Historia Augusta: Maximus et Balbinus

I. Interemptis in Africa Gordiano seniore cum filio, cum Maximinus ad urbem furens veniret, ut, quod Gordiani Augusti appellati fuerant, vindicaret, senatus praetrepidus in aedem Concordiae VII. idus Iunias concurrit, ludis Apollinaribus, remedium contra furorem hominis improbissimi requirens. 2 Cum igitur duo consulares et eminentes quidem viri, Maximus et Balbinus (quorum Maximus a plerisque in historia reticetur et loco eius Puppieni nomen infertur, cum et Dexippus et Arrianus Maximum et Balbinum dicant electos contra Maximinum post Gordianos), quorum alter bonitate, virtute alter ac severitate clari habebantur, ingressi essent curiam ac praecipue timorem Maximini adventus fronte ostenderent, referente consule de aliis rebus, qui primam sententiam erat dicturus, sic exorsus est: 3 "Minora vos sollicitant, et prope aniles res ferventissimo tempore tractamus in curia.

1. With the elder Gordian slain in Africa together with his son, while Maximinus was coming raging to the City, in order to vindicate the fact that the Gordians had been styled Augusti, the senate, thoroughly alarmed, rushed together into the temple of Concord on the 7th day before the Ides of June, at the Apollinarian games, seeking a remedy against the frenzy of a most wicked man. 2 Therefore, when two consulars and indeed eminent men, Maximus and Balbinus (of whom Maximus is passed over by most in history and in his place the name of Puppienus is inserted, although both Dexippus and Arrianus say that Maximus and Balbinus were chosen against Maximinus after the Gordians), of whom the one was held renowned for goodness, the other for virtue and severity, had entered the curia and especially showed in their countenances fear of the approach of Maximinus, while the consul, who was about to deliver the first opinion, was reporting on other matters, he began thus: 3 "Lesser matters are troubling you, and we are handling almost old-wives’ matters at the very hottest time in the curia.

4 Quid enim opus de restitutione templorum, de basilicae ornatu, de thermis Titianis, de exaedificatione amphitheatri agere, cum immineat Maximinus, quem hostem mecum ante dixistis, Gordiani duo, in quibus praesidium fuerat, interempti sint, neque in praesenti ullum sit auxillium, quo respirare possimus? Agite igitur, p.c., principes dicite. Quid moramini?

4 For what need is there to be dealing with the restoration of temples, with the adornment of the basilica, with the Titian Baths, with the completion of the amphitheater’s construction, when Maximinus is looming, whom you, together with me, previously declared an enemy, the two Gordians, in whom there had been a bulwark, have been slain, and there is at present no aid by which we can catch our breath? Act then, Conscript Fathers, proclaim emperors. Why do you delay?

Ne, dum singulatim pertimescitis, intimore potius quam in virtute opprimamini."

Lest, while you individually take fright, you be overwhelmed in fear rather than in virtue."

II. 1 Post haec tacentibus cunctis, cum Maximus, qui et natu grandior erat et meritis et virtute ac severitate clarior, dicere sententiam coepisset. Quae ostenderet duos principes esse faciendos, Vectius Sabinus ex familia Ulpiorum rogato consule, ut sibi dicere atque interfari liceret, sic exorsus est: 2 "Scio, p.c., hanc rebus novis inesse oportere constantiam, ut rapienda sint consilia, non quaerenda, verbis quin etiam plurimis abstinendum sit atque sententiis, ubi res perurguent. 3 Cervices suas quisque respiciat, uxorem ac liberos cogitet, avitas patriasque fortunas: quibus omnibus inminet Maximinus, natura furiosus, truculentus, inmanis, causa vero, ut sibi videtur, satis iusta truculentior.

2. 1 After these things, with all being silent, when Maximus—who was both older in birth and more illustrious in merits and in virtue and severity—had begun to speak his opinion, which was showing that two princes ought to be made, Vectius Sabinus, from the family of the Ulpii, the consul having been asked that it might be permitted to him to speak and to interpose, thus began: 2 "I know, conscript fathers, that in new circumstances this constancy ought to be present, that counsels must be snatched, not sought; that one must even abstain from very many words and opinions, when matters press hard. 3 Let each man look to his own neck, let him think of his wife and children, of ancestral and fatherland fortunes: over all of whom Maximinus hangs, by nature frenzied, truculent, monstrous; and as to his cause, as it seems to himself, all the more truculent because he deems it sufficiently just.

4 Ille quadrato agmine castris ubique positis ad urbem tendit, vos sedendo et consultando diem teritis. 5 Longa oratione opus non est: faciendus est imperator, immo faciendi sunt principes, unus qui in urbe resideat, alter qui obviam cum exercitu latronibus pergat. 6 Ego principes dico, vos firmate, si placet, sin minus, meliores ostendite : 7 Maximum igitur atque Balbinum, quorum unus in re militari tantus est, ut novitatem generis splendore virtutis evexerit, alter ita clarus nobilitate est, ut et morum lenitate rei p. sit necessarius et vitae sanctimonia, quam a prima aetate in studiis semper ac litteris tenuit.

4 He, in a square formation with camps established everywhere, is making for the city, while you by sitting and consulting are wasting the day. 5 There is no need of a long oration: an emperor must be made—nay, princes must be made—one who shall reside in the city, another who shall go forth with the army to meet the brigands. 6 I name princes; you ratify them, if it pleases; if not, point out better ones : 7 Therefore Maximus and Balbinus, of whom the one is so great in military affairs that he has raised the novelty of his lineage by the splendor of his virtue, the other is so renowned in nobility that by the mildness of his manners he is necessary to the republic, and by the sanctity of life which from his earliest age in studies and letters he has always maintained.

8 Habetis sententiam, p.c., mihi fortasse periculosiorem quam vobis, sed nec vobis satis tutam, si non aut hos principes feceritis." 9 Post haec adclamatum est uno consensu: 10 "Aequum est, iustum est. Sententiae Sabini omnes consentimus. Maxime et Balbine Augusti, dii vos servent.

8 You have the sententia, Conscript Fathers, perhaps more perilous for me than for you, but not sufficiently safe for you either, if you do not make these men princes." 9 After this it was acclaimed with one consent: 10 "It is equitable, it is just. We all consent to Sabinus’s opinion. Maximus and Balbinus, Augusti, may the gods preserve you.

Di vos principes fecerunt, di vos conservent. Vos senatum a latronibus vindicate, vobis bellum contra latrones mandamus. 11 Hostis publicus Maximinus cum filio pereat, hostem publicum vos persequimini.

The gods have made you emperors; may the gods preserve you. You, defend the Senate from the brigands; to you we entrust war against the brigands. 11 Public enemy Maximinus with his son—let him perish; you, pursue the public enemy.

Felices vos iudicio senatus, felicem rem p. vestro imperio. 12 Quod vobis senatus detulit, fortiter agite; quod vobis senatus detulit, libenter accipite."

Happy are you by the judgment of the senate, happy the republic under your authority. 12 What the senate has conferred upon you, act bravely; what the senate has conferred upon you, accept gladly."

III. 1 His atque aliis adclamationibus imperatores facti sunt Maximus atque Balbinus. 2 Egressi igitur e senatu primum Capitolium escenderunt ac rem divinam fecerunt.

3. 1 By these and other acclamations, Maximus and Balbinus were made emperors. 2 Therefore, having gone out from the senate, they first ascended the Capitol and performed a sacred rite.

3 Deinde ad rostra populum convocarunt. Ubi cum orationem de senatus ententia et de sua electione habuissent, p.R. cum militibus, qui forte convenerant, adclamavit: "Gordianum Caesarem omnes rogamus." 4 Hic nepos erat Gordiani ex filio, qui est in Africa occisus, annum agens aetatis quartum decimum, ut plerique dicunt. 5 Qui statim raptus est et novo genere senatus consulti, cum eadem die senatus consultum factum esset, inductus in curiam Caesar est appellatus.

3 Then they convoked the people to the rostra. When they had delivered an oration about the senate’s opinion and about their own election, the Roman People, together with the soldiers who had chanced to assemble, acclaimed: "We all ask for Gordian as Caesar." 4 He was the grandson of Gordian by his son—the one who was killed in Africa—being in the fourteenth year of his age, as many say. 5 He was straightway seized and, by a new kind of senatus-consultum (senatorial decree), since on the same day a senatus-consultum had been passed, brought into the Curia he was called Caesar.

IV. 1 Prima igitur relatio principum fuit, ut duo Gordiani divi appellarentur. 2 Aliqui autem unum putant appellatum,seniorem videlicet, sed ego libris, quos Iunius Cordus affatim scripsit, legisse memini ambos in deos relatos, 3 si quidem senior laqueo vitam finivit, iunior autem in bello consumptus est, qui utique maiorem meretur reverentiam, quod eum bellum rapuit. 4 Post has igitur relationes praefectura urbi in Sabinum conl[oc]ata est, virum gravem et Maximi moribus congruentem, praetoriana in Pinarium Valentem.

4. 1 Therefore the first relatio of the leaders was that the two Gordians be appellated Divi. 2 Some, however, think that one was appellated, namely the elder; but I recall to have read in the books which Junius Cordus wrote abundantly that both were translated among the gods, 3 since indeed the elder finished his life by a noose, but the younger was consumed in war, who in any case merits greater reverence, because war snatched him away. 4 After these relationes, therefore, the Prefecture of the City was placed upon Sabinus, a weighty man and congruent with Maximus’s mores, the Praetorian (prefecture) upon Pinarius Valens.

5 Sed priusquam de actibus eorum loquar, placet aliqua dici de moribus atque genere, non eo modo quo Iunius Cordus est persecutus omnia, sed illo quo Suetonius Tranquillus et Valerius Marcellinus, quamvis Curius Fortunatianus, qui omnem hanc historiam perscripsit, pauca contigerit, Cordus vero tam multa, ut etiam pleraque vilia et minus honesta perscripserit.

5 But before I speak about their acts, it pleases me that some things be said about their manners and lineage, not in the manner in which Junius Cordus has pursued everything, but in that in which Suetonius Tranquillus and Valerius Marcellinus did; although Curius Fortunatianus, who wrote out this whole history, touched on few things, Cordus indeed on so many that he even wrote out very many vile and less honorable particulars.

V. 1 Maximo pater fuit Maximus, unus e plebe, ut nonnulli dicunt, faber ferrarius, ut alii, raedarius vehicularius fabricator. 2 Hunc suscepit ex uxore Prima nomine. Cui fratres quattuor pueri fuerunt, quattuor puellae, qui omnes intra pubertatem interierunt.

5. 1 Maximus’s father was Maximus, a man of the plebs; as some say, an iron-smith, as others, a raedarius, a vehicle fabricator. 2 He begot him by his wife named Prima. He had four brothers and four sisters, all of whom died before puberty.

3 Nato Maximo carnem bubulam et quidem multam aquila in cella eorum proiecisse fertur, quae angusto patebat inpluvio, eandemque, cum iaceret neque quisquam adtingere auderet religionis timore, iterum sustulisse et in proximum sacellum, quod erat Iovis Praestitis, detulisse. 4 Id eo tempore nihil visum est ominis habere, sed non sine causa factum probavit imperium. 5 Pueritiam omnem in domo patrui Pinarii fecit, quem statim ad praefecturam praetorii subvexit, ubi factus est imperator.

3 It is reported that, when Maximus was born, an eagle threw beef-flesh—indeed, much of it—into their cell, which opened by a narrow impluvium; and the same eagle, when it lay there and no one dared to touch it for fear of religious scruple, lifted it up again and carried it to the nearby sacellum, which was of Jupiter Praestites. 4 At that time this seemed to have nothing of an omen, but his imperium proved that it had not been done without cause. 5 He spent all his boyhood in the house of his paternal uncle Pinarius, whom he immediately elevated to the prefecture of the Praetorian Guard when he was made emperor.

6 Operam grammatico, rhetori non multum dedit, si quidem semper virtuti militari et severitati studuit. 7 Attamen militaris tribunus fuit et multos egit numeros et postea praeturam, sumptu Pescenniae Marcellinae, <quae> illum loco filii suscepit et aluit. 8 Inde proconsulatum Bithyniae egit et deinceps Graeciae ac tertio Narbonae.

6 He devoted effort to the grammarian, not much to the rhetorician, since indeed he always was devoted to military virtue and strictness. 7 Nevertheless he was a military tribune and commanded many units, and afterwards the praetorship, at the expense of Pescennia Marcellina, <who> received him in the place of a son and supported him. 8 Thence he held the proconsulship of Bithynia, and next of Greece, and, thirdly, of Narbonne.

9 Missus praeterea legatus Sarmatas in Illyrico contudit atque inde translatus ad Renum rem contra Germanos satis feliciter gessit. 10 Post haec praefectus urbi prudentissimus, [in] ingeniosissimus et severissimus adprobatus est. 11 Quare veluti <meritum> senatus ei, homini, quod non licebat, novae familiae, imperium tamen detulit, confessis omnibus eo tempore in senatu aptiorem non esse, qui deberet principis nomen accipere.

9 Sent moreover as a legate, he crushed the Sarmatians in Illyricum, and from there, transferred to the Rhine, he conducted the affair against the Germans quite successfully. 10 After these things, he was approved as the most prudent prefect of the city, [in] the most ingenious and the most severe. 11 Therefore, as if a <meritum>, the senate, to him—a man of a new family, which was not permitted—nevertheless conferred the imperium, all confessing at that time in the senate that there was no one more apt to receive the name of princeps.

VI. 1 Et quoniam etiam minora plerique desiderant, fuit cibi avidus, vini parcissimus, ad rem Veneriam nimis rarus, domi forisque semper severus, ita ut et tristis cognomen acciperet. 2 Vultu gravissimus et retorridus, statura procerus, corporis qualitate sanissimus, moribus aspernabilis ac tamen iustus neque umquam usque ad exitum negotiorum vel inhumanus vel inclemens. 3 Rogatus semper ignovit nec iratus est, nisi ubi eum irasci decuit.

6. 1 And since many also desire the lesser details, he was avid for food, most sparing of wine, in the matter of Venus excessively rare, always severe at home and abroad, such that he even received the cognomen “Gloomy.” 2 Most grave in countenance and with a withered look, tall in stature, very sound in bodily condition, disagreeable in manners and yet just, and never, right up to the conclusion of affairs, either inhuman or unmerciful. 3 When asked, he always forgave and was not angry, except where it was fitting for him to be angry.

4 Factionibus se numquam praebuit, iudicii tenax fuit neque aliis potius quam sibi credidit. 5 Quare et a senatu multum dilectus est et a populo timori habitus, si quidem sciebat populus eius censoriam praefecturam, quam videbat posse in imperio vehementius convalescere.

4 He never offered himself to factions; he was tenacious of judgment and trusted not others rather than himself. 5 Wherefore he was much beloved by the Senate and held in fear by the people, since indeed the people knew his censorial prefecture, which it saw could grow more powerfully in the imperium.

VII. 1 Balbinus nobilissimus et iterum consul, rector provinciarum infinitarum. 2 Nam et Asiam et Africam et Bithyniam et Galatiam et Pontum et Thracias et Gallias civilibus administrationibus rexerat, ducto nonnumquam exercitu, sed rebus bellicis minor fuerat quam in civilibus; attamen bonitate, nimia sanctitate ac verecundia ingentem sibi amorem conlocaverat.

7. 1 Balbinus, most noble and consul for the second time, a governor of countless provinces. 2 For he had governed Asia and Africa and Bithynia and Galatia and Pontus and the Thracias and the Gauls in civil administrations, with an army sometimes led, but he had been lesser in military affairs than in civil; nevertheless by goodness, excessive sanctity, and modesty he had secured for himself an immense love.

3 Familiae vetustissimae, ut ipse dicebat, a Balbo Cornelio Theofane originem ducens, qui per Gnaeum Pompeium civitatem meruerat, cum esset suae patriae nobilissimus idemque historiae scriptor. 4 Statura aeque procerus, corporis qualitate conspicuus, in voluptatibus nimius. Quem quidem adiuvabat divitiarum abundantia, nam erat et a maioribus dives et multa hereditatibus per se ipse collegerat.

3 He was of a most ancient family, as he himself used to say, drawing his origin from Balbus, Cornelius Theophanes, who through Gnaeus Pompeius had merited citizenship, since he was most noble of his own fatherland and likewise a writer of history. 4 In stature likewise tall, conspicuous for the quality of his body, excessive in pleasures. Him indeed the abundance of riches aided, for he was both wealthy from his ancestors and had by inheritances amassed many things on his own.

5 Eloquentia clarus, poemate inter sui temporis poetas praecipuus[u]. 6 Vini, cibi, rei Veneriae avidus, vestitu cultus, nec quicquam defuit. Quod illum populo non commendabilem redderet. Amabilis etiam senatui fuit.

5 Renowned for eloquence, in poetry foremost among the poets of his time[u]. 6 Avid for wine, food, and the affair of Venus, cultivated in dress, nor was anything lacking that would render him not commendable to the people. He was lovable even to the senate.

7 Haec de utriusque vita conperimus. Denique nonnulli, quemadmodum Catonem et Caesarem Sallustius comparat, ita hunc quoque conparandum putarunt, ut alterum severum, clementem alterum, bonum illum, istum constantem, illum nihil largentem, hunc afluentem copiis omnibus dicerent.

7 These things about the life of each we have ascertained. Finally, some, just as Sallust compares Cato and Caesar, thought that this man too should be compared, so that they would say the one severe, the other clement, that one good, this one constant, that one granting nothing by largess, this one affluent in all resources.

VIII. 1 Haec de moribus atque genere. Decretis ergo omnibus imperatoriis honoribus atque insignibus, percepta tribunicia potestate, iure proconsulari, pontificatu[m] maximo, patris etiam patriae nomine inierunt imperium.

8. 1 These things about the morals and the lineage. Therefore, with all imperial honors and insignia decreed, with tribunician power received, with proconsular right, with the supreme pontificate, and with the title Father of the Fatherland as well, they entered upon the imperium.

2 Sed dum in Capitolio rem divinam faciunt, populus R. imperio Maximi contradixit. Timebant enim severitatem eius homines vulgares quam et senatui acceptissimam et sibi adversissimam esse credebant. 3 Quare factum est, ut diximus, ut Gordianum adulescentulum principem peterent, qui statim factus est nec prius permissi sunt ad Palatium stipati armatis ire, quam nepotem Gordiani Caesaris nomine nuncuparunt.

2 But while they were performing a divine rite on the Capitol, the Roman people opposed the imperium of Maximus. For the common men feared his severity, which they believed to be most acceptable to the Senate and most adverse to themselves. 3 Wherefore it came about, as we have said, that they sought the adolescent Gordian as princeps, who was at once made; and they were not permitted to go to the Palatium, escorted by armed men, before they named Gordian’s grandson by the name of Caesar.

4 His gestis celebratisque sacris, datis ludis scaenicis ludisque circensibus, gladiatorio etiam munere Maxim[in]us susceptis votis in Capitolio ad bellum contra Maximinum missus est cum exercitu ingenti, praetorianis Romae manentibus. 5 Unde autem mos tractus sit, ut proficiscentes ad bellum imperatores munus gladiatorium et venatus darent, breviter dicendum est. 6 Multi dicunt apud veteres hanc devotionem contra hostes factam, ut civium sanguine litato specie pugnarum se Nemesis, id est vis quaedam Fortunae, satiaret.

4 With these things accomplished and the sacred rites celebrated, with scenic games and circensian games given, and even a gladiatorial munus, Maxim[in]us, vows having been undertaken on the Capitol, was sent to the war against Maximinus with an immense army, the praetorians remaining at Rome. 5 Whence, moreover, the custom was derived that emperors setting out to war should give a gladiatorial munus and venations, it must be said briefly. 6 Many say that among the ancients this devotio was performed against enemies, so that, with the blood of citizens offered in propitiation under the guise of combats, Nemesis—that is, a certain force of Fortune—might be sated.

7 Alii hoc litteris tradunt, quod veri similius credo, ituros ad bellum Romanos debuisse pugnas videre et vulnera et ferrum et nudos inter se coorientes, nec in bello armatos hostes timerent aut vulnera et sanguinem perhorrescerent.

7 Others hand this down in letters, which I think more likely, that Romans about to go to war ought to see combats and wounds and steel, and naked men rushing together among themselves, and not fear armed enemies in war nor shudder at wounds and blood.

IX. 1 Et Maximo quidem ad bellum profecto Romae praetoriani remanserunt. 2 Inter quos et populum tanta seditio fuit, ut ad bellumintestinumveniretur, urbis Romae pars maxima incenderetur, templa foedarentur, omnes plateae cruore polluerentur, cum Balbinus, homo lenior, seditionem sedare non posset. 3 Nam et in publicum processit, manus singulis quibusque tetendit et paene ictum lapidis passus est, alii dicunt, etiam fuste percussus est.

9. 1 And indeed, with Maximus having set out to war, the praetorians remained at Rome. 2 Between them and the populace there was such a sedition that it came to civil war, the greatest part of the city of Rome was set on fire, temples were defiled, all the streets were polluted with gore, while Balbinus, a gentler man, could not settle the sedition. 3 For he even went forth into public, stretched out his hands to each and every one, and he nearly suffered a blow from a stone; others say, he was even struck with a cudgel.

4 Neque sedasset tumultum, nisi infantem Gordianum purpuratum ad populum longissimi hominis collo superpositum produxisset. Quo viso populus et milites usque adeo placati sunt, ut amore illius in concordiam redirent. 5 Neque umquam quisquam in illa aetate sic amatus est merito avi et avunculi, qui pro p. R. contra Maximinum in Africa vitam finiverant; tantum apud Romanos memoria bonarum rerum valet.

4 Nor would he have settled the tumult, unless he had brought forth to the people the infant Gordian, invested with the purple, set upon the neck of a very tall man. At the sight of which the people and the soldiers were so appeased that, for love of him, they returned into concord. 5 Nor was anyone ever at that age so loved by reason of the merit of his grandfather and his uncle, who for the Roman People against Maximinus in Africa had finished their life; so much does the memory of good things prevail among the Romans.

X. 1 Maximo igitur ad bellum profecto senatus per omnes regiones consulares, praetorios, quaestorios, aedilicios, tribunicios etiam viros misit, ita ut unaquaeque civitas, ut per singulas urbes Maximinus fatigaretur. 2 Iussum tunc tamen, ut omnia ex agris in civitates colligerentur, ne quis hostis publicus inveniret. 3 Scriptum est praeterea ad omnes provincias missis frumentariis iussumque, ut, quicumque Maximinum iuvisset, inhostium numero duceretur.

10. 1 Therefore, with Maximus having set out to war, the senate sent through all regions men of consular, praetorian, quaestorian, aedilician, even tribunician rank, in such a way that each community should have someone, so that, through the several cities, Maximinus might be wearied. 2 It was then, however, ordered that everything from the fields be collected into the cities, lest any public enemy find anything. 3 Moreover, it was written to all the provinces, frumentary agents having been sent, and it was ordered that whoever had aided Maximinus should be counted in the number of enemies.

4 Inter haec Romae iterum seditiones inter populum et milites ortae sunt. 5 Et cum mille edicta Balbinus proponeret nec audiretur, veterani se in castra praetoria contulerunt cum ipsis praetorianis, quos coepit populus obsidere. 6 Nec umquam ad amicitiam essent redacti, nisi fistulas aquarias populus incidsset.

4 Meanwhile, at Rome again seditions arose between the people and the soldiers. 5 And while Balbinus was putting forth a thousand edicts and was not being heard, the veterans betook themselves to the praetorian camp together with the praetorians themselves, whom the people began to besiege. 6 Nor would they ever have been brought back to amity, had not the people cut the water-pipes.

7 In urbe autem, priusquam dictum esset milites pacatos venire, et tegulae de tectis iactae sunt et omnia, quae in domibus erant, vasa proiecta. 8 Atque ideo maior pars civitatis perit et multorum divitiae. Nam latrones se militibus miscuerunt ad vastanda ea, quae norant ubi repperirent.

7 In the city, however, before it was announced that the soldiers were coming peaceable, even tiles were thrown from the roofs, and all the vessels that were in the houses were cast down. 8 And therefore the greater part of the city perished, and the riches of many. For bandits mingled themselves with the soldiers to lay waste those things which they knew where to find.

XI. 1 Cum haec Romae geruntur, Maximus sive Puppienus apud Ravennam bellum paraba[n]t ingenti apparatu, timens vehementissime Maximinum, de quo saepissime dicebat se non contra hominem, sed contra Cyclopem bellum gerere. 2 Et Maximinus quidem apud Aquleiam ita victus est, ut a suis occideretur, caputque eius et filii perlatum est Ravennam, quod a Maximo Romam transmissum est. 3 Non tacenda hoc loco devotio est Aquileiensium pro Romanis, qui etiam crines mulierum pro nervis ad sagittas emittendas se dicuntur.

11. 1 While these things are being done at Rome, Maximus, or Pupienus, at Ravenna were preparing for war with an immense apparatus, fearing Maximinus most vehemently, about whom he very often used to say that he was waging war not against a man, but against a Cyclops. 2 And Maximinus indeed at Aquileia was so defeated that he was slain by his own men, and his head and his son’s were carried to Ravenna; this was sent on to Rome by Maximus. 3 Not to be passed over in silence here is the devotion of the Aquileians on behalf of the Romans, who are said even to have employed women’s hair as strings for shooting arrows.

4 Tantum sane laetitiae fuit in Balbino, qui plus timebat, ut hecatomben faceret, statim Maximini caput adlatum est. 5 Hecatombe autem tale sacrificium est: centum arae uno in loco caespiticiae extruuntur, et ad eas centum sues, centum oves mactantur. 6 Iam, si imperatorium sacrificium sit, centem leones, centum aquilae et cetera huius modi animalia[c] centena feriuntur.

4 So great, to be sure, was the joy in Balbinus—who had been more afraid—that he made a hecatomb; immediately the head of Maximinus was brought. 5 A hecatomb, moreover, is such a sacrifice: a hundred turf-built altars are erected in one place, and at them a hundred swine, a hundred sheep are slaughtered. 6 Now, if it be an imperial sacrifice, a hundred lions, a hundred eagles, and other animals of this sort, in hundreds, are struck down.

7 Quod quidem etiam Graeci quondam fecisse dicentur, cum pestilentia laborarent, et a multis imperatoribus id celebratum constat.

7 This indeed is said also to have been done by the Greeks formerly, when they were laboring under a pestilence, and it is established that it was celebrated by many emperors.

XII. 1 His igitur peractis Balbinus cum summa gratulatione Maximum redeuntem e Ravennati cum exercitu integro et copiis expectabat, 2 si quidem Maximinus ab oppidanis Aquileiensibus et paucis, qui illic erant, militibus et Crispino ac Menofilo consularibus, qui a senatu missi fuerant, victus est. 3 Ipse autem Maxim[in]us Aquileiam idcirco accesserat, ut omnia tuta et integra usque ad Alpes relinqueret ac, si quae essent barbarorum, qui Maximino faverant, reliquiae, compesceret.

12. 1 Therefore, these things having been done, Balbinus with utmost congratulation was awaiting Maximus returning from Ravenna with his army intact and his forces, 2 since indeed Maximinus was defeated by the townsfolk of Aquileia and by the few soldiers who were there, and by the consulars Crispinus and Menophilus, who had been sent by the senate. 3 But Maximus himself had come to Aquileia for this reason: that he might leave everything safe and intact as far as the Alps and, if there were any remnants of the barbarians who had favored Maximinus, restrain them.

4 Missi sunt denique ad eum legati senatores viginti, quorum nomina sunt apud Cordum, (in his consulares quattuor, praetorii octo, octo quaestorii) cum coronis et senatus consulto, in quo ei statuae auratae equestres decernebantur. 5 Ex quo quidem Balbinus subiratus est, dicens Maximum minus quam se laborasse, cum ipse domi tanta bella compressisset, ille autem otiosus apud Ravennam sedisset. 6 Sed tantum valet velle, ut Maximo, quia profectus est contra Maximinum, etiam victoria decerneretur.

4 Envoys were finally sent to him, twenty senatorial men, whose names are recorded by Cordus, (among these four consulars, eight praetorian, eight quaestorian) with crowns and a senatorial decree, in which golden equestrian statues were decreed to him. 5 From this, indeed, Balbinus was somewhat angered, saying that Maximus had labored less than he, since he himself had compressed such great wars at home, whereas that man had sat idle at Ravenna. 6 But so much avails willing, that to Maximus, because he set out against Maximinus, even victory was decreed.

Quam impletam ille nescivit. 7 Exercitu igitur suscepto Maximini ad urbem cum ingenti pompa et multitudine Maxim[in]us venit, maerentibus militibus, quod eum imperatorem, quem ipsi delegerant, perdiderant et oes habebant, quos senatus legerat. 8 Nec dissimulari potertat maeror, qui apparebat in frontibus singulorum; et iam quidem nec verbis abstinebatur, quamvis Maximus et apud milites saepe dixisset oblivionem praeteritorum esse debere et stipendia mnagna donasset et auxilia in ea loca, quae delegerant, dimisisset.

Which he did not know had been fulfilled. 7 Therefore, the army of Maximinus having been received, Maximus came to the city with huge pomp and a multitude, while the soldiers were mourning, because they had lost that emperor whom they themselves had chosen and had those whom the senate had chosen. 8 Nor could the grief be dissembled, which appeared on the brows of each; and now indeed they did not even refrain from words, although Maximus had often said among the soldiers that there ought to be oblivion of past things, and had donated great stipends, and had dismissed the auxiliaries to those places which they had chosen.

9 Sed animi militum semel inbuti odio refrenari nequeunt. Denique cum audissent senatus adclamatioines, quae milites tangerent, acriores contra Maximum et Balbienum extiterunt, secum cotidie cogitantes, quos imperatores facere deberent.

9 But the minds of the soldiers, once imbued with hatred, cannot be reined in. Finally, when they had heard the acclamations of the senate, which concerned the soldiers, they became more vehement against Maximus and Balbinus, daily thinking with themselves whom they ought to make emperors.

XIII. 1 Senatus consulti autem, quo moti sunt, haec forma est: cum ingredienti urbem Maximo Balbienus et Gordianus et senatus et populus Romanus obviam processissent, adclamationes primum publicae fuerunt, quae milites contingerent. 2 Inde in senatum itum est, ubi post illa, quae communia solent esse festa, dictum est: "Sapienter electi principes sic agunt, per inperitos electi principes sic pereunt," cum constaret a militibus factum Maximinum, Balbinum autem et Maximum a senatoribus.

13. 1 The form, moreover, of the senatorial decree by which they were moved is this: when, as Maximus was entering the city, Balbienus and Gordianus and the senate and the Roman people had gone forth to meet him, the first were public acclamations, which touched the soldiers. 2 Thence it was gone into the senate, where, after those festivities which are wont to be common, it was said: "Princes wisely chosen act thus, princes chosen through the unskilled perish thus," since it was established that Maximinus had been made by the soldiers, but Balbienus and Maximus by the senators.

3 His auditis milites gravius saevire coeperunt, in senatum praecipue, qui sibi triumphare de militibus videbatur. 4 Et Balbinus quidem cum Maximo urbem cum magna moderatione gaudente senatu et p. R. regebant; senatui plurimum deferebatur; leges optimas condebant, moderate causas audiebant, res bellicas pulcherrime disponebant. 5 Et cum iam paratum esset, ut contras Parthos Maximus proficisceretur, Balbinus contra Germanos, puer autem Gordianus Romae remaneret, milites occasionem quaerentes occidendorum principum, cum primo invenire vix possent, quia Germani stipabant Maximum atque Balbinum, cotidie ingravescebant.

3 With these things heard, the soldiers began to rage more fiercely, especially against the senate, which seemed to be triumphing over the soldiers. 4 And indeed Balbinus together with Maximus were governing the city with great moderation, while the senate and the Roman people rejoiced; very great deference was shown to the senate; they were establishing excellent laws, hearing cases with moderation, arranging military affairs most excellently. 5 And when now it had been prepared that Maximus should set out against the Parthians, Balbinus against the Germans, but the boy Gordian should remain at Rome, the soldiers, seeking an opportunity for killing the emperors, since at first they could scarcely find one, because the Germans were close-guarding Maximus and Balbinus, were growing more violent day by day.

XIV. 1 Et erant quidem discordiae inter Balbinum et Maximum, sed tacitae et quae intellegerentur potius quam viderentur, cum Balbinus Maximum quasi ignobilem contemneret, Maximus Balbinum quasi debilem calcaret. 2 Qua re occasio militibus data est intelligentibus facile discordes imperatores posse interfeci.

14. 1 And indeed there were discords between Balbinus and Maximus, but tacit ones and such as were understood rather than seen, since Balbinus contemned Maximus as if ignoble, while Maximus trampled Balbinus as if feeble. 2 Wherefore an occasion was given to the soldiers, understanding that discordant emperors could easily be killed.

ludis denique scaenicis, cum multi et milites et aulici occupati essent, et in Palatio soli cum Germanis principes remansissent, inpetum in eos fecerunt. 3 Turbantibus igitur militibus, cum primum nuntiatum esset Maximo turbam illam tempestatemque vix evadi posse, nisi ad Germanos mitteretur, et forte in alia parte Palati Germani cum Balbino essent, mittit ad Balbinum Maximus petens, ut ei praesidium mitteret. 4 Sed ille suspicatus, quod contra se eos peteret, quem p[ost]utabat monarchiam velle, primum frustatus est, deinde usque ad litem perventum est.

at the theatrical games, when many both soldiers and courtiers were occupied, and in the Palace the princes had been left alone with the Germans, they made an onslaught against them. 3 Therefore, as the soldiers were throwing everything into turmoil, when it was first reported to Maximus that that mob and tempest could scarcely be escaped unless he were sent to the Germans, and by chance in another part of the Palace the Germans were with Balbinus, Maximus sends to Balbinus, asking that he send him a guard. 4 But he, suspecting that he was asking for them against himself—whom he supposed to want monarchy—at first frustrated him; then it even came to a quarrel.

5 In hac tamen seditione illis contendentibus milites supervenerunt atque ambos eos nudatos vestibus regalibus de Palatio cum iniuris produxerunt et per mediam civitatem ad castra rapotare voluerunt magna ex parte laniatos. 6 Sed ubi conpererunt Germanos ad defensionem illorum supervenire, ambos occiderunt et in itinere medio reliquerunt. 7 Inter haec Gordianus Caesar sublatus a militibus imperator est appellatus id est Augustus, quia non erat alius in praesenti, insultantibus militibus senatui et populo, qui se statim in castra receperunt.

5 In this sedition, however, while they were contending, the soldiers supervened and led both of them, stripped of their royal garments, out from the Palace with outrages, and through the middle of the city they wished to drag them off to the camp, torn for the most part to shreds. 6 But when they learned that the Germans were coming up for their defense, they killed both and left them in the middle of the road. 7 Meanwhile, Gordian Caesar, lifted up by the soldiers, was entitled emperor—that is, Augustus—because there was no other at hand, the soldiers insulting the senate and the people, who at once withdrew into the camp.

8 Germani sane, ne sine causa pugnarent occisis iam imperatoribus suis, extra urbem, ubi suos habebant, se contulerunt.

8 The Germans, indeed, so as not to fight without cause, with their emperors already slain, withdrew outside the city, where they had their own men.

XV. 1 Hunc finem habuerunt boni imperatores, indignum vita et moribus suis: nam neque Maximo sive Pupieno fortius neque balbino benignius fuit quicquam, quod in re ipsa intellegi potest; neque enim, cum esset potestas, malos senatus eligeret. 2 Huc accedit quod multis honoribus ac potestatibus explorati sunt, cum alter bis consul et praefectus urbis, alter bis consul et praefectus ad imperium longaevi pervenissent, amabiles senatui et populoi etiam, qui Maximum iam leviter pertimescebant. 3 Haec sunt, quae de Maximo ex Herodiano, Graeco scriptore, magna ex parte collegimus.

15. 1 These good emperors had this end, unworthy of their life and morals: for nothing was braver than Maximus or Pupienus, nor anything more benign than Balbinus, which can be understood in the matter itself; for, when there was power, the senate would not choose bad men. 2 To this is added that they were tested by many honors and powers, since the one, twice consul and prefect of the city, the other, twice consul and prefect, had reached the imperial power at a great age, amiable to the senate and even to the people, who already were slightly fearing Maximus. 3 These are the things which about Maximus we have for the most part gathered from Herodian, a Greek writer.

4 Sed multi non a Maximo, verum a Puppieno imperatore victum apud Aquileiam Maximinum esse dixerunt, et iopsum cum Balbino esse occisum, ita ut Maximi nomen praetereant. 5 Tanta est autem historicorum inter se certantium inperitia vel usurpatio, ut multi eundem Maximum quem Puppienum velint dici, cum Herodianus, vitae suae temporum scriptor, Maximum dicat, non Puppienum, cum et Dexippus, Graecorum scriptor, Maximum et Balbinum imperatores dicat factos contra Maximinum post Gordianos duos et a Maximo victum Maximinum, non per Puppienum. 6 His accedit scriptorum inperitia, quae praef.

4 But many said that Maximinus was defeated at Aquileia not by Maximus, but by the emperor Pupienus, and that he himself was slain with Balbinus, in such a way that they pass over the name of Maximus. 5 So great, moreover, is the inexperience or usurpation of historians contending among themselves that many wish the same Maximus to be called Pupienus, although Herodian, a writer of the times of his own life, says “Maximus,” not “Pupienus,” and Dexippus too, a Greek writer, says that Maximus and Balbinus were made emperors against Maximinus after the two Gordians, and that Maximinus was conquered by Maximus, not through Pupienus. 6 To these is added the inexperience of writers, who pref.

praet. fuisse Gordianum parvolum dicunt, ignorantibus multis collo saepe vectum, ut militibus ostenderetur. 7 Imperarunt autem Maximus et Balbinus anno uno, cum Maximinus imperasset cum filio, ut quidam dicunt, per triennium, ut alii per biennium.

Besides, they say that Gordian was a very little boy, many being unaware that he was often carried on the neck, so that he might be shown to the soldiers. 7 Moreover, Maximus and Balbinus exercised the imperium for one year, whereas Maximinus had held the imperium with his son, as some say, for three years, as others, for two years.

XVI. 1 Domus Balbinis etiam nunc Romae ostenditur in Carinis, magna et potens et ab eius familia huc usque possessa. 2 Maximus, quem Puppienum plerique putant, summae tenuitatis, sed virtutis amplissimae fuit.

16. 1 The house of Balbinus is even now shown at Rome in the Carinae, great and potent, and possessed by his family down to this day. 2 Maximus, whom most think to have been Puppienus, was of the highest tenuity, but of most ample virtue.

3 Sub his pugnatum est a Carpis contra Moesos. Fuit et Scythici belli principium, fuit et Histriae eexcidium eo tempore, ut autem dexippus dicit, Histricae civitatis. 4 Dexippus Balbinum satis laudat et dicit forti animo militibus occurisse atque interfectum, ut mortem non timeret, quem omnibus disciplinis instructum fuisse dicit; Maximum vero negat eius modi virum fuisse, qualem Gaeci plerique dicerunt.

3 Under these, there was fighting by the Carpi against the Moesi. There was also the beginning of the Scythian war; there was also the destruction of Histria at that time—though, as Dexippus says, of the Histrian city. 4 Dexippus praises Balbinus sufficiently and says that, with a brave spirit, he went to meet the soldiers and was slain, so that he did not fear death; he says that he was furnished with all disciplines. As for Maximus, however, he denies that he was a man of such a kind as most Greeks said.

5 Addit praeterea, tantum contra Maximinum Aquileiensium odium fuisse, ut de crinibus mulierum suarum arcubus nervos facerent atque ita sagittas emitterent. 6 Dexippus etHerodianus, qui hanc principum historiam persecuti sunt, Maximum et Balbinum fuisse principes dicunt, delectos a senatu contra Maximinum post interitum duorum in Africa Gordianorum, cum quibus etiam puer tertius Gordianus electus est. 7 Sed apud Latinos scriptores plerosque Maximi[ni] nomen non invenio et cum Balbino Puppienum imperatorem repperio, usque adeo ut idem Puppienus cumMaximino apud Aquileiam pugnasse dicatur, cum memoratis hsitoricis asserentibus ne Maximus quidem contra Maximinum pugnasse doceatur, sed resedisse apud Ravennam atque illic patratam audisse victoriam: ut mihi videatur idem esse Puppienus qui Maximus dicitur.

5 He adds, moreover, that the hatred of the Aquileians against Maximinus was so great that they made bowstrings from the hair of their women and thus shot arrows. 6 Dexippus andHerodian, who have pursued this history of the principes, say that Maximus and Balbinus were princes, chosen by the senate against Maximinus after the death of the two Gordians in Africa, and along with them the boy, the third Gordian, was also elected. 7 But among most Latin writers I do not find the name of Maximi[ni], and with Balbinus I find Puppienus as emperor, to such a degree that the same Puppienus is said to have fought withMaximinus at Aquileia, whereas, with the aforesaid historians asserting that not even Maximus fought against Maximinus, it is shown that he sat at Ravenna and there heard the victory accomplished: so that it seems to me that Puppienus is the same as he who is called Maximus.

XVII. 1 Quare etiam gratulatoriam epistolam subdidi, quae scripta est a consule sui temporis de Puppieno et Balbino, in qua laetatur redditam ab his post latrones improbos esse rem p.: 2 "Puppieno et Balbino Augustis Claudius Iulianus. Cum primum Iovis Op. M. et deorum inmortalium senatusque iudicio et consensu generis humani suscepisse vos rem p. a nefarii latronis scelere servandam regendamque Romanis legibus.

17. 1 Wherefore I have also subjoined a congratulatory epistle, which was written by a consul of that time about Puppienus and Balbinus, in which he rejoices that the repub. has been restored by them after wicked bandits: 2 "To Pupienus and Balbinus, the Augusti, Claudius Julianus. Since at the first, by the judgment of Jove Best and Greatest and of the immortal gods and of the senate and the consensus of the human race, you have undertaken the commonwealth to be preserved from the crime of a nefarious bandit and to be governed by Roman laws.

Domini sanctissimi et invictissimi Augusti, quamquam nondum ex divinis litteris, sed tamen ex s[p]. c., quod ad me v. c. Celsus Aelianus collega transmiserat, conperissem: gratulatus sum urbi ROmae, cuius ad salutem estis electi, gratulatus senatui, cuius pro iudicio, quod in vos habuit, reddidistis prisnam dignitatem, gratulatus Italiae, quam cum maxime ab hostium vastatione defendistis, gradulatus provinciis, quas inexplebili avaritia tyrannorum laceratas ad spem salutis reduxistis, denique legionibus ipsius et auxiliis, quae ubique terrarum iam vultus vestros adorant, quod deposito dedecore pristino nunc in vestro nomine dignam Romani principatus speciem receperunt. 3 Quodcirca nulla vox <tam> fortis, nulla oratio tam felix, nullum ingenium tam fecundum numquam fuerit, quod possit publicam felicitatem digne exprimere. 4 Quae quanta et cuius modi si[n]t, iam in ipso exordio principatus vestri cognoscere potuimus, qui leges Romanas aequitatemque abolitam et clementiam, quae iam nulla erat, et vitam et mores et libertatem et spem successionum atque heredum reduxistis.

Lords most holy and most unconquered Augusti, although not yet from the divine letters, yet nevertheless from the s[p]. c., which to me, v. c., Celsus Aelianus, a colleague, had forwarded, I had learned: I offered congratulations to the city of Rome, for whose safety you have been chosen; I offered congratulations to the senate, to which, in return for the judgment which it had concerning you, you have restored its ancient dignity; I offered congratulations to Italy, which you have just now defended from the ravaging of enemies; I offered congratulations to the provinces, which, torn by the insatiable avarice of tyrants, you have brought back to a hope of safety; finally, to the legions themselves and to the auxiliaries, who everywhere on earth now adore your faces, because, with their former disgrace laid aside, now in your name they have received an appearance worthy of the Roman principate. 3 Wherefore no voice <tam> strong, no oration so felicitous, no genius so fecund has ever been, as could worthily express the public felicity. 4 How great these things are and of what sort, we have already been able to recognize at the very beginning of your principate, you who have brought back the Roman laws and the equity that had been abolished, and the clemency which now was none, and life and morals and liberty and the hope of successions and heirs.

5 Haec enumerare difficile est, nedum prosequi consentanae dicendi dignitate. 6 Nam quod nobis vita per vos reddita est, quam dimissis passim per provincias carnificibus sceleratus latro sic petit, ut se amplissimo ordini profiteretur iratum, quomodo dicam aut prosequar ? 7 Praesertim cum mediocritas mea non modo publicam felicitatem, sed ne peculiare quidem gaudium animi mei possit exprimere, cum eos Augustos et principes generis humani videam, quorum antehac perpetuo cultu mores et modestiam meam tamquam veteribus censoribus meis cuperem probata, et haec <etsi confirmata> esse confidam in priorum principum testimaniis, vestris tamen ut gravioribus iudiciis gloriater. 8 Di praestent praestabuntque hanc orbi Romano felicitatem.

5 To enumerate these things is difficult, still less to pursue them with the dignity of speech that is fitting. 6 For as to the fact that life has been restored to us through you, which, with executioners dispatched everywhere throughout the provinces, the wicked bandit so assailed that he professed himself irate against the most ample order, how shall I say it or pursue it ? 7 Especially since my mediocrity can express not only not the public felicity, but not even the particular joy of my spirit, since I behold those Augusti and princes of the human race, by whose perpetual cult I would wish my morals and modesty to have been approved, as by my ancient censors; and although I trust that these things are <although confirmed> in the testimonies of former princes, yet I shall glory the more in your judgments as weightier. 8 May the gods grant and will grant this felicity to the Roman world.

Nam cum ad vos respicio, nihil aliud optare possum, quam quod apud deos dicitur victor Carthaginis precatus, ut scilicet in eo statu rem p. servarent, in quo tunc esset, quod nullus melior inveniretur. 9 Ita ego precor, ut in eo statu vobis rem p. servent, in quo eam vos adhuc nutantem collocaritis."

For when I look toward you, I can wish nothing else than what the victor of Carthage is said to have prayed before the gods, namely, that they keep the republic in that status in which it then was, since no better could be found. 9 Thus I pray that they keep the republic for you in that status in which you have set it, still tottering."

XVIII. 1 Haec epistola probat Puppienum eundem esse, qui a plerisque Maximus dicitur. 2 Si quidem per haec tempora apud Graecos non facile Puppienus, apud Latinos non facile Maximus inveniatur, et ea, quae gesta sunt contra Maximinum, modo a Puppieno modo a Maximo acta dicantur.

18. 1 This epistle proves Puppienus to be the same who by very many is called Maximus. 2 Since indeed at this time among the Greeks Puppienus is not easily found, among the Latins Maximus is not easily found, and the things which were done against Maximinus are said to have been carried out now by Puppienus, now by Maximus.