalry; for Sicily, to L. Claudius, no reinforcement was decreed.

duas praeterea legiones consules scribere iussi cum iusto numero peditum equitumque, et decem milia peditum sociis imperare et sescentos equites. dilectus consulibus eo difficilior erat, quod pestilentia, quae priore anno in boues ingruerat, eo uerterat in hominum morbos. qui inciderant, haud facile septimum diem superabant; qui superauerant, longinquo, maxime quartanae, implicabantur morbo.

Besides, the consuls were ordered to enroll two legions with the proper number of infantry and cavalry, and to impose upon the allies 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry. The levy was the more difficult for the consuls because the pestilence which in the previous year had fallen upon the oxen had now turned into diseases of men. Those who were stricken hardly survived the seventh day; those who survived were entangled in a protracted illness, chiefly quartan fever.

seruitia maxime moriebantur; eorum strages per omnis uias insepultorum erat. ne liberorum quidem funeribus Libitina sufficiebat. cadauera intacta a canibus ac uolturibus tabes absumebat; satisque constabat nec illo nec priore anno in tanta strage boum hominumque uolturium usquam uisum.

the servile class was dying in the greatest numbers; their heaps of unburied corpses lay along all the roads. Not even for the funerals of the freeborn did Libitina suffice. Cadavers, untouched by dogs and vultures, were consumed by putrefaction; and it was well agreed that neither in that year nor in the previous one, amid so great a carnage of cattle and of men, was a vulture seen anywhere.

sacerdotes publici ea pestilentia mortui sunt Cn. Seruilius Caepio pontifex, pater praetoris, et Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius Longus decemuir sacrorum et P. Aelius Paetus augur et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et C. Mamilius Atellus curio maximus <et> M. Sempronius Tuditanus <pontifex>. pontifices suffecti sunt C. Sulpicius Galba * * * in locum Tuditani. augures suffecti sunt in Gracchi locum T. Ueturius Gracchus Sempronianus, in P. Aeli Q. Aelius Paetus. decemuir sacrorum C. Sempronius Longus, curio maximus C. Scribonius Curio sufficitur.

the public priests who died of that pestilence were Cn. Servilius Caepio, pontiff, the father of the praetor, and Ti. Sempronius Longus, son of Ti., decemvir of sacred rites, and P. Aelius Paetus, augur, and Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, and C. Mamilius Atellus, curio maximus, <and> M. Sempronius Tuditanus <pontiff>. suffect pontiffs were C. Sulpicius Galba * * * in place of Tuditanus. suffect augurs were, in place of Gracchus, T. Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus; in place of P. Aelius, Q. Aelius Paetus. as decemvir of sacred rites, C. Sempronius Longus is appointed; as curio maximus, C. Scribonius Curio is appointed.

cum pestilentiae finis non fieret, senatus decreuit, uti decemuiri libros Sibyllinos adirent. ex decreto eorum diem unum supplicatio fuit, et Q. Marcio Philippo uerba praeeunte populus in foro uotum concepit, si morbus pestilentiaque ex agro Romano emota esset, biduum ferias ac supplicationem se habiturum. in Ueienti agro biceps natus puer, et Sinuessae unimanus, et Auximi puella cum dentibus, et arcus interdiu sereno caelo super aedem Saturni in foro Romano intentus, et tres simul soles effulserunt, et faces eadem nocte plures per caelum lapsae sunt, et Lanuuini Caeritesque anguem in oppido suo iubatum, aureis maculis sparsum, apparuisse adfirmabant, et in agro Campano bouem locutum esse satis constabat.

when there was no end to the pestilence, the senate decreed that the decemvirs should consult the Sibylline books. By their decree there was a one-day supplication, and, with Q. Marcius Philippus giving the words, the people in the Forum conceived a vow that, if the disease and pestilence were removed from the Roman territory, they would hold a two-day holy day and supplication. In the Veientine territory a two‑headed boy was born, and at Sinuessa a one‑handed child, and at Auximum a girl with teeth; and a rainbow by day, in a clear sky, was stretched over the temple of Saturn in the Roman Forum, and three suns shone forth at once, and several torches the same night glided through the sky; and the Lanuvinians and Caerites affirmed that in their town a maned snake, sprinkled with golden spots, had appeared; and it was quite agreed that in the Campanian countryside an ox had spoken.

[22] legati nonis Iuniis ex Africa redierunt, qui conuento prius Masinissa rege Carthaginem ierant; ceterum certius aliquanto, quae Carthagine acta essent, ab rege scierant quam ab ipsis Carthaginiensibus. conpertum tamen adfirmauerunt legatos ab rege Perseo uenisse, iisque noctu senatum in aede Aesculapi datum esse. ab Carthagine legatos in Macedoniam missos et rex adfirmauerat et ipsi parum constanter negauerant.

[22] The legates returned from Africa on the Nones of June, who, after first meeting with King Masinissa, had gone to Carthage; moreover, they had learned somewhat more certainly from the king what had been transacted at Carthage than from the Carthaginians themselves. Nevertheless, they affirmed as ascertained that legates had come from King Perseus, and that at night a session of the senate had been granted to them in the temple of Aesculapius. That legates had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia both the king had affirmed and they themselves had rather inconstantly denied.

in Macedoniam quoque mittendos legatos senatus censuit. tres missi sunt, C. Laelius M. Ualerius Messalla Sex. Digitius.

the senate also decreed that envoys be sent into Macedonia. Three were sent: Gaius Laelius, Marcus Valerius Messalla, Sextus Digitius.

Perseus per id tempus, quia quidam Dolopum non parebant et, de quibus ambigebatur rebus, disceptationem ab rege ad Romanos reuocabant, cum exercitu profectus sub ius iudiciumque suum totam coegit gentem. inde per Oetaeos montes transgressus, religionibus quibusdam animo obiectis, oraclum aditurus Delphos escendit. cum in media repente Graecia apparuisset, magnum non finitimis modo urbibus terrorem praebuit, sed in Asiam quoque ad regem Eumenen nuntios tumultuosos misit.

Perseus at that time, because certain of the Dolopes were not obeying and, in matters about which there was ambiguity, were transferring the adjudication from the king to the Romans, set out with his army and compelled the whole nation under his law and judgment. Thence, having crossed through the Oetaean mountains, with certain religious scruples set before his mind, he ascended to Delphi to approach the oracle. When he had suddenly appeared in the midst of Greece, he furnished great terror not only to the neighboring cities, but he also sent tumultuous messengers into Asia to King Eumenes.

triduum non plus Delphis moratus, per Pthiotidem Achaiam Thessaliamque sine damno iniuriaque eorum, per quorum <fines> iter fecit, in regnum rediit. nec earum tantum ciuitatium, per quas iturus erat, satis habuit animos sibi conciliare; aut legatos aut litteras dimisit, petens, ne diutius simultatum, quae cum patre suo fuissent, meminissent; nec enim tam atroces fuisse eas, ut non cum ipso potuerint ac debuerint finiri; secum quidem omnia illis integra esse <ad> instituendam fideliter amicitiam; cum Achaeorum maxime gente reconciliandae gratiae uiam quaerebat.

Having tarried at Delphi for not more than three days, he returned to his kingdom through Phthiotic Achaea and Thessaly without damage or injury to those through whose <borders> he made his journey. Nor was he content to conciliate to himself the feelings of only the cities through which he was going to pass; he sent either envoys or letters, requesting that they no longer remember the feuds which had existed with his father; for they had not been so atrocious that they could not and ought not to have been ended with himself; as for himself, all things for them stood unimpaired <for> establishing a loyal friendship; he was especially seeking a way of reconciling good-will with the nation of the Achaeans.

[23] haec una ex omni Graecia gens et Atheniensium ciuitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus. itaque seruitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia, cum finibus suis interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non audebant. id cum Perseus animaduertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae * * . ceterum ne similis fuga seruorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis esse.

[23] this one nation out of all Greece, and the city of the Athenians, had advanced in wrath to the point of interdicting their borders to the Macedonians. And so Macedonia was a refuge for slaves fleeing from Achaea, because, since they had interdicted from their own borders, they themselves did not dare to enter the kingdom’s boundaries. When Perseus noticed this, after all had been seized, letters * * . But, lest a similar flight of slaves should occur thereafter, they too had to take thought.

recitatis his litteris per Xenarchum praetorem, qui priuatae gratiae aditum apud regem quaerebat, et plerisque moderate et benigne scriptas esse censentibus litteras, atque iis maxume, qui praeter spem recepturi essent amissa mancipia, Callicrates ex iis, qui in eo uerti salutem gentis crederent, si cum Romanis inuiolatum foedus seruaretur, 'parua' inquit 'aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam uidetur agi: ego maxumam grauissimamque omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus manereque id decretum <sciremus, quo caueramus>, scilicet ne legatos, ne nuntios admitteremus regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem quodam modo absentem audimus regem, et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus. et cum ferae bestiae cibum ad fraudem suam positum plerumque aspernentur et refugiant, nos caeci specie parui beneficii inescamur et seruulorum minimi pretii recipiendorum spe nostram ipsorum libertatem subrui et temptari patimur.

when these letters had been recited by Xenarchus the praetor, who was seeking access for private favor with the king, and as very many judged the letters to have been written moderately and benignly, especially those who, beyond hope, were going to recover their lost slaves, Callicrates—one of those who believed that the safety of the nation was turned on this, namely that, if the treaty with the Romans were kept inviolate—said: “to some, Achaeans, it seems that a small or mediocre matter is at stake; I for my part judge that the greatest and most grave of all is not only at stake, but in a certain way has already been transacted. For we, who had interdicted the kings of the Macedonians and the Macedonians themselves from our borders, and knew that that decree remained in force , namely, that we should admit neither legates nor messengers of kings, through whom the minds of some of us might be unsettled, we now hear the king, as it were, haranguing the assembly in his absence, and, if it please the gods, we approve his oration. And while wild beasts for the most part spurn and shy away from food laid for their own deception, we, blind, are baited by the show of a small beneficence, and by the hope of recovering little slaves of the least price we allow our own liberty to be undermined and assailed.”

quis enim non uidet uiam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, uioletur? nisi hoc dubium alicui est, bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod uiuo Philippo expectatum, morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum. duos, ut scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea.

for who does not see that a way of royal alliance is being sought, by which the Roman treaty, by which all our affairs are contained, would be violated? unless this is doubtful to someone: that the Romans must make war with Perseus, and that which was expected while Philip lived, but was interrupted by his death, will come to pass after Philip’s death. Philip, as you know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.

genere materno, uirtute, ingenio, fauore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius. sed quia in Romanos odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae amicitiae initae occidit; Persea, quem <belli cum> populo Romano prius paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit. itaque quid hic post mortem patris egit aliud quam bellum parauit?

On the maternal side, in virtue, talent, and the favor of the Macedonians, Demetrius far excelled. But because he had set the prize of kingship in hatred toward the Romans, he killed Demetrius on no other charge than that a Roman friendship had been entered; Perseus, whom he knew would be heir of a war with the Roman people almost sooner than of the kingdom, he made king. And so what did this man do after his father’s death other than prepare for war?

Bastarnas primum ad terrorem omnium <in> Dardaniam inmisit; qui si sedem eam tenuissent, grauiores eos accolas Graecia habuisset, quam Asia Gallos habebat. ea spe depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si uere uolumus dicere, iam incohauit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec prouocantis de controuersiis ad disceptationem populi Romani audiuit.

He first sent the Bastarni into Dardania for the terror of all; if they had held that settlement, Greece would have had them as neighbors more burdensome than Asia had the Gauls. Driven from that hope, nevertheless he did not omit counsels of war; nay rather, if we truly wish to speak, he already initiated the war. He subjugated Dolopia by arms and did not heed those appealing about controversies to the adjudication of the Roman people.

inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit. haec usurpatio itineris insoliti quo uobis spectare uidetur? Thessaliam deinde peragrauit; quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.

Thence, having crossed Oeta, so that he was suddenly seen in the very navel of Greece, he ascended to Delphi. This usurpation of an unusual itinerary—toward what does it seem to you to aim? He then traversed Thessaly; the fact that this was done without harm to any of those whom he hated makes me all the more fear a probe.

inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur Peloponneso Macedones, tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis++quantum enim interfluit fretum?++traicientem in Peloponnesum uideamus, inmisceamur Macedonibus armantibus se aduersus Romanos. ego nihil noui censeo decernendum seruandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, uanusne hic timor noster an uerus fuerit. si pax inuiolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit, nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo <cogitare> periculosum et inmaturum uidetur'.

then he sent letters to us with the guise of a gift and bids us consider how for the future we may not need this gift, that is, that we remove the decree by which the Macedonians are kept out of the Peloponnese, that again we may see royal envoys and guest‑friendships with the leading men and soon the army of the Macedonians, and himself too from Delphi++for what strait flows between?++crossing into the Peloponnese; that we be entangled with Macedonians arming themselves against the Romans. I am of the opinion that nothing new should be decreed and that all things should be preserved intact, until it is brought to certainty whether this fear of ours has been vain or true. If inviolate peace shall remain between the Macedonians and the Romans, let there be for us also friendship and commerce; now to about that seems dangerous and premature'.

[24] post hunc Archo, frater Xenarchi praetoris, ita disseruit: 'difficilem orationem Callicrates et mihi et omnibus, qui ab eo dissentimus, fecit: agendo enim Romanae societatis causam ipse temptarique et oppugnari dicendo, quam nemo neque temptat neque oppugnat, effecit, ut, qui ab se dissentiret, aduersus Romanos dicere uideretur. ac primum omnium, tamquam non hic nobiscum fuisset, sed aut ex curia populi Romani ueniret aut regum arcanis interesset, omnia scit et nuntiat, quae occulte facta sunt. diuinat etiam, quae futura fuerint, si Philippus uixisset, quid ita Perseus regni heres sit, quid parent Macedones, quid cogitent Romani.

[24] after him Archo, brother of Xenarchus the praetor, thus discoursed: 'Callicrates has made a difficult oration both for me and for all who dissent from him: for by pleading the cause of Roman society he himself asserts that it is being tested and attacked by what is said, which no one either tests or attacks; he has effected that whoever dissents from him seems to speak against the Romans. And first of all, as though he had not been here with us, but either were coming from the curia of the Roman people or were participating in the arcana of kings, he knows and reports everything that has been done occultly. He even divines what would have been in the future, if Philip had lived—on what terms Perseus is heir of the kingdom, what the Macedonians are preparing, what the Romans are thinking.'

nos autem, qui nec ob quam causam nec quem ad modum perierit Demetrius scimus, nec, quid Philippus, si uixisset, facturus fuerit, ad haec, quae palam geruntur, consilia nostra accommodare oportet. ac scimus Persea regno accepto regem a populo Romano appellatum; audimus legatos Romanos uenisse ad regem Persea et eos benigne exceptos. haec omnia pacis equidem signa esse iudico, non belli; nec Romanos offendi posse, si ut bellum gerentes eos secuti sumus, nunc quoque pacis auctores sequamur.

We, however, who know neither for what cause nor in what manner Demetrius perished, nor what Philip, if he had lived, would have been going to do, ought to accommodate our counsels to these things which are conducted openly. And we know that, upon receiving the kingdom, Perseus was entitled king by the Roman people; we hear that Roman legates came to King Perseus and that they were kindly received. All these things I judge, indeed, to be signs of peace, not of war; nor can the Romans take offense if, as we followed them when they were waging war, so now we follow the authors of peace as well.

cur quidem nos inexpiabile omnium soli bellum aduersus regnum Macedonum geramus, non uideo. opportuni propinquitate ipsa Macedoniae sumus? an infirmissimi omnium, tamquam, quos nuper subegit, Dolopes?

why indeed we, alone of all, should wage an inexpiable war against the kingdom of the Macedonians, I do not see. Are we opportune by the very propinquity of Macedonia? Or the weakest of all, like the Dolopes, whom he has recently subdued?

immo contra ea uel uiribus nostris, deum benignitate, uel regionis interuallo tuti. sed simus aeque subiecti ac Thessali Aetolique: nihilo plus fidei auctoritatisque habemus aduersus Romanos, qui semper socii atque amici fuimus, quam Aetoli, qui paulo ante hostes fuerunt? quod Aetolis, quod Thessalis, quod Epirotis, omni denique Graeciae cum Macedonibus iuris est, idem et nobis sit.

nay rather, on the contrary, we are secure either by our own forces, by the benignity of the gods, or by the intervening distance of the region. but let us be equally subject as the Thessalians and Aetolians: have we no more credit and authority with respect to the Romans, we who have always been allies and friends, than the Aetolians, who a little before were enemies? whatever right there is for the Aetolians, for the Thessalians, for the Epirotes—finally, for all Greece—in relation to the Macedonians, let the same be for us.

cur execrabilis ista nobis solis uelut dissertio iuris humani est? fecerit aliquid Philippus, cur aduersus eum armatum et bellum gerentem hoc decerneremus; quid Perseus, nouus rex, omnis iniuriae insons, suo beneficio paternas simultates obliterans, meruit, cur soli omnium hostes ei simus? quamquam et illud dicere poteram, tanta priorum Macedoniae regum merita erga nos fuisse, ut Philippi unius iniurias, si quae forte fuerunt, utique post mortem <obliterent.

Why is that execrable, as it were, disquisition about human law reserved for us alone? Suppose Philip had done something for which we might have decreed this against him, armed and waging war; what has Perseus, the new king—innocent of any injury, by his own beneficence obliterating his father’s feuds—deserved, that we should be, of all men, the only enemies to him? Although I could also say this: that the merits of the earlier kings of Macedonia toward us were so great that the injuries of Philip alone, if perchance there were any, would surely, after his death, be obliterated.

non uenit in mentem,> cum classis Romana Cenchreis staret, consul cum exercitu Elatiae esset, triduum nos in concilio fuisse consultantis, utrum Romanos an Philippum sequeremur? nihil metus praesens ab Romanis sententias nostras inclinarit: fuit certe tamen aliquid, quod tam longam deliberationem faceret; idque erat uetusta coniunctio cum Macedonibus, uetera et magna in nos regum merita. ualeant et nunc eadem illa, non ut praecipue amici, sed ne praecipue inimici simus.

does it not come to mind,> when the Roman fleet was standing at Cenchreae, and the consul with the army was at Elatea, that we spent three days in council deliberating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip? no present fear of the Romans inclined our votes: there was surely nevertheless something that made so long a deliberation; and this was the ancient conjunction with the Macedonians, the old and great merits of the kings toward us. let those same things avail now too, not that we be especially friends, but that we not be especially enemies.

ne id, quod non agitur, Callicrates, simulauerimus agi. nemo nouae societatis aut noui foederis, quo nos temere inligemus, conscribendi est auctor; sed commercium tantum iuris praebendi repetendique sit, ne interdictione finium nostrorum nos quoque <terminis> regni arceamus; ne seruis nostris aliquo fugere liceat, quid hoc aduersus Romana foedera est? quid rem paruam et apertam magnam et suspectam facimus?

let us not, Callicrates, simulate that that is being transacted which is not being transacted. no one is an advocate for drafting a new association or a new treaty, by which we might rashly entangle ourselves; but let there be only a reciprocity of the right of furnishing and reclaiming, so that by an interdiction of our borders we do not also shut ourselves out from the of the kingdom; and that it not be permitted for our slaves to flee anywhere—what in this is against the Roman treaties? why do we make a small and clear matter great and suspect?

quid uanos tumultus ciemus? quid, ut ipsi locum adsentandi Romanis habeamus, suspectos alios <et> inuisos efficimus? si bellum erit, ne Perseus quidem dubitat, quin Romanos secuturi simus; in pace, etiam si non finiuntur odia, intermittantur.' cum iidem huic orationi, qui litteris regis adsensi erant, adsentirentur, indignatione principum, quod, quam rem ne legatione quidem dignam iudicasset Perseus, litteris paucorum uersuum impetraret, decretum differtur.

why do we stir up empty tumults? why, so that we ourselves may have a chance to fawn upon the Romans, do we make others suspect hated? if there is to be war, not even Perseus doubts that we will follow the Romans; in peace, even if hatreds are not ended, let them be at least intermitted.' when the same men who had assented to the king’s letter were assenting to this speech, through the indignation of the chiefs—because a matter which Perseus had judged not even worthy of an embassy he should obtain by a letter of a few lines—the decree is deferred.

legati deinde postea missi ab rege, cum Megalopoli concilium esset, dataque opera est ab iis, qui offensionem apud Romanos timebant, ne admitterentur.

Envoys were then afterwards sent by the king, when there was a council at Megalopolis, and pains were taken by those who feared offense among the Romans that they not be admitted.

[25] per haec tempora Aetolorum in semet ipsos uersus furor mutuis caedibus ad internecionem adducturus uidebatur gentem. fessi deinde et Romam utraque pars miserunt legatos et inter se ipsi de reconcilianda concordia agebant; quae nouo facinore discussa res ueteres etiam iras excitauit. exulibus Hypataeis, qui factionis Proxeni erant, cum reditus in patriam promissus esset fidesque data per principem ciuitatis Eupolemum, octoginta inlustres homines, quibus redeuntibus inter ceteram multitudinem Eupolemus etiam obuius exierat, cum salutatione benigna excepti essent dextraeque datae, ingredientes portam, fidem datam deosque testis nequiquam inuocantes interfecti sunt.

[25] during these times the fury of the Aetolians, turned against themselves, seemed about to bring the nation by mutual slaughters to extermination. Weary then, both parties sent envoys to Rome, and among themselves they were negotiating about reconciling concord; but this affair, shattered by a new crime, even stirred up old angers. To the Hypataean exiles, who were of Proxenus’s faction, when a return to their fatherland had been promised and a pledge given through Eupolemus, the leading man of the state, eighty illustrious men—whose return Eupolemus also had gone out to meet among the rest of the multitude—after they had been received with a kindly salutation and right hands had been given, as they were entering the gate, invoking in vain the pledged faith and the gods as witnesses, were slain.

inde grauius de integro bellum exarsit. C. Ualerius Laeuinus et Ap. Claudius Pulcher et C. Memmius et M. Popilius et L. Canuleius missi ab senatu uenerant. apud eos cum Delphis utriusque partis legati magno certamine agerent, Proxenus maxime cum causa, tum eloquentia praestare uisus est; qui paucos post dies ab Orthobula uxore ueneno est sublatus; damnataque eo crimine in exilium abiit.

then more grievously the war blazed up afresh. C. Valerius Laevinus and Ap. Claudius Pulcher and C. Memmius and M. Popilius and L. Canuleius, sent by the senate, had come. in their presence, at Delphi, when the legates of both parties were pleading with great contest, Proxenus seemed to excel especially both in his cause and in eloquence; a few days later he was taken off by poison by his wife Orthobula; and she, condemned for that crime, went into exile.

idem furor et Cretenses lacerabat. aduentu deinde Q. Minuci legati, qui cum decem nauibus missus ad sedanda eorum certamina erat, <ad> spem pacis uenerant. ceterum indutiae tantum sex mensum fuerunt; inde multo grauius bellum exarsit.

the same frenzy was rending the Cretans as well. Then, upon the arrival of Q. Minucius, the legate, who had been sent with ten ships to allay their contests, they had come to the hope of peace. However, the truce was only for six months; thereafter a much more grievous war blazed up.

Lycii quoque per idem tempus ab Rhodiis bello uexabantur. sed externorum inter se bella, quo quaeque modo gesta sint, persequi non operae est satis superque oneris sustinenti res a populo Romano gestas perscribere.

Likewise the Lycians at the same time were vexed by war from the Rhodians. But to pursue the wars of foreigners among themselves, and the mode in which each was carried on, is not my task; there is burden enough and more for one sustaining the load of writing out in full the deeds wrought by the Roman people.

[26] Celtiberi in Hispania, qui bello domiti se Ti. Graccho dediderant, pacati manserant M. Titinio praetore obtinente prouinciam. rebellarunt sub aduentum Ap. Claudi orsique bellum sunt ab repentina oppugnatione castrorum Romanorum. prima lux ferme erat, cum uigiles in uallo quique in portarum stationibus erant, cum uidissent procul uenientem hostem, ad arma conclamauerunt.

[26] The Celtiberians in Spain, who, subdued in war, had surrendered themselves to Ti. Gracchus, had remained pacified while M. Titinius, praetor, was holding the province. They rebelled upon the arrival of Ap. Claudius and began the war by a sudden assault on the Roman camp. It was almost first light, when the watchmen on the rampart and those at the stations of the gates, when they had seen the enemy coming from afar, raised the cry to arms.

Ap. Claudius, signo proposito pugnae ac paucis adhortatus milites, tribus simul portis eduxit. obsistentibus ad exitum Celtiberis primo par utrimque proelium fuit, quia propter angustias non omnes in faucibus pugnare poterant Romani; urguentes deinde alii alios secuti <ubi> euaserunt extra uallum, ut pandere aciem et exaequari cornibus hostium, quibus circumibantur, possent, ita repente inruperunt, ut sustinere impetum eorum Celtiberi nequirent. ante horam secundam pulsi sunt; ad quindecim milia <caesa aut> capta, signa adempta duo et triginta.

Appius Claudius, with the signal for battle set forth and after briefly exhorting the soldiers, led them out simultaneously by three gates. With the Celtiberians obstructing the exit, at first the battle was equal on both sides, because, owing to the narrows, not all the Romans were able to fight in the bottlenecks; then, pressing on, each following the other, once they had gotten out beyond the rampart, so that they could spread the battle line and draw level with the enemy’s wings, by which they were being outflanked, they broke in so suddenly that the Celtiberians could not withstand their onset. Before the second hour they were routed; about 15,000 were slain or captured, and 32 standards were taken.

castra etiam eo die expugnata debellatumque; nam qui superfuere proelio, in oppida sua dilapsi sunt. quieti deinde paruerunt imperio.

the camp too was taken by storm that day, and the war was brought to an end; for those who survived the battle slipped away into their own towns. thereafter, quiet, they obeyed the command.

[27] censores eo anno creati Q. Fuluius Flaccus et A. Postumius Albinus legerunt senatum; princeps lectus M. Aemilius Lepidus pontufex maximus. de senatu nouem eiecerunt; insignes notae fuerunt M. Corneli Maluginensis, qui biennio ante praetor in Hispania fuerat, et L. Corneli Scipionis praetoris, cuius tum inter ciuis et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, et L. Fului, qui frater germanus et, ut Ualerius Antias tradit, consors etiam censoris erat. consules uotis in Capitolio nuncupatis in prouincias profecti sunt.

[27] The censors for that year, Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinus, enrolled the senate; M. Aemilius Lepidus, pontifex maximus, was chosen princeps senatus. From the senate they expelled nine; the notable censures were those of M. Cornelius Maluginensis, who two years before had been praetor in Hispania, and of L. Cornelius Scipio, the praetor whose jurisdiction then was between citizens and peregrines, and of L. Fulvius, who was the full brother and, as Valerius Antias relates, even the colleague of the censor in the censorship. The consuls, vows having been pronounced on the Capitol, set out to their provinces.

ex iis M. Aemilio senatus negotium dedit, ut Patauinorum in Uenetia seditionem conprimeret, quos certamine factionum ad intestinum bellum exarsisse et ipsorum legati attulerant. legati, qui in Aetoliam ad similis motus conprimendos ierant, renuntiarunt coerceri rabiem gentis non posse. Patauinis saluti fuit aduentus consulis; neque aliud, quod ageret in prouincia, cum habuisset, Romam redit.

Of these, the senate gave Marcus Aemilius the charge to suppress the sedition of the Patavini in Venetia, whom, by a contest of factions, their own envoys had reported to have flared up into an intestine war. The envoys who had gone into Aetolia to suppress similar movements reported back that the rabies of the nation could not be coerced. The arrival of the consul was salvation for the Patavini; and since he had no other business to transact in the province, he returns to Rome.

censores uias sternendas silice in urbe, glarea extra urbem substruendas marginandasque primi omnium locauerunt, pontesque multis locis faciendos; et scaenam aedilibus praetoribusque praebendam; et carceres in circo, et oua ad no<tas> curriculis numerand<is> . . . . . dam, et metas trans. . . . . . et caueas ferreas, pe<r quas> intromitterentur. . . . . feriis in monte Albano consulibus, et cliuom Capitolinum silice sternendum curauerunt, et porticum ab aede Saturni in Capitolium ad senaculum, ac super id curiam.

the censors, first of all, let out on contract that the roads be paved with flint in the city, and outside the city to be underbuilt with gravel and furnished with margins, and that bridges be made in many places; and that a stage be provided for the aediles and praetors; and the starting-gates in the Circus, and eggs for marking and counting the laps . . . . . , and the turning-posts trans. . . . . . , and iron cages, through which they would be admitted . . . . . on the festival days on the Alban Mount for the consuls; and they took care that the Capitoline slope be paved with flint, and that a portico be made from the temple of Saturn up to the Capitol to the Senaculum, and above it the Curia.

et extra portam Trigeminam emporium lapide strauerunt stipitibusque saepserunt, et porticum Aemiliam reficiendam curarunt, gradibusque ascensum ab Tiberi in emporium fecerunt. et intra eandem portam in Auentinum porticum silice strauerunt, et~ eo publico ab aede Ueneris fecerunt. iidem Calatiae et Auximi muros faciendos locauerunt; uenditisque ibi publicis locis pecuniam, quae redacta erat, tabernis utrique foro circumdandis consumpserunt.

and outside the Trigeminus Gate they paved the emporium with stone and hedged it with posts, and they took care that the Aemilian portico be repaired, and they made an ascent by steps from the Tiber into the emporium. and within the same gate, on the Aventine, they paved a portico with flint-stone, and~ they made a public way to it from the Temple of Venus. the same men let out the contract for walls to be built at Calatia and Auximum; and, the public places there having been sold, they spent the money that had been realized on surrounding both fora with shops.

et alter ex iis Fuluius Flaccus++nam Postumius nihil nisi senatus Romani populiue iussu se locaturum <edixit>++ipsorum pecunia Iouis aedem Pisauri et Fundis et Potentiae etiam aquam adducendam, et Pisauri uiam silice sternendam, et Sinuessae maga<lia addenda> * auiariae, in his et clo<acas et mur>um circumducen<dum>. . . . . et forum porticibus tabernisque claudendum et Ianos tris faciendos. haec ab uno censore opera locata cum magna gratia colonorum. moribus quoque regendis diligens et seuera censura fuit.

and the other of them, Fulvius Flaccus++for Postumius that he would let nothing for contract except by order of the Roman senate or people++with their own money, a temple of Jupiter at Pisauri and at Fundis and at Potentia, and even water to be brought in; and at Pisauri a road to be paved with flint; and at Sinuessa maga * auiariae, among these also cloum circumducen . . . . and the forum to be enclosed with porticoes and shops and Ianos three to be made. These works were contracted by one censor with great favor of the colonists. There was also, for the governing of morals, a diligent and severe censorship.

multis equi adempti.

horses were taken away from many.

[28] exitu prope anni diem unum supplicatio fuit ob res prospere gestas in Hispania ductu auspicioque Ap. Claudi proconsulis; et maioribus hostiis uiginti sacrificatum. et alterum diem supplicatio ad Cereris, Liberi Liberaeque fuit, quod ex Sabinis terrae motus ingens cum multis aedificiorum ruinis nuntiatus erat. cum Ap. Claudius ex Hispania Romam redisset, decreuit senatus, ut ouans urbem iniret.

[28] Near the end of the year, a one-day supplication was held on account of matters carried on prosperously in Spain under the leadership and auspices of Ap. Claudius, the proconsul; and sacrifice was made with twenty greater victims. And for another day a supplication was held at the temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera, because from the Sabines a huge earthquake had been reported, with many collapses of buildings. When Ap. Claudius had returned to Rome from Spain, the senate decreed that he should enter the city in an ovation.

iam consularia comitia adpetebant; quibus magna contentione habitis propter multitudinem petentium creati L. Postumius Albinus et M. Popilius Laenas. praetores inde facti N. Fabius Buteo C. Matienus C. Cicereius M. Furius Crassupes iterum A. Atilius Serranus iterum C. Cluuius Saxula iterum. comitiis perfectis Ap. Claudius Cento ex Celtiberis ouans cum in urbem iniret, decem milia pondo argenti, quinque milia auri in aerarium tulit.

now the consular elections were approaching; these, held with great contention because of the multitude of candidates, elected L. Postumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas. Then praetors were made N. Fabius Buteo, C. Matienus, C. Cicereius, M. Furius Crassupes again, A. Atilius Serranus again, C. Cluuius Saxula again. The comitia completed, Ap. Claudius Cento, ovating from the Celtiberi, as he was entering the city, brought into the treasury ten thousand pounds of silver, five thousand of gold.

flamen Dialis inauguratus est Cn. Cornelius. eodem anno tabula in aede matris Matutae cum indice hoc posita est: 'Ti. Semproni Gracchi consulis imperio auspicioque legio exercitusque populi Romani Sardiniam subegit. in ea prouincia hostium caesa aut capta supra octoginta milia.

the Flamen Dialis, Cn. Cornelius, was inaugurated. In the same year a tablet was placed in the temple of Mother Matuta with this inscription: 'Under the command and auspices of the consul Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, a legion and the army of the Roman people subdued Sardinia. In that province, more than eighty thousand of the enemy were slain or captured.'

re publica felicissume gesta atque liberatis <sociis,> uectigalibus restitutis, exercitum saluom atque incolumem plenissimum praeda domum reportauit; iterum triumphans in urbem Romam redit. cuius rei ergo hanc tabulam donum Ioui dedit.' Sardiniae insulae forma erat, atque in ea simulacra pugnarum picta. munera gladiatorum eo anno aliquot, parua alia, data; unum ante cetera insigne fuit T. Flaminini, quod mortis causa patris sui cum uisceratione epuloque et ludis scaenicis quadriduum dedit.

with the commonwealth most happily conducted and the <allies,> having been set free, the revenues restored, he brought the army safe and sound home, brimming with booty; again, triumphing, he returned to the city of Rome. for which reason he gave this tablet as a gift to Jupiter.' it had the shape of the island of Sardinia, and on it images of battles were painted. gladiatorial shows that year, several, small ones, were given; one, before the rest, was notable: that of T. Flamininus, because, on account of the death of his father, he gave a four-day exhibition with a meat-distribution, a banquet, and scenic plays.

magni tum muneris ea summa fuit, ut per triduum quattuor et septuaginta homines pugnarint.

the sum of that great spectacle was this: that over three days seventy-four men fought.